Library
|
Your profile |
Sociodynamics
Reference:
Odegova K.I., Moskvin A.S.
The attitude of the Tatars of the Kirov region (Russia) to religious rites
// Sociodynamics.
2024. № 7.
P. 24-34.
DOI: 10.25136/2409-7144.2024.7.71224 EDN: ULHQFQ URL: https://en.nbpublish.com/library_read_article.php?id=71224
The attitude of the Tatars of the Kirov region (Russia) to religious rites
DOI: 10.25136/2409-7144.2024.7.71224EDN: ULHQFQReceived: 03-07-2024Published: 10-07-2024Abstract: In modern Russia, much attention is paid to the preservation of cultural traditions of different peoples and faiths, but at the same time many aspects remain undisclosed in research. A rich material for study exists in the multiethnic and multicultural Kirov region. Tatars occupy the second largest population in the region and have their own rich cultural traditions based on Islam and influencing the culture of the region. The purpose of the research is to study the attitude of Tatars to religious rituals on the example of the Kirov region. To achieve this goal, ethnosociological expeditions were undertaken in 2018-2023 to the Malmyzhsky and Kilmezsky districts of the Kirov region as one of the most representative areas where the Tatar population lives. Within the framework of the expeditions, methods of included observation were used, as well as interviews in the form of interviews. As a result, the attitude of the Tatars towards such religious ceremonial as the obligatory observance of prayer, marriage (nikyah), the prohibition on eating pork, as well as the special position of women was revealed. As the study showed, Tatars in the Kirov region do not have a canonical manifestation of the foundations of Islam, but a folk faith characterized by a simplified perception of these foundations: not all Tatars observe the fivefold prayer, some of them also eat pork. It remains important for the Tatar population to observe the nikyah rite at marriage, but at the same time there is a relaxation in choosing a partner – he can be of any nationality, but must be a Muslim or convert to Islam. There are certain changes in the situation of women: there are no restrictions on their rights and freedoms, and not all Muslim women adhere to a strict and closed style of dress. In addition, the Tatars' desire to combine the traditional way of life with the modern dominant culture, as well as with other national cultures of the region ("neighborly mutual assistance", holding various festivals of traditional cultures, assimilation of Tatars) was revealed. It was concluded that the attitude towards traditional confessional rituals in the Tatar community is softened and does not imply strictness in observance. The results of the study are useful for building intercultural communications between various stakeholders (government, business, non-profit organizations). Keywords: confession, confessional rituals, multiculturalism, Kirov region, Tatars, Islam, interfaith interaction, observation, interview, visual analysisThis article is automatically translated. Introduction. In the multiethnic and multicultural Kirov region, according to the All-Russian Population Census of 2020, Tatars, who have their own rich cultural traditions, occupy the 2nd place in terms of population. The highest level of localization of the Tatar population in the region is observed in the Malmyzhsky, Vyatsko-Polyansky, Kilmezsky and Urzhumsky districts bordering or located close to the Republic of Tatarstan. The main identifying feature of the Tatar culture of the Kirov region is the religion of Islam, which defines the ceremonial side of the activity of the Tatars. The prescriptions of the Muslim faith act for them as the only possible model of behavior that determines the unique appearance of this ethnic group. It is this fact that allows us to speak about the Tatar and Islamic cultures as a syncretic ethno-confessional phenomenon. The purpose of the study is to study the attitude of the Tatars of the Kirov region to confessional rituals on the example of the Kizmez and Malmyzhsky districts of the Kirov region. These territorial formations are among the most representative districts of the region, where a fairly large percentage of the Tatar population lives (13.5% and 32.1%, respectively). Research methods. The study used the method of unstructured visual included observation, as well as the method of formalized interview. These methods were used in the framework of ethnosociological expeditions in 2018-2023 to the following settlements of the Kirov region: the city of Malmyzh, the village of Kalinino, the urban-type settlement of Kilmez, the village of Tat-Kilmez, the village of Chetai. 