Databases on the history of local population migrations in Russia at the end of the XIX – XX centuries: Information capabilities and processing methods (Part II, databases of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation)

Dyachkov Vladimir Lvovich ORCID: 0000-0003-3365-9111 PhD in History Associate Professor, Department of History, G.R. Derzhavin Tambov State University 392036, Russia, Tambov region, Tambov, Kommunalnaya str., 70, sq. 27 mayormp@mail.ru Other publications by this author

Let us remind ourselves that in the first part of the article (see the publication in "Historical Informatics", 2022, No. 2), information opportunities for studying migrations based on local data covering a century period (late XIX – XX centuries) were shown: these are pre-revolutionary parish registers, Soviet statistics of registry offices for individual rural and urban the materials of the All-Russian and All-Union population censuses and other census documents containing information about the movement of the population at the micro level of individual settlements, as well as replenished "author's" databases. In the second part of the article, we present our experience of working with sources of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation, which provide a lot of information about the migration movements of specific people from different regions of the country.1. Opportunities and ways of working with mass data on the dead and awarded

 The Ministry of Defense has created great opportunities for historians by compiling and sharing databases (hereinafter DB) for tens of millions of Soviet citizens who died (OBD "Memorial" ^[17]) and awarded (OBD "Feat of the People" ^[18]).

Based on these materials of the Central Archive of the Ministry of Defense (CAMO), arranged according to dozens of parameters of related (!) personal information, as well as according to regional, district and city military enlistment offices, the regional authorities prepared and published in printed and electronic form the corresponding Books of Memory (KP) of fellow countrymen who died on the fronts of World War II, and and those who returned home alive (in the Tambov case, the sub–regional KP "Returned with a Victory") ^{[19] [21]}.

Analyzing these data, we relied on a certain part of the literature used to prepare the article as a whole. In the second part of the article, first of all, we had in mind studies on migration processes during the Great Patriotic War and the post-war years ^{[1] [2] [3] [4] [5] [13] [14] [15] [16]}. We also refer the reader to his previous works, in which the factors of migration processes and some results of the application of the methods considered in the article to the study of specific migration processes were considered in detail. ^{[6] [7] [8] [10] [11] [12]}.

So, what about migrations can we get from the lists of the dead (the Memorial Database)? Comparing the place of birth (MR) and year of birth (GR) of the person involved with the place and time of his conscription into the Red Army with a high representativeness of personalities gives a very accurate idea of the volume and direction of emigration from their native places. Information about the whereabouts of close relatives (first of all, the wife, as well as parents for young unmarried soldiers) of the deceased "migrant" allows us to indirectly judge the degree of completeness and nature of migration (moving with parents, with his wife, getting married in a new place of residence, leaving for work when leaving his wife in his native locality (NP).

Our sources allow us to identify and illustrate with Tambov examples the following mass types of long-distance, "ambitious" pre-revolutionary and interwar migration (migration outside the native region): a) forced repressive individual or family expulsion (for example, pre-revolutionary sectarians or Soviet-era repressed); b) families with young children pushed out by hunger strikes (Hero of the Soviet Union (SSS) D.F. Rzyanin); c) "Wittevsko-Stolypin" resettlement; d) modernist initiative individual or family relocation to work or study (Heroes of the Soviet Union Ya.M. Sinev, V.I. Lakhonin, V.E. Ryvzh, V.V. Benke, D.N. Parovatkin, etc.); e) Soviet voluntary-compulsory organ recruitment; f) family relocation in connection with the transfer of the father in the service (Hero of the Soviet Union V.N. Pchelintsev); g) settling at the place of military service after the First World War and the Civil War, "military revolutionary" non-return (Generals D.I. Averkin, E.S. Alekhine, I.A. Bogdanov, D.I. Zaev, A.P. Pokrovsky, V.I. Uranov, M.S. Khozin); h) the return of a migrant father with a family acquired in the Tambov region in his native region (Hero of the Soviet Union A.P. Voloshin, Turkic-Tatars who worked or served in the Tambov province during the First World War).

Such a search in our rural settlements (SNP), which did not know evacuation and refugee from their native places, is simpler and "cleaner" compared to raking the migration "porridge" in the frontline and abandoned regions. Military personnel (first of all, pre–war officers) in the majority do not have an indication of the place of conscription, but nevertheless, in cases of the SNP as an MP, they should be allocated to a special group of emigrants, because they, in principle, could not serve in their native villages (Fig. 1-3).

