The problem of the authenticity and divine status of the image of heavenly virgins in Mari mythology

Ilikaev Aleksandr ORCID: 0009-0003-6773-9053 PhD in Politics Associate Professor, Institute of Humanities and Social Sciences, Ufa University of Science and Technology Zaki Validi str., 32, Ufa, Republic of Bashkortostan, 450076, Russia jumo@bk.ru Other publications by this author

The images of celestial maidens in Mari mythology are archetypal (more often than not, even a specifically separate character Yumynudyr is the Daughter of Heaven / God, according to A. Y. Kaliev, who is key in the picture of the world) ^{[12, p. 85]}. The scientist believed that the figure of Yumynudyr is in many ways similar to the Kalevala "Ilmarinen's wife", Louhi's daughter ^{[12, p. 98]}. In addition, images of celestial maidens are found in the mythology of the Finns, Karelians, Komi and Mordvins.

But if Komi has only one bright image of the heavenly virgin Zaran – the daughter of Shondi, the sun, then Mordvins have a pantheon of heavenly maidens much richer. First of all, these are the daughters of the supreme god Nishke and the goddess Ange-Patiai – sisters (twins?) Castargo and Vecorgo. In addition, the goddess Ange-Patyai herself can act as a celestial maiden. Purgine Paz's wives, earthly girls: Litova, Vasalga, Syrzha, Danaya, can also be attributed to the number of "heavenly juniors" (in the exact expression of Yu. A. Kaliev) ^{[21, pp. 310-315]}. Mari mythology knows similar heroines, appearing, for example, in the myth "Piyambar", fairy tales "Daughter of Heaven", "Daughter of the swan Yuktalche", "Daughter of the goddess of the sun", "Silver-headed Pazi", "Silver-toothed Pampalche", "Forty-one foals", the myth "From where the month of May got its name", the legend "About the origin of the names of the days of the week": Piambar/Piambar ^{[17, pp. 62-63]}, Yymyn Ydyr ^{[17, pp. 76-78]}, Yuktalche ^{[14, pp. 82-85; 13, pp. 189-190]}, Kechavi udyr ^{[15, pp. 179-187]}, Aktavi (y) ^{[14, pp. 6-10]}, Pampalche ^{[13, pp. 148-154]}, the nameless bride of the heavenly youth Ulema ^{[13, pp. 155-158]}, May ^{[7, pp. 13-15]}, Sulykai/Piambar ^{[5, pp. 220-221]}. Moreover, K. A. Chetkarev, at one time noting the archaism and originality of such texts ^{[13, pp. 159-160]}, noted that, for example, the plot of the fairy tale "Forty-one Foals" is completely peculiar and has no analogues among other peoples of the Ural-Volga region ^{[13, p. 189]}. It is especially important to indicate to researchers that the image of the swan maiden of Yuktalche dates back to the time when the transition to the paternal family had already begun, but totemic beliefs were still alive ^{[24, p. 477]}. At the same time, it is characteristic that K. A. Chetkarev notes that the fairy tale was recorded before the revolution, bringing to our time the most ancient mythological ideas, subsequently forgotten by the people ^{[13, p. 190]}.

Of undoubted interest is the mention of the following theonyms in the conspiracies: Kugo Yumyn suksyn udyrzho (Daughter of Kugo Yumo), Purysho Yumyn suksyn udyrzho (Daughter of the God of Predestination) and Kudyrcho suksyn udyrzho (Daughter of the god of Thunder). According to the text of the archaic spell "Combo aralyme Yu" ("Magical goose protection"), the above-mentioned celestial maidens help gray, white and black geese to hatch eggs in the clouds ^{[12, pp. 213-214]}. In other conspiracies, we can also talk about manifestations of the power of heavenly virgins, which evil spirits cannot cope with. For example, the Daughter of Kugo Yumo sows miraculously ascending barley, and the Daughter of the predestinating God and the Daughter of the thunder God, respectively, spelt and millet ^{[12, p. 136]}. In another conspiracy, Yumynudyr winds seventy-seven strong ropes, and the Daughter of the predestinating god sings seventy-seven songs ^{[12, pp. 214-215]}.