16 respondents were interviewed to study the attitude of Tatars to religious rituals and relationships with other peoples and faiths. Socio-demographic and ethno-confessional characteristics of the respondents: age over 60 years; 6 men and 9 women are Tatars and Muslims, 1 informant is a woman, Russian, Orthodox. The degree of scientific development. On the one hand, this topic is considered in works devoted to the study of problems of intercultural interaction in general. This group of studies includes the works of V.S. Ageev, V.I. Lyakh, L. Van, B.R. Mogilevich, E.G. Pylaeva [1-4] and others. On the other hand, publications related to the study of intercultural interactions in the Kirov region are an important basis for our research. These are the works of M. D. Ostrovsky's "From the History of Vyatka Foreigners" [5] and D.C. Waugh's "Networking in the Russian North: The Karino Tatars" [6], a series of works "Original Vyatka: History and Culture" edited by A. G. Polyakov and L. G. Sakharov [7], as well as "The European North in cultural andhistorical process" and "History and Culture of the Volga-Vyatka region" edited by V. V. Nizov [8; 9]. The above-mentioned studies are complemented by works devoted to the study of the relationship of the Tatars with other peoples [10]. The ritualism of the Tatars is considered in the works of R.B. Sadykova and D.R. Sharafutdinov, G.B. Sayfutdinova, R. Urazmanova [11-13], etc. Some features of the specifics of the Kryashen Tatar faith and the process of interaction with Muslim Tatars are considered in the works of E.D. Barkar, R.R. Iskhakova, R.M. Gibadullina [14-16]. At the same time, it is the attitude of the Tatars of the Kirov region to confessional rituals that has not yet been the subject of analysis in scientific discourse. This circumstance determines the scientific novelty of the presented research. The results of the study. Despite some outflow of the Tatar population from the Kirov region (about 36.5 thousand people in 2010, 26.1 thousand in 2020) and constant ethno–confessional interaction, settlements remain in the Kilmez and Malmyzhsky districts, whose inhabitants honor the traditions of the Tatar people and Islam. Thus, various Muslim religious organizations operate in the districts. In the Kilmez district, this is a Local Muslim religious organization (hereinafter MMRO) (Mahalla) of the village of Kilmez and MRG D. Tarkhan, mosques have been built in both settlements. The Malmyzhsky district is represented by a large number of organizations: MRG D. Arable, MMRO S. Ajim, MMRO S. Horns, MMRO S. Konstantinovka, MMRO D. Novaya Smail, MMRO D. Salkyn-Chishma, MMRO D. Stary Iryuk, MMRO D. Novy Iryuk, MRG D. Aktobe, MRG S. Savali, MMRO D. Tat-Verh-Gonba and MMRO "Mahalla" G. Malmyzh. There is a mosque in almost every of the listed settlements [17]. In both districts there are local history museums dedicated to the preservation and translation of the material culture of the Tatars and other peoples, and local national and cultural autonomies of the Tatars operate. In addition, almost every year the Vyatka Lapot festivals are held in the village of Kilmez and the Kazanskaya Fair in Malmyzh, where decorative and applied arts, national cuisines and costumes, creative teams that reveal the entire national flavor of the region are popularized. But, despite such a large number of Muslim religious and secular organizations conducting their active activities related to the Tatar population [18, p. 63], today Tatars who observe absolutely all the prescriptions of their faith are rarely found in the Kirov region. This is mainly due to the processes of assimilation, globalization, as well as the dominance of mass culture. Nevertheless, in villages with exclusively or predominantly Tatar populations (Tat-Kilmez, Chetai in Kilmez or Tat-Verh-Gonba, Iryuk, Smail in the Malmyzhsky districts), the traditional way of Muslim life is still preserved: conservatism, unswerving adherence to traditions and customs, observance of the basic dogmas of religion. At the same time, as field studies have shown, it is often not the canonical manifestation of the foundations of Islam, but the popular faith, characterized by a simplified perception of these foundations. An important component of the Muslim culture and religion of Islam is the Koran, which contains the main commandments and canons of Islam, according to which every Muslim should live, therefore, knowledge of the Koran and the ability to read it plays an important role in the life of a Muslim. But in practice, many modern Muslims have problems with Arabic, the original language of the Quran [19, p. 21]. As the informant notes: "We read the prayer in Arabic. We read it. Some... we read it, we don't understand it, we haven't studied it, we don't understand it. Here are some, the Koran has a translation. If you read the Quran, then you need to read the translation. It is also necessary to know what Allah says" [1]. That is, ignorance of the language makes it much more difficult to understand the basics of the Islamic faith. One of the most common religious rituals of the Tatars of the Kirov region is the obligation to observe namaz, a daily five–fold prayer. The family of the informant from the village of Tat-Kilmez uncompromisingly follows this rule: "We do prayer five times a day, we are very afraid of God. Morning prayer at two o'clock we get up at night. At noon at one o'clock we read and now at half past six, after sunset, half past nine, and the evening at eleven. We pray, we have peace everywhere."