Fig. 1. Comparative movement of the indices of the years of birth (GR) of the deceased natives of the Tambov region (TO) and the indices of their emigration to the metropolitan regions, to Transcaucasia and Central Asia and the rest of the USSR (movement of % of those called up to the Red Army outside the GR) in 1881 – 1928. Compiled by the DB "Memorial". (Fig. 1. Comparative movement of the indices of years of birth (GR) of the dead natives of the Tambov region. (TO) and indices of their emigration to the capital regions, the Transcaucasus and Central Asia and other regions of the USSR (the movement of % of those drafted into the Red Army outside the TO according to the GR) in 1881 - 1928 years of birth. Compiled according to OBD "Memorial".)

An example of a single rhythmic activation of populations by the synergism of a 28-year cycle with regional differences in the defeat of large wars. Abbreviations and terms used in the legend of the drawing: "Sr. Az.", "SA" – Central Asian Soviet republics, "WK" – Transcaucasian Soviet republics, "MO" – Moscow region, "LO" – Leningrad region; "dirty" emigration index – obtained by searching for the tag of the name of the region receiving migrants without adding search results by the tag of the city center of the receiving region. An example of an algorithm for obtaining a "pure" emigration index: (Genus: Tambov region./Draft: Georgian SSR) + [(Born: Tambov region./Call: Tbilisi) – (Born: Tambov region/ Call: Tbilisi, Georgian SSR)].

Fig. 2. Comparative movement of GR indices and emigration indices (movement of % of those drafted into the Red Army outside their native region by GR) in 1881 – 1928. born in the Tambov region and in three regions of Siberia. Compiled by the DB "Memorial". (Fig. 2. Comparative movement of GR indices and emigration indices (movement of % of those drafted into the Red Army outside their native region according to GR) in 1881-1928. birth in the Tambov region. and in three regions of Siberia. Compiled according to OBD "Memorial".)

Migration indices work as markers of social activity (aggression), mobility of the population (Fig.3).

Fig. 3. Emigration indices in the 1890s -1930s from various types of SNP in the Tambov region; transit of districts - North – South. Compiled by the DB "Memorial". Administrative division of the 1940s – 1950s. Demonstration of the "incident of the village". (Fig. 3. Emigration indices in the 1890s–1930s from various types of SNPs in the Tambov region; transit areas - North - South. Compiled according to OBD "Memorial". Administrative division of the 1940s - 1950s Demonstration of the "incident of the village.")

Increased social aggressiveness of villages as a historical type, as well as "settlements", "courtyards", "repairs", "settlements", etc., rhythmically distinguished from the primary, "old" villages during intermediate overpopulations and consisting of a more active and prolific (due to youth and mixing) population

Fig. 4. Migrations of the 1890s-1930s from rural subregions of the Tambov region: 1) red marker – the share (%) of male emigrants among boys born; 2) yellow marker – the share (%) of migrants to Moscow, St. Petersburg-Leningrad and other cities outside the Tambov region. Orange fill – subregions of birth from the "demographic bag", texture fill rural subregions with a near and "capacious" city of attraction (Tambov, Kozlov-Michurinsk, Morshansk, Rasskazovo, Kotovsk). Compiled by the DB "Memorial". (Fig. 4. Migrations in the 1890s–1930s from rural sub-regions of Tambov oblast: 1) red marker - share (%) of male emigrants in the number of males born; 2) yellow marker - share (%) of migrants to Moscow, St. Petersburg-Leningrad and other cities outside the Tambov region. Orange shading - sub-regions born from the "demographic bag", texture shading - rural sub-regions with a nearby and "capacious" city of attraction (Tambov, Kozlov-Michurinsk, Morshansk, Rasskazovo, Kotovsk). Compiled according to OBD "Memorial".)

Demonstration of the combined effect of the "demographic bag" factor as a cradle of increased social aggression and the factor of proximity and transport accessibility of the regional center as a channel for repayment of "ambitious" migration.

The Memorial Database has structural distortions and performance quality problems due to the properties of the reflected object and the "human factor" in the creation of the source. The former include almost exclusively (up to 99.8%) the "male" and "dead face" of the subject/object, the latter include under–accounting, repetitions, incompleteness of information, not the best literacy and sometimes sophisticated spelling of places of birth, surname, patronymic, places of conscription, etc., multiplied by the incessant decades of changes in administrative-territorial division of the country, renaming, changes in the army system, in the rules of drafting documents and accounting terminology.