Some researchers consider the image of Yumynudyr to be the only proper mythological image in Mari mythology. For example, S. B. Filatov, without denying Marie's preservation of prayers to the ancient gods, writes that "mythology has been preserved very poorly" ^{[9, p. 22]}. According to this author, the work of the Russian writer Ye. is allegedly the main source for the reconstruction of stories about the Mari gods. Chirikova (1864-1932) ^{[9, p. 22]}. However, K. I. Sitnikov rightly pointed out that the legend of the daughter of God itself, not counting the publications of other authors, goes back to the retelling of the Mari ethnogenetic tradition published in the article by S. A. Nurminsky (1862) ^{[9, p. 27]}. Nevertheless, as stated in the note to this story published in the collection of Mari folklore, the Mari source of the record has not yet been found. The most complete text has been preserved only in the Russian transmission, more precisely as part of the story by E. Chirikov ^{[17, pp. 78, 269]}.

It is characteristic that a similar skepticism about the Mordovian goddess Ange-Patyai existed and still exists today. Currently, some researchers believe that Mordvins have never had any English, and therefore her daughters Kastargo and Vecorgo (for example, N. F. Mokshin). These images allegedly became a figment of the imagination of the writer P. I. Melnikov and were explained by his desire to liken the Mordovian pantheon to the ancient Greek one ^{[18, p. 44]}. Other scientists, for example I. Maskaev, give arguments confirming the authenticity of information about the English ^{[2, pp. 10-11]}.

In our opinion, most likely, Mari once had a number of myths about celestial maidens, similar to the myths about Piambar, Yymyn Ydyr, Yuktalche, Kechavi udyr, etc., but subsequently unwritten (or not yet discovered in the archives of ethnographic expeditions) and forgotten. Although it is quite problematic to reconstruct myths based on conspiracy texts, nevertheless, by themselves they quite vividly draw images of the Yumynudyr and other celestial maidens mentioned in them.

First of all, the actual myth is the text about Piambar, the daughter of Yumo, who, contrary to her father's will, marries Kuryk Kugu Eаa, an earthly deity. Subsequently, Piambar, banished from the sky along with a herd of domestic animals, and her husband become keremets revered by the Mari, and Piambar is also the patroness of women [17. pp. 62-63].

It is noteworthy that only in E. Chirikov, in the latest record (the beginning of the twentieth century), the legend of the daughter of God is most expanded, besides, only in it there is a motive for the overthrow of Keremet ^{[12, p. 148]}. However, in our opinion, even in this case it would be wrong to say that E. Chirikov's version is a literary variation of the Mari myth, especially a hoax. Firstly, there is a variant of the myth in P. V. Znamensky's retelling, which says that from the marriage of a heavenly daughter and an earthly youth came children who gave rise to the Mari people, as well as information from S. K. Kuznetsov, which provides some details about the Humo family in heaven ^{[12, p. 148]}. Secondly, there is a similar Chuvash legend about the death of Keremet ^{[8, pp. 3-4]}. Thirdly, as already mentioned above, the Mari people have preserved a similar tradition about Piambar and Kuryk Kugu Ee (Kugyrak) ^{[17, pp. 62-63; 5, p. 116]}. Fourth, already in the second half of the last century, researchers recorded Mari fairy tales about heavenly virgins who marry earthly inhabitants, and then take the latter with them to heaven (or leave them on earth, running away from them). For example, the tale of Yymyn Ydyr. At the same time, the plots of some fairy tales about the sons of heaven (yymyn erge), similar to the Mordovian myths about the earthly brides of Purgin-Paz, could include the motif of washing a heavenly youth in a bathhouse, stealing his clothes by a girl ^{[17, pp. 90-92]}.