[2] However, this family is rather an exception, since most Tatars do not observe this rule: "Well, it does not always work out five times, so I do not consider myself a true Muslim, because a true Muslim recites prayer five times" [3], says another informant. Daily visits to the mosque are also not common among Tatars. As the informant notes [4], three to four people come to prayer on weekdays (Fig.1). On Friday, with the beginning of fasting or on a holiday, the number of believers who came to prayer increases significantly. It is not mandatory for women to attend the mosque, but this does not exempt them from prayer at home. That is, there is some simplification of the basics of Islam (namaz is not recited 5 times a day and not together in a mosque). But at the same time, Muslims understand that this way of life leads them away from the true faith.
Fig. 1. Mosque of Kilmez village, Kirov region. Photo by the author from the 2018 expedition.
A special rite in Tatar culture is the prohibition on the consumption of pork. There is no consensus on the reasons for this ban in the Tatar environment. So, the informant claims that it is a sin for representatives of all nationalities to eat pork: "even a Russian, even a Tatar, no matter who, a domestic pig is a cursed person" [5], whom Allah turned into an animal for his sins. Another informant believes that pork should not be consumed, since once "a wild boar dug up the grave of the prophet" [6]. The modern point of view is that a pig is anatomically similar to a human, and to use it means to eat your own kind, but many interviewed believers consider this opinion to be a myth. However, not all Tatars adhere to such a zealous attitude towards compliance with this prohibition. For example, an informant, being a Muslim, secretly uses pork from a more devout wife: "Sometimes I bring lard from Kilmesi, I hide it over there. I'll go and cut it off, I'll eat a little there, I'll wipe the knife. He'll find out, Duck won't even give him a knife. But you still want to eat" [7]. It can also be seen as a manifestation of some personal relaxation in relation to the observance of the foundations of Islam and as an adaptation to modern realities (the possibility of eating any kind of meat). The nikah wedding ceremony is also particularly significant, which can be compared in symbolic meaning with the Christian wedding ceremony. Nikyakh has a clear ritual: during it, mandatory actions are performed (for example, a marriage contract is drawn up – meher), the necessary speech formulas are pronounced, certain attributes are used, due to local conditions and which have become an ethnic tradition [13, p. 32]. As the informant says, nikyah used to be read the very next day after the groom brought the bride home [8]. Nikyah is read by a mullah, a servant of the religious cult of Muslims. The words spoken by him during the ceremony are not clear to many, however, they have such a deep meaning that people believe that "when nikyah is read, even when the river flows, it can stop" [9]. Only the closest relatives from the outside, both the groom and the bride, are invited to conduct the ceremony, who bring and give the dowry: "now they mostly give money, they put envelopes on a tray, and who brought what, gifts, a dress there" [10]. A prerequisite for the ceremony is the girl's special clothes: a long dress with long sleeves, a scarf on her head and stockings. Conducting this ceremony gives the right, both for the joint family life of the newlyweds, and for the official registration of marriage, with which they usually take their time: "there is already a wedding to do in a month or half a month, as convenient as possible" [11]. This suggests that the main thing in the Tatar wedding tradition is not its formal component, but its religious one, which once again confirms the importance of "one's" faith in everyday life. A special place in Tatar rituals is society's representation of the position of women in the Muslim tradition, but the enslavement, restriction of their rights and freedoms has long been a sociocultural myth. In the Tatar villages of the Kirov region, a woman is a full-fledged participant in public life: she gives birth and raises children, runs a household, works, and communicates. The mosque has a separate prayer hall for women from the men (Fig. 2). The tradition of bride kidnapping is a thing of the past, and weddings are held exclusively by mutual consent of the bride and groom. At the same time, the Tatars are now relaxing the ban on marriages with representatives of other nations. The main condition here remains confessional affiliation: "if a person who accepts our faith, religion, even though he is Tatar, even though he is Udmurt, even though he is Russian, then of course, and so negatively" [12].