The villages of Sychevka and Yaroslavka, specially chosen for study, were lucky at least in that their district, with all the changes in size and subordination, remained Nikiforovsky. Two years ago, the printed Books of the memory of Nikiforovsky district were also lucky in that they were almost perfectly translated by graduate students into electronic tables in Excel format with fundamental simplification and acceleration of their processing. But in all other respects, the data on the people of the Nikiforovsky district in the Memorial Database and in the printed Book of Memory of the Nikiforovsky district created on its basis turned out to be among the most "dirty", defective subregional Memory Books of the Tambov region. Thus, the key indication of the place of birth for us is missing in 1734 (27.2%!) of the 6385 Nikiforov dead. Based on the "nest" surnames, the share of such a defect for Sychevka and Yaroslavka is 27.8% (241 people out of 867 dead reliable and probable natives of these villages noted in the Printed KP). The unpleasant "loss" of the year of birth is not so significant among the dead Nikiforovites – 2.2%.

Here and further, we use the "Nikiforov" examples only as the most recent of the design developments of migrations at the microlevel of individual settlements. At the levels of regions, macro-regions and countries, the sources of the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation often show much more complicated accounting patterns, which the researcher must understand if he does not want to get a "thoughtful" fake at the exit. So, due to the fact that the Great Patriotic War not only did not stop, but for various reasons and motives spurred administrative-territorial redrawing and renaming, natives, conscripts, awardees, dead and survivors of the same pre-war and current districts and regions have to search for a variety of different "tags". If this is not done, then the huge and not seen proportions of under-accounting (up to 80%), which differ, in addition, in the structure of years of birth, time of conscription and death, will distort and cross out with a false result all the good intentions of the researcher. First of all, this correction is mandatory in cases with the 13 regions of the RSFSR created in 1943 - 1944, as well as with regions "broken" due to the potential and/or actual collaboration of part of their population. However, in the second case, the then not always righteous and certainly illegal actions of the state made a paradoxical "gift" to the migration researcher, allowing them to read their directions, volumes and structure very productively by searching for old and new names – "Chechen-Ingush ASSR – Grozny region", "Kabardino-Balkarian ASSR – Kabardian ASSR", "ASSR of Volga Germans – corresponding districts of the Saratov region".

It is highly desirable to search by different tags-the names of districts, regions, territories, cities that were redrawn and renamed in the interwar and postwar periods. The "addition" to the search results by the main name can in these cases reach a quarter. Thus, the number of dead soldiers born in Karelia and found in the Memorial Database under the tag "Karelian" is 11.4% of the number of natives of the same region found under the tag "Karelo-Finnish". Approximately the same "dobor" (11.04%) gives the city of Perm as the place of birth to the city of Molotov, and those found by the MR tag "Far Eastern Region" and "DVK" account for 25.8% of those born under the label "Primorsky Krai". The ratio of the MR – Krasnogvardeysk of the Leningrad region to the historical MR – Gatchina is 78.1% at all.

Another significant problem in the calculations of macro-regional and all-Union migrations according to the Memorial Database is recorded by the Union republics with regional divisions.

On the one hand, one should not forget the different spellings in the Memorial database of the names of the Union republics – for example, by place of birth and place of conscription, the search ratios "Ukrainian SSR"/"Ukrainian SSR" and "BSSR"/"Belarusian SSR" look, respectively, as 1.61% and 0.06% for Ukraine and as 10.9% (!) and 0.35% for Belarus. Despite the insignificance of the shares under the tag "Ukrainian SSR", there are 22 thousand dead Soviet soldiers behind it.

On the other hand, there are already fundamental differences between the "dirty" search-taking into account the names of the SSR with regional division (and this, in addition to the USSR and the BSSR, also 5 Central Asian SSR) and a concretized search for the sometimes changeable names of the regions that made up such SSR. We will add to the found those who were recorded behind the regional center without specifying the region and the republic itself. By the way, such a collection of "naked" regional centers should be made in all other regions of the USSR, and especially in Moscow and Leningrad. "Technically," such "exposure" is performed in the example with Moscow as follows: from the result obtained in the search for the tag "Moscow", the result of the search for the tag "Moscow region, Moscow" is subtracted As a result, such a "clean" accounting more than doubles, raises both absolute values in immigration calculations, and and the share of immigrants from the SSR with regional division, "squeezing", respectively, the share of immigrants from other regions of the USSR (Table 1).