Nevertheless, Yumynudyr, as well as Piambar, as the daughters of the supreme god Kugo-Yumo, have the highest status among all the noted "heavenly juniors", converging in their descriptions and significance with the Mordovian goddess Ange-Patiai ^{[12, pp. 85-146]}. In the published texts of myths, Yumynudyr and Piambar, as a rule, do not indicate any sisters ^{[12, pp. 148-149]}, although it can be concluded from fairy tales that the first of them is an older sister living in heaven ^{[13, pp. 148-154]}. So, in one of the Mari fairy tales, instead of the traditional heroine Shi Puan Pampalche (Silver-Toothed Pampalche) and her heavenly sister, the "Silver-headed Pazi" (A. Genets's entry) and his brother Actavius, who lives on a high mountain, are mentioned. It is possible that the last name is (feminine!) It goes back to the ancient Turkic language and denotes the concepts of "white", "pure", "innocent"; "truthful"; "needlewoman"; "yolk of an egg" ^{[26, p. 52]}. In addition, the first woman from the Sami myths Akka "woman"; "old woman", as well as An, the wife of Omol, is known ^{[21, p. 159]}.

At the same time, it is necessary to immediately note such a feature of Yumynudyr, as well as images close to it, that they do not have a separate cult. True, Piambar can be revered as keremet, but only together with her husband Kuryk Kugu Eom and at the local level, among some groups of Mari people who worship Kugyrak as the supreme deity instead of Kugo-Yumo. According to A. Y. Kaliev, this happened due to the fact that Yumynudyr, on the one hand, as an extremely archaic image, and on the other, which developed into a folklore and fairy tale, was replaced by cults of the supreme gods, led by Osh Poro Kugo Yumo, more relevant for pastoralists and farmers. That is, Yumynudyr ceased to be an independent character and turned into a character only present in the texts of conspiracies as one of the daughters, albeit of the highest deity in the pagan pantheon ^{[12, p. 136]}.

To clarify the above, it is enough to turn to such an authoritative publication, which is used by modern Mari maps (priests) almost as a kind of Bible – "Yumyn Yula" (Divine Faith). The book was prepared by the scientist N. S. Popov and the supreme expert A. I. Tanygin. The work lists and describes in detail only various humo, ava, purysho, sukso, as well as kuguraks, kurds (including as lower deities with their own local cults) ^{[23, p. 270]}.

Thus, the question of the divine status of celestial virgins in the Mari and other Finno-Ugric mythologies is inextricably linked with the question of their origin and most characteristic features. However, since this range of problems is quite complex in itself, requiring separate consideration, we will focus only on some of its key aspects.

Yu. A. Kaliev rightly points out that the image of various kinds of maidens of natural elements, similar to the Mari Yumynudyr, is common among the Baltic-Finnish peoples, Mordvins. The scientist even makes a guess, although it is stipulated that it requires special research, that the origin of these mythological characters dates back to the contacts of representatives of the Balanov and Volosov archaeological cultures ^{[12, p. 86]}. It is believed that the Volos Neolithic community was associated with the ancestors of the Finno-Ugric peoples, whose main occupations were hunting and fishing ^{[12, pp. 82-83]}.

If we look at the problem from this point of view, it becomes obvious the deep archaism of the images of celestial maidens, mistresses of the elements in the myths of the Finns, Karelians, Komi and Mordvins ^{[10, pp. 472-482]}. The assumption of Yu. A. Kaliev that the Mari Shochyn-Ava in many ways resembles the image of Ilmatar is quite convincing. In addition, the scientist compares the latter with Wood-Ava, the "mother of water", pointing out that Ilmatar was originally the goddess of celestial space and only then descended into the bosom of the waters and became the personification of a completely different element ^{[12, pp. 197, 199]}. In the texts of the Mari myths, where Shochyn-Ava (or its analogue Yumyn-Ava) appears, we are really talking about the foremothers and the water surface. So, at noon, after bathing in the river, Shochyn-Ava, together with Tu-Yumo, generates the first human pairs ^{[25, pp. 26-27]}. In the recording by M. I. Ivanov, Yumyn-Ava arrives from the Pleiades star cluster (Duck Nest, Star Lake) in the form of a duck and lays eggs on the surface of the primeval ocean ^{[10, pp. 147-148]}. It is also possible that the image of the goddess Kava does not go back to the Islamic concept of kaaba and is close to the Baltic-Finnish theonym Kava, one of the names of Ilmatar ^{[10, p. 168]}. Similar ideas, apparently, underlie the image of the Udmurt goddess Invuma, the mother of "heavenly water" ^{[6, p. 107; 21, p. 237]}. Rainwater, that is, heavenly water, was revered by Marie as the ideal of purity ^{[12, p. 116]}.