Fig. 2. Prayer hall in the mosque of the village of Kilmez, Kirov region. Photo by the author from the 2018 expedition.
The main prohibition that still applies to women is her appearance and clothes. According to Islamic tradition, a woman is not allowed to walk with naked body parts and without a headscarf: "According to religion, a woman should not show her body to other men," [13] says the informant. However, this prohibition is not respected by all. Mass culture and close proximity to other nations influenced the appearance of not only the young, but also the older generation: "Before, God forbid that we were without a scarf, without stockings, but now, even though we are not young anymore... [the woman shows that she is wearing a short-sleeve robe, without stockings, in short socks]" [14]. Peaceful coexistence of Russians, Tatars, Mari and Udmurts is the main characteristic of the ethnoconfessional environment of the Kirov region. Despite the significant differences in traditions, customs and beliefs, the Tatars do not allow themselves to speak negatively about other peoples, perceiving them not through the prism of the opposition "friend / foe", but through the category of "others", "not like us". So, a Muslim girl says that she treats other peoples well, and "it doesn't matter who is by nationality at all, as long as people are normal" [15], and another informant advises "to live together, love each other" [16] and never do harm to anyone. At the same time, such goodwill is not one-sided; Russian Orthodox residents who live next to the Tatars also speak positively about them, considering them kind and responsive. So, a passerby in the village. Kilmez says: "When I needed help, I always run to the Tatars, they never refuse anywhere. I've never lived in a village all my life, then I lived here in Kilmesi, where I have Tatar neighbors. They always helped."[17] Russians are interested in Tatar culture, and, as the informant says, they even "watch Kazan and other Tatar channels" [18]. Conclusions. Thus, the precepts of faith act as the only possible, normal standard of relationships, lifestyle and actions of the Tatars. In any national traditions and customs, family and social relations, they lay down the meaning and those ritual actions that their religion dictates to them, their "own" faith – Islam. In the process of the existence of Tatar culture in a multicultural environment, society has developed a diverse attitude to confessional rituals: sacrifice, prayers (namaz), and the prohibition of eating pork are not strictly limited, while the wedding ceremony is still of great importance in the life of the Tatars of the Kirov region. It should also be noted that despite the fact that Tatars strive to carefully preserve elements of the traditional way of Muslim life, close cohabitation with representatives of other cultures, primarily Russian, leads to an often unconscious transformation of their national culture and its assimilation.
[1] Informant No. 12, der. Tat-Kilmez. Tatar, Muslim. [2] Informant No. 3, der. Tat-Kilmez. Tatar, Muslim. [3] Informant No. 6, der. Tat-Kilmez. Tatar, Muslim. [4] Informant No. 5, der. Tat-Kilmez. Tatar, Muslim. [5] Informant No. 12, der. Tat-Kilmez. Tatar, Muslim. [6] Informant No. 4, der. Tat-Kilmez. Tatar, Muslim. [7] Informant No. 9, der. Go ahead. Tatar, Muslim. [8] Informant No. 11, der. Tat-Kilmez. Tatar, Muslim. [9] Informant No. 2, der. Tat-Kilmez. Tatar, Muslim. [10] Informant No. 9, der. Go ahead. Tatar, Muslim. [11] Informant No. 11, der. Tat-Kilmez. Tatar, Muslim. [12] Informant No. 3, der. Tat-Kilmez. Tatar, Muslim. [13] Informant No. 3, der. Tat-Kilmez. Tatar, Muslim. [14] Informant No. 10, der. Tat-Kilmez. Tatar, Muslim. [15] Informant No. 7, village. Kilmese. Tatar, Muslim. [16] Informant No. 12, der. Tat-Kilmez. Tatar, Muslim. [17] Informant No. 8, village. Kilmese. Russian, Orthodox. [18] Informant No. 1, der. Tat-Kilmez. Tatar, Muslim. References