Table 1. Macroregional sources of immigration to the Tambov region and Moscow by "dirty" and "clean" searches in the Memorial Database; ("the place of conscription in the Red Army is the place of birth; % of those born in the macroregion of the exodus in the total number of immigrants). (Tab. 1. Macro-regional sources of immigration to the Tambov region and Moscow on "dirty" and "clean" searches in the Memorial Database; "place of conscription in the Red Army - place of birth; % of those born in the macro-region of origin in the total number of immigrants".)

*For Moscow – only the Moscow region, except Moscow as MR

Source: DB "Memorial"

Notes. CPR – Central Industrial region; S.-Z. – North-West of the RSFSR; DV – Far East; CDR – Central Chernozem region.

Fig. 5. Emigration directions of the 1880s – 1930s from 8 regions of Russia, % among emigrants from their native region. Compiled by the DB "Memorial". (Fig. 5. Directions of emigration in the 1880s - 1930s from 8 regions of Russia, % among emigrants from their native region. Compiled according to OBD "Memorial".)

The "roses" of emigration in the pre-war years from the villages of Yaroslavka and Sychevka of the Nikiforovsky district of the Tambov region, according to the Memorial Database, clearly show the primacy of Moscow and the Moscow region, the second place of the nearest city of Michurinsk, a significant share of Leningrad and the Leningrad region, as well as the few facts of moving to almost all areas of the Soviet Union – from Lviv to In the West to Vladivostok, from Murmansk in the North to Azerbaijan in the south.

The geography of the birthplaces of the bearers of the 16 "iconic" surnames of Yaroslavka and Sychevka, according to the Memorial databases, the Feat of the People card files, first of all showed their prevalence in the Nikifrovsky and neighboring districts of the Tambov region, as well as their frequent occurrence in other Central regions of the RSFSR, in a slightly smaller proportion in Siberia. Sharp differences in the prevalence of Yaroslavl-Sychev surnames according to the Database "Victims of political terror in the USSR" ^[20] in favor of the Southern Urals, Siberia and Kazakhstan indicate that repression overtook these descendants of migrant activists in the typical places of settlement of its pre-revolutionary "agrarian emigrants" in Tambov region.

The Memorial database and the Book of Memory "Returned with a Victory" allowed us to show the structure of regions and subregions of the birth of immigrants of pre-war, war and post-war time to the Nikiforovsky district of the Tambov region. The predominance of the facts of returning to their homeland turned out to be obvious. According to the Memorial Database, much larger shares of the capital regions, Donbass, and western regions of the USSR as places of origin of immigrants to the Nikiforovsky district were provided with evacuation, refugee and return migration of the beginning of the Great Patriotic War.

The study of the regions of evacuation to the Tambov region, determined by the materials of the State Archive of Socio-Political History of the Tambov Region (GASPITO) on January 1, 1942, showed a clear predominance of refugees from Moscow and the Moscow region, a noticeable proportion of evacuees from the Ryazan, Orel, Rostov regions of the RSFSR, as well as from Belarus and Ukraine.

These archival data, as well as information on the volumes and directions of labor mobilizations in the Tambov region in 1941-1944, based on the materials of the state archive, demonstrate the "double" need to use the preserved information of the "traditional" state accounting of population movement at the levels of the subregion and the region in working with migrations: 1) they are necessary as a fairly and even very accurate direct general accounting; 2) they are good as a comparison and complement to our personalized search at levels from rural settlements to the USSR as a whole.

Table. 2. Volumes and directions of labor mobilizations in the Tambov region in 1941-1944. (Tab. 2. Volumes and directions of labor mobilizations in the Tambov region in 1941-1944.)