Yu. A. Kaliev, comparing the images of Yumynudyr and Pampalche, rightly notes the importance of such a feature of celestial maidens in Mari mythology as a connection with the element of water. Yumynudyr personally descends from the sky for spring water. Pampalche was promised as a wife to the water lord ^{[12, pp. 117, 126-127]}. It is not for nothing that the Milky Way was often called not only the Wild Goose Road, but also the Heavenly River ^{[12, p. 116]}. Thus, the very original hypostasis of Yumynudyr as the mistress of animals and birds was closely connected not only with the image of the Star Lake (Pleiades), but also with the image of the Heavenly River, which served as a road and watering place for the heavenly herds.

However, Yu. A. Kaliev, in our opinion, is somewhat carried away by the later image of Yumynudyr as an exemplary hostess, including water carriers and brewers. This forces him to pass by the archaic image of the Heavenly River and consider, following B. A. Rybakov, the heavenly waters as a characteristic mythologeme of the agricultural and pastoral society ^{[12, p. 151]}. Moreover, Yu.A. Kaliev, analyzing the above-mentioned text of the conspiracy involving Yumynudyr, as well as the daughters of the God-predestiner and the God of Thunder, comes to the conclusion that since Yumynudyr in this text is engaged in "not her own female labor" (meaning growing barley), this is only an unsuccessful attempt to fit the ancient image into the new myth of the heavenly farmer Humo ^{[12, pp. 136-137]}. First of all, it is not entirely clear why the cultivation of barley should be "not women's work", whereas, most likely, it was women's hoe farming that preceded more progressive methods of grain production. It is also not very convincing that this could be explained by the desire to incorporate the image of Yumynudyr into the "context of the pagan pantheon at any cost, to create an image of a heavenly family where the upper gods would have their daughters" ^{[12, p. 137]}.

In our opinion, these arguments partially repeat the thesis, once expressed by N. Matorin, and then repeated by R. G. Akhmetyanov, that in the religious representations of the peoples of the Ural-Volga region, the "nepotism of deities", when deities create entire family circles, as in the most developed and elaborated mythological systems, is not clearly found ^{[18, pp. 43-44; 3, p. 11]}. The same N. Matorin believed that, for example, neither monotheism nor the trinity are applicable to the Volga religions, where the multitude of gods does not form a single family under the rule of the supreme god. On the contrary ... separate families of deities arise around each more or less significant phenomenon of nature" ^{[18, p. 44]}. However, there is every reason to believe that such an assessment does not fully correspond to reality, at least with regard to the pantheon of Mordvins in the version recorded by P. I. Melnikov. It is no coincidence that M. Matorin considers it important to emphasize the allegedly unreliable nature of P. I. Melnikov's information, trying to present the Mordovian pantheon with the likeness of ancient Greek ^{[18, p. 44]}. Another thing is that the researcher's remark contains, in our opinion, a certain rational grain. It lies in the fact that the images of the same celestial maidens in Mari mythology, primarily the image of Yumynudyr, were not the usual images of the supreme celestial goddesses and had the most direct relation to the cult of ancestors (the dead). At the same time, it would be wrong, as M. Matorin does, to reduce such characters simply to ordinary natural spirits ^{[18, pp. 43-44]}.

Also in this regard, N. Matorin's scheme looks too crude, according to which the Finno-Ugric peoples of the Volga-Kama region made too abrupt a transition from worshipping the spirits of the elements to worshipping the gods in the image of the Tatar khans and therefore could not create images of "real" gods ^{[18, p. 44]}. Apparently, R. G. Akhmetyanov's hypothesis is based on it, that the alleged figure of Piambar-Puyyrsho, the daughter of the messenger of Humo and the wife of tribal heroes and gods like Kugurak, became a reinterpreted image of a female messenger in Bulgaria of the Volga-Kama ^{[3, p. 53]}. Indeed, the theonyms Piambar, Puyrsho and the like are Turkic-Islamic borrowings, however, the name Yumynudyr, found in the lyrics of the songs, conspiracies has a native Mari and Finno-Ugric origin. Ignoring this fact, you can come to the wrong conclusions.