1. Ageev, V.S. (1990). Intergroup interaction. Social and psychological problems. Moscow: MSU.
2. Lyakh, V.I., Wang, L. (2022). Intercultural interaction in the context of globalization: cultural research. Culture in the focus of scientific paradigms, 14-15, 151-158. 3. Mogilevich, B. R. (2008). The current stage of global intercultural interaction // News of the Volgograd State Pedagogical University, 8(32), 69-72. 4. Pylaeva, E. G. (2010). Interaction of subjects in the process of intercultural communication. Science and modernity, 6-1, 204-207. 5. Ostrovskaya, M. D. (1912). From the history of Vyatka foreigners. Kazan: Typo-lithography of the Imperial University. 6. Waugh, D.C. (2018). Networking in the Russian North: The Karino Tatars. Russian History, Vol. 45, Issue 1: Special Issue: Festschrift to the honor of Ann Kleimola, Part II, 1-28. Retrieved from https://brill.com/view/journals/ruhi/45/1/article-p1_1.xml 7. Original Vyatka: history and culture: collection of scientific works. Ex. for Youth Affairs of the Kirov Region, Historical and Cultural Youth Scientific. Island "Original Vyatka", Phil. Moscow State Industrial University in Kirov; [editor: A. G. Polyakov, L. G. Sakharova, S. A. Kosolapov]. Kirov: Original Vyatka [and others], 2008-2011. 8. The European North in the cultural and historical process: (To the 625th anniversary of the city of Kirov): Materials of the International. conf. [Ans. ed. – Viktor Valentinovich Nizov]. Kirov: Kirov. region local historian museum. Swede. crops center, 1999. 9. History and culture of the Volga-Vyatka region: (to the 90th anniversary of the Vyatka Academic Architectural Commission): Abstract. report and message to interregion scientific conf., Kirov, October 18-20, 1994. [Editorial committee: V.V. Nizov (chief editor), etc.]. Kirov: Volgo-Vyatka book. Publishing house: Kirov branch, 1994. 10. Danilko, E. S. (2010). Tatars in ethnically mixed settlements of the Ural-Volga region: features of intercultural interactions. Ethnographic Review, 6, 54-65. 11. Sharafutdinov, D.R., & Sadykova, R.B. (2012). Family and calendar customs and rituals of the Tatars. Kazan: Main Archival Department under the Cabinet of Ministers of the Republic of Tatarstan. 12. Sayfutdinova, G. B. (2011). Islam and traditional children’s rituals of the Tatars of the late XIX – early XX centuries. Bulletin of the Kazan State Energy University, 3(10), 88-93. 13. Urazmanova, R. (2009). “Muslim” rituals in the everyday life of the Tatars. Russia and the Muslim world, 6, 29-45. 14. Barkar, E. V. (2010). Kryashen. History and popular religiosity between Christianity and Islam. Proceedings of the State Museum of the History of Religion, 10-1, 29-34. 15. Iskhakov, R. R. (2013). Mythology of the Kryashen Tatars in the mirror of religious ritual: agrarian cults. Scientific Tatarstan, 1, 46-65. 16. Gibadullin, R. M. (2019). Collisions of Tatar-Muslim and Kryashen identities: experience of socio-anthropological rethinking. Islam and Islamic studies in modern Russia: collection of reports of the All-Russian Islamic Studies Forum, Makhachkala, September 27-28, 2019. Makhachkala: Limited Liability Company "ALEF", 293-302. 17. Activities of religious organizations. ECOM Business Directory. Retrieved from https://www.yecom.ru/category/913100/region/43 18. Zorin, V. (2009). Religions and confessions of the Volga Federal District. Russia and the Muslim World, 12, 57-63. 19. Ibragimov, M. M., & Ibragimova, E. M. (2016). Religious traditions of urban Muslims in a multiethnic environment. Society: sociology, psychology, pedagogy, 2, 20-22.
Peer Review
Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
|