 Another difficulty of working with the Memorial Database is the proportion of repetitions that varies many times by different regions of birth (the category "time and place of conscription" is subject to such a defect much less). In the cases of the Arkhangelsk, Vologda, Leningrad, Penza regions, Leningrad, Sevastopol and some other regions, it reaches an absolutely unacceptable 50% – 55% (48.93% for those born in the Arkhangelsk region, 54.56% – in the Vologda region, 50.58% – in the Leningrad region (without Leningrad), 53.31% – in the Penza region). Before the appearance of the Consolidated Database in the Network, we avoided the named regions in the calculations for the Memorial database related to the absolute number of births, limiting ourselves to relative calculations (shares) of GR, shares of months and years of death. But! – many thanks to qualified enthusiasts! – A few years ago, the so-called "Consolidated Database" was placed on the Network, in which, in addition to many of the most necessary and "cleaned" KP (KP "Leningrad. Blockade", KP of the Soviet-Finnish war, KP of border troops, KP buried in Germany, etc.) were laid out extremely "clean" databases of KP of 16 Russian regions compiled from printed KP materials (KP of Arkhangelsk, Vologda, Kursk, Leningrad, Lipetsk, Novgorod, Penza, Sverdlovsk, Smolensk, Tula, Ulyanovsk regions, the current republics of Karelia, Komi, Mordovia, Tatarstan and Udmurtia). As we can see, these EBDS, excellent in quality and the possibilities of a quick multi-sided search (anthroponymic, national and gender, in particular), not only "saved" and replaced the mentioned "dirtiest" regions of birth according to the Memorial database, but also gave us such an important new region of birth that did not exist in the account during the war years – the Lipetsk region.

The distorting interference of repetitions in the accounting of the deceased natives of other regions has to be neutralized comprehensively: a) at a low saturation of the Years of birth (up to 100 people. or before 1891 and after 1925) we select repetitions "manually"; b) in the most "populated" years of birth (the segment 1891 – 1925), the correction is carried out according to the proportion of "pollution" characteristic of the mournful lists of the processed region.

Probably, due to the greater value and accounting importance of officers and political workers, repetitions are most characteristic of this segment of the lists of irretrievable losses – in ranks from captain and political officer and above, as well as among army medical workers and engineering specialists, repetitions in the sum of different types of accounting often exceed 50%. In the comparative study of general and regional waves of social activity (aggression) and migration as its most important component, such an error is unacceptable, because repetitions in the officer block have to be removed "manually". On small volumes (levels of rural settlements, small towns, subregions and regions with relatively small losses and internal officer shares), it is not difficult to "clean up" from repetitions and in aggregation. In regions and macro-regions where only officer losses are estimated in the tens of thousands, the dead officers should be "scattered" along the lines of years of birth and (or) months and days of retirement, making along the way the most valuable observations on the comparative movement of social aggression, national, socio-professional origin and pre-conscription status of officers, on the movement of intensity and "slaughter" the war, its geography, individual periods and operations.

The techniques of the "manual" type, which must be used in the study of migrations through army databases, also include: identification of the volume and movement of "women's shares", "national shares", the movement of shares of "fashionable" and traditional naming, and all work at the levels of rural settlements, small rural subregions and small towns, where "in conscience" and "for science" every fate-person is important. The mentioned "Consolidated Database" with its "ultra-pure" Memory Books makes it extremely easier to work on the most fertile "gender" (automated search for the end of the patronymic on "*a" or on "* h"), partly "national" (not always complete, but still accelerated and accurate identification of some large non-Slavic nationalities by "speaking" endings of surnames on "*stein", "*berg", "*man", "*li", "*ze", "*iya", "*yang", "*is", etc.) fields. However, I repeat that such relief was granted by the "Consolidated Database" only for 16 Russian regions, for the victims of the siege of Leningrad, for the "Finnish" war, for border guards, for children and adults who died and were buried in four foreign countries (Memory Books of individual necropolises, battles and army formations stationed in the "Summary database", we do not need as not suitable for the method of sampling for our purposes). Therefore, if you decide to calculate among the dead the proportion of the same women in the remaining 180 regions of the USSR who were not included in the Consolidated Database, then you will have to return to the "manual" search in the Memorial Database. And in identifying the movement of regional national structures using the Memorial Database, the "facilitating" method looks like this: in the "Russian", Slavic regions, we select "manually" representatives of national minorities who were not "encrypted" in those years, providing the definition of nationality by surname, first name, report + place of birth, and in in national regions, on the contrary, we select and sort the "non-local", "non-titular" minority. For example, according to the lists of regional KP of the Uzbek SSR, we single out, group, place on chronological lines all non-Uzbeks from Russians, Germans and Poles to Kazakhs, Tatars and Bukharian Jews. Based on the results of the search entered in the Excel table, we get more accurate knowledge about the stages, sources, structure, distribution within the macroregion of the same immigration to Uzbekistan for at least a 40-year period of births from the 1880s to the second half of the 1920s.