But what are the myths about the earth goddess among the peoples of the Ural-Volga region? At one time, K. A. Chetkarev thought about this. Speaking about the "cosmic goddesses", the mothers of the earth, sky, wind, etc., he said that there are no special legends about them yet. But there are, for example, legends about the daughter of heaven, the sister of the sun, etc. ^{[27, p. 176]}.

Thus, the question of the divine status of the Yumynudyr cannot be considered resolved. Firstly, P. I. Melnikov noted the existence of the goddess Ange-Patyai in Mordovia, not only in descriptions similar to the Mari heavenly maidens, but also sacrifices to her in special sacred groves ^{[19, pp. 96-138]}. Secondly, even N. P. Rychkov in the XVIII century mentioned the cults of many Mari goddesses, to whom women and girls prayed and offered sacrifices ^{[9, p. 64]}. The cults of the supreme goddesses were also known to the Udmurts: Kyldyn Mumas, Kaldyk/Kaltak Mums ^{[9, pp. 205-206]}. At the same time, the "daughter of Yumo", like, for example, the "son of Yumo", did not stand out in any special way in the texts of prayers to the higher gods led by Osh Poro Kugo Yumo. In the prayer groves, individual trees or bonfires were also not dedicated to children. Usually a separate tree, most often a lime tree, had Yumyn-Ava or Shochyn-Ava. Tulava was in charge of the campfires accordingly ^[22]. As mentioned above, Piambar was revered by some Mari groups. So, residents of the village of Starootkustino (Bashkiria) still worship Mer Kugu EҥU (Kugyrak) and his wife Piambar. As V. Vasimov notes, in the houses in front of the hearth, the Old Austenians, even during the author's youth, arranged "sacraments", that is, they read prayers and offered sacrifices to the souls of Kugyrak and his wife Piambar when an adult or an elderly person fell ill. The local Mari believed that this was their ancient prince (Kugyrak) He came to take this person to himself. And people asked Kugyrak and Piambar not to do this, because it is too early for a person to go to the gods and asked the patient to heal ^{[5, p. 199]}. At the same time, there were sacred trees in the sacred grove -onapu Mlanda Ava, Keche (Kave?), Mardezh Ava and Mer Kugu Ea. The Onapu dedicated to Piambar was missing or has not been preserved ^{[5, pp. 29-30]}.

It seems that here we are dealing with the most archaic origins of the images of matriacentric deities, which were originally the heavenly virgins in Mari mythology, as well as in the mythologies of other Finno-Ugric peoples ^{[11, pp. 542-553]}. In the cult of Piambar, we see a clear indication of its connection with the cult of ancestors (the dead), as well as pronounced protective and magical functions of the deity.

A. Y. Kaliev, L. A. Abukayeva, as well as other scientists have collected significant material, including references to the "daughter of Humo" in folk songs ^{[12, pp. 41-42]}. Most often, the "daughter of God" appeared in them only as a metaphor for some kind of supreme perfection: "like the daughter of Humo...", "like the daughter of Humo", etc. ^{[1, p. 346]}. In favor of the significance and importance of the image of Yumynudyr-Piambar for Mari, despite the absence of her cult as a goddess (not keremet), there are also similar moments with the corresponding images of the neighboring Finno-Ugric peoples. For example, a separate cult of the goddess Ange-Patyai among Mordvins has long disappeared, not to mention the cults (if there were any at all) of her daughters – Kastargo and Vecorgo. There are few references to Rauni, the wife of the Finnish thunderer Ukko. Some researchers consider the goddess Rauni to be a fiction and even a reinterpreted epithet of Ukko himself or the designation of a simple pile of stones ^{[21, pp. 99-100]}. It is also believed that there were no special separate cults of the maidens of the natural elements, which are found on the pages of the Kalevala and these are just "poetic metaphors". In extreme cases, they were likened to spirits, personifications of various kinds of indefinite natural phenomena, such as beregin, rozhanits, fevers among the Slavs, Nicks among the Germans. Sometimes it is even suggested that the image of Ilmatar, the daughter of the air, was created by E. Lennroth and had no real basis in Karelo-Finnish mythology ^{[9, p. 190]}.