Note that with these huge advantages of the Consolidated Database, it, by virtue of being compiled on the basis of printed Memory Books, does not have documentary personal "extensions" and applications, and, for the sake of studying the movement of Russian populations at the main formative stage of history, we must again turn to the Memorial Database and combine automated identification the necessary social groups with the "energy-intensive" disclosure of tens and hundreds of thousands of individual accounting cards of Soviet irretrievable losses. Such a combination of work is inevitable when searching for markers of positive and negative social activity, when specifying the origin and migration routes, when identifying the movement of disease structures as causes of death and the movement of structures of "other causes of death", etc. with the formation of all significant variants of sociographic paradigms, typical faces of a mobile collective portrait against a changing background of the era.

Without weighing down the text with the next "pictures", we will mention two more useful reflections of migration processes in database mirrors from the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation.

The first is the "officer shares" both among the dead and among the awarded. In addition to the fact that the transformation of a civilian into an officer already meant moving up the socio-class and professional ladder, the voluntary election or offer of an officer's fate by the authorities has always been "geographical" migrations from home to military school, continued changes in places of personnel service. Additionally, calculating at all levels the "officer shares" with their internal structures of military ranks opens up a fairly accurate picture of the social development of the population, the quality of emigration and immigration, the degree of its activity (aggression), as well as the degree of its social defeat by the post-October government, if this activity was not too "Soviet" (See Fig. 6).

Fig. 6. "Officer" shares (% in conscription losses of the Great Patriotic War) in rural districts of the Tambov region (TO) and in adjacent districts of neighboring regions. Compiled according to the "Material" database; the search was made for 18 Soviet military officer ranks during the Second World War. (Fig. 6. "Officer's" shares (% in conscription-losses of the Great Patriotic War) in the rural districts of the Tambov region (TO) and in the adjacent districts of neighboring regions. Compiled according to OBD "Material"; the search was made on 18 Soviet officer military ranks of the period of the Second World War.)

The figure is a demonstration of the correlation between the degrees of initial social aggression of rural areas of the Tambov region and neighboring districts and the degrees of social defeat during and after the "Antonov" uprising. The demo-geographical core of the "demographic bag", which became the core of the uprising and the theater of hostilities (Kamensky, Rzhaksinsky, Sampursky, Injavinsky, Krasivsky, Tugolukovsky, Shpikulovsky, Uvarovsky, Shapkinsky, Mordovian, Shulginsky, Poletaevsky, Pokrovo-Marfinsky, Rasskazovsky (without Rasskazovo) districts) gave only from 5% to 8% of officers in the draft for the Great Patriotic War as a channel for the implementation of Soviet social activity. On the contrary, very active (including in the "Antonov region"), but not affected rural areas of the southern and southeastern periphery of the "bag" gave from 9.5% to 15.8% of officers in the WWII draft, i.e., on average twice as many (map on the left). In the graph on the right, these aggregations are deployed in the movement of "lieutenant's shares" by the years of birth (1893 – 1926) of the deceased natives of three groups of rural subregions: 1) the affected Tambov subregions of the "demographic bag"; 2) the Tambov subregions outside the "bag"; 3) the non-affected subregions of the southeastern periphery of the "bag". Pay attention to the uniform "sagging" of the shares of lieutenants in the cohorts of 1919 – 1921, provided by the general deterioration in the quality of life of peasant parental families during the Civil War, followed by a relative degradation of the possibilities of climbing individual stairs. vertical social mobility of rural cohorts that were born during the Civil War. A comparison of this "sagging" of the shares of officers with the absence of such on the ascending line of the entire Tambov modernist segment of occupations, as well as taking into account the dynamics of average growth, allow us to assert that the reduction in the shares of officers in the Tambov cohorts of 1919 – 1921 was ensured by the worst state of their health and anthropometry, which limited the possibilities of admission and study in military schools.

"Women's shares", working, like "officers", only with a narrower (among the dead servicemen, "women's shares" make up to 1% among citizens and only from 0.1% – 0.3% to complete absence from the village) and complicated (conditions for conscription of women in the Red Army and the specifics of their military use) the gender sector of the historical review ^[9]. But despite all the reservations and limitations, women from the databases from the Ministry of Defense, with their sufficient representativeness at levels from the region and above, provide an irreplaceable sociography of comparative and real gender aspects of pre-war and military social "excitations" and movements with all their motives and passions (see Fig. 7).

Fig. 7. The movement of "women's shares" in the Soviet army irretrievable losses as a reflection of the migrations of Soviet women to the Great Patriotic War. Compiled according to the Consolidated Database and the Memorial Database. (Fig. 7. The movement of "women's shares" in the Soviet army irretrievable losses as a reflection of the migration of Soviet women to the Great Patriotic War. Compiled according to the Consolidated DB and Memorial OBD.)

The automated search for women in the Consolidated Database was performed at the end of the patronymic ("*na" or "*a"). On the left shows the movement of regional and total birth years of deceased women-natives of 16 regions of the Russian Federation, on the right - a comparison of the movement of the total "male" and "female" birth years in the same 16 regions of the Russian Federation and the movement of the "female share" by year of birth within the entire corps of deceased natives of 16 regions The Russian Federation, as well as the movement of the shares of children born to women in the segment "deceased from illness" (UoB) and their share in the general segment of the UoB. The search for women in this segment was made using the Memorial Database "manually" by continuously viewing the lists of all those who died from diseases. First of all, and among other things, the data from the demonstration of calculations using the "female" marker reveal multiple differences in the degrees of modernist activity and mobility of populations of regions with different economic, social and ethno-confessional structures and the rates of their changes in the 1890s – 1930s. The rise of the "female shares" in the oldest and youngest non-conscripted cohorts is caused by the inclusion in the lists of the OBD "Memorial" of dead Soviet civilians from among those hijacked to Germany and residents of the occupied regions.

We hope that we will not scare away a potential researcher of domestic mass social processes of the global military revolutionary era by describing the methodology of working "manually" with another invaluable source from the funds of the Central Research Institute of the Russian Federation. We are talking about the individual life paths of millions of our people, whose last movements converged in a common rut: "conscription to the Red Army – front – captivity – death in captivity." The Soviet soldiers who were "lucky" to acquire an enemy registration card before being killed in captivity, now stored in the Central Military District, turned out to be about a million – a very representative number (and replenished, which makes us return to the "perfectionist" recalculation and additions), although representing 1/5 of the compatriots who died in captivity, and not once again reminding of the character and the intentions of our then opponent. Along the way, we note that working with personal records found in the categories "captured (released)", "collaborated with the enemy", "defected to the enemy", "traitor", "legionnaire", provides an accurate representation of the movement of the complex social basis and structure of collaboration during the Great Patriotic War in age segments, gender, nationality, place of birth and pre–war residence, military specialty, circumstances of capture and sometimes - pre-war occupation and marital status. But we will reach the population of the ninth circle of hell, if we have the strength and time, after drawing up portraits of more worthy compatriots

Up to half of the personal registration cards of Soviet servicemen who died (killed) in enemy captivity have a very informative form with dozens of related social parameters. Pedantic Germans described the prisoner and his curriculum vitae in particular carefully and in detail (often by the hands of Ukrainian scribes) – down to height, eye and hair color, fingerprint, illnesses suffered before the war, health status at the time of captivity, marital status, home address, mother's maiden name and, of course, civil profession. On about half of these cards, photographs of the doomed taken in captivity have been preserved. Finns and Romanians did not reach such details, but still almost all the cards from Finnish captivity, in addition to standard information about the prisoner of war (full name, Year of birth, Place of birth, nationality, marital status, military rank and position, date of capture, etc.), in paragraph 5. the civilian specialty (occupation) is indicated, many Romanian cards contain the same information, and even with scraps of anthropometry. As a result of the research, we get a unique opportunity to create on representative material (several thousand personalities for each region) mobile and synergistically complete (including climatic, geographical, anthropological, socio-professional subsystems) socio-natural pictures of the development of regional populations in the first four decades of the XX century.

There are only two notes for memory in terms of working with the cards of dead prisoners of war: 1) Due to the application of the existential enemy of the principle of "divide and rule, destroying one by one", the ethnic structure of the then Soviet society is greatly distorted in the mirror of the personal cards of the dead – some (Jews and Gypsies) are almost absent due to the murder "at the entrance", others (Balts, Ukrainians, Moldovans, Kalmyks, Caucasians, European Turko-Tatars and Central Asians) are represented in shares much less than the real ones due to the encouragement by the enemy of the collaborationist tendencies of their minority; 2) You will need knowledge of German, Romanian and Finnish – in volumes sufficient to understand and accurately translate the texts of the relevant records of prisoners of war.

The study of the Memorial database demonstrates the possibilities of revealing the real pace of modernization and the specific state of socio-professional regional structures in regions of different socio-historical fate in the interwar period. In addition to specific and detailed regional pictures of vertical social mobility and the "quality" of migrants of the 1890s-1940s, the revealed facts of the dynamics of socio-professional tradition and modernity reveal the fundamental difference in the social development of the regions of the Soviet Union.

 The paradoxical "revenge" of tradition (an increase in the collective farm-agricultural share from 31% to 37.6% and the share of other occupations of rural tradition) among the youngest Tambov residents is caused by the fact that the most passionate part of the young village majority did not have time "for youth years" (15-16 years on June 22, 1941 for those born in 1925-1926 before the outbreak of the war, she "emigrated to the modern world" and was forced to engage in unskilled collective farm labor before being drafted into the army. But in any case, at all stages of birth and entry into working life, Tambov socio-professional structures, degrees and rates of social mobility revealed by the proposed method look much more modernized and faster compared to their reflections in synchronous mirrors of censuses.

In particular, data on 114 captured natives of the Nikiforovsky district with the specified pre-conscription profession revealed modernist socio-professional characteristics and emigration opportunities of the rural subregion "sitting on the big railway": the share of peasant farmers is 1.5 times less than the average in the region with increased proportions of modernist, "urban" occupations, starting with railway workers and drivers and ending with projectionists and career officers of the Red Army.

Obstacles of under-accounting, negligence and errors in the Memorial Database and ways to overcome them can be considered at the micro level of the same Yaroslavka and Sychevka as examples of very high proportions of incompleteness of printed Memory Books, which are compiled on the basis of lists provided by TSAMO.

In many cases, the "birth injuries" of the Russian accounting and the disastrous confusion of the first period of the Great Patriotic War led to the complete loss of a soldier from the district lists of those out of service. This happened just with the "fresh" pre-war migrants, who were called up to the Red Army in new places of residence, without bothering to indicate their place of birth in military documents. Also, the printed Books of Memory did not include those who dropped out of the ranks of the Red Army for other reasons (suicide, conviction, alcohol poisoning, desertion and betrayal). As a result, a comparison of places of birth according to the lists in the printed Book of Memory and in the Memorial Database revealed 59 such "missing" in Sychevka (17.8% of 331 natives from the specified Places of Birth) and 128 in Yaroslavl (25.6% of 482 natives from the specified Places of Birth).

2. Information potential of the OBD "Feat of the people"The next TSAMO Database necessary for us – "Feat of the People" – contains related personal information about people awarded with Soviet "combat" orders and medals that required an individual presentation for an award with a description of the feat or other merits in the award list (i.e., starting with the medal "For Military Merit" and further up statutes up to the Order of Lenin and the title Hero of the Soviet Union).

Many millions of Soviet people, both during the war and after it, were awarded repeatedly, therefore, in order to avoid considerable unnecessary time spent on eliminating repetitions, we are working at the levels of rural settlements, small towns and subregions with two lists of Feat of the People, in which the cavalier should be, "in principle", recorded only once – 1) "In the record file" and 2) "In the anniversary file".

When working at the regional, macroregion and country levels, when an assessment of the social activity of regional populations and localized national groups is added to the search goals, it is useful to include the list of the Feat of the People "In award documents", where the cavalier is present from once or more according to the number of well-deserved awards. The award lists of this list were compiled in 1939 – 1945 and in the first post–war years, and for the benefit of studying migrations, they contain both information about the place and time of conscription in the Red Army, and a record of the permanent home address of the person presented for awarding (in the vast majority of cases - the place of birth, the address of parents). That is, comparing these two parameters, yes in an automated search, yes for tens of millions of people on the birth line in almost 50 years (as well as for the deceased of the Memorial Database) would give excellent and quick results in revealing Russian social mobility in the era of reforms, wars and revolutions in a huge part of the population, markedly different from the tens of millions of victims of the Memorial Database (the majority are survivors with often discernible post–war social mobility, much younger, a multiple of a larger proportion of women, a more diverse and "advanced" structure of civilian occupations, a noticeably objectively and subjectively displaced national structure).

In the perverse logic of observing the Privacy of