A. Y. Kaliev's arguments about the inconsistency of the divine status of the Yumynudyr, in our opinion, can be expanded and clarified. Apparently, we are talking about the difference between mythology and religion. According to S. A. Tokarev, although there is a close connection between them, their sources are different. Religion is born out of a person's desire to control natural forces unknown to him. Mythology is based on the desire to explain the surrounding reality. Therefore, it is not surprising that the most archaic myths of the peoples of Australia, Oceania, Africa and America often do not mention any supernatural beings at all and in fact are etiological fairy tales explaining the appearance of certain objects, animal features, natural phenomena, etc. The situation is somewhat more complicated with the explanation of the emergence of social and moral norms ^{[20, p. 377]}. It is a deep enough remark that ancient religions, especially in non-written, pre-state societies, were generally quite independent of beliefs. The latter, in the absence of approved canons of religion, represented a certain independent interpretation by people of obligatory, strictly and even minutely observed rituals ^{[20, p. 378]}.

Summing up the article on the authenticity and divine status of the image of Yumynudyr (heavenly virgin) in Mari mythology, it is necessary to refer to the hypothesis of Yu. A. Kaliev about the evolution of this image. It is based on the following two provisions: 1) Yumynudyr appeared as the first anthropomorphic image "in the canvas of the astral model of the upper world" ^{[12, p. 86]}; 2) during the development of Marie's religious ideas, her image was "overthrown" and turned first into the personification of maiden virtues, and then completely into an aquatic, underground, even a lower house spirit ^{[12, p. 162-163]}. The first thesis can be accepted, although with some reservation (it is unclear why Humo, for example, was not the first anthropomorphic astral image). The second statement of the scientist needs clarification.

The fact that in Mari mythology there are no examples of the "overthrow" of the same "sons of heaven", giant demigods like Onar descending on a rainbow mare, is not surprising. Archaic matricentric deities were inevitably discredited under the conditions of the onset of patriarchy, while male deities only increased their importance. Nevertheless, Yu. A. Kaliev's attempts to identify spirits like Kudertkuva (Old Woman at home), Yudkuva (Old Woman of the Night) with Yumynudyr look strained. Certain parallels with the image of the Vichyudyr (virgin of the Vyatka River), often mentioned in conjunction with the Kugy ^{[12, p. 256]}, are more convincing. Nevertheless, it is unlikely that based on this, it can be concluded that the image of Yumynudyr as an ideal hostess or water spirit has become a "reduced" version of the former matriacentric mistress. It seems that it is no coincidence that Yumynudyr (like other celestial maidens) still occupies one of the most important places in Mari mythology, while never mixing with the image of Yumyn Ava, the divine mother.

To resolve this contradiction, we can refer to the opinion of P. L. Belkov, who points out that in primitive religions the images of higher beings, namely demiurges, creators of the world, people and culture, have not yet separated from the images of other mythological heroes. Their functions at this stage of the development of beliefs have not yet been fully defined. However, it would be too simple a decision to represent the further historical evolution of such images of higher beings in the form of a simple ridding of the original images of archaic features, their "clarification" and concretization ^{[4, p. 141]}. Therefore, it is worth saying with caution that the images of celestial maidens in Mari mythology, in particular the image of Yumynudyr, must have existed first in the images of the supreme celestial goddesses, and then turned out to be "overthrown", flattered and devalued to images of folklore, fairy-tale or local characters. It is also worth recognizing that, on the whole, it is not very successful and not entirely scientific idea that the images of "real" goddesses in Mari mythology did not have time to form, being replaced by images of servants of the Tatar khans. Most likely, despite a number of common features and typological affinity, the ideas about heavenly virgins could have a very different origin within the framework of the mythological and religious views of one or another ethnic group or even its tribal groups. It is possible that in some cases, indeed, a kind of creativity could take place (not excluding even the creativity of the collectors of folklore themselves), which generated "poetic metaphors" in folk songs and conspiracies. In others, there are remnants of ancient myths about the goddesses of the masters of the elements and their daughters, as well as preserved local religious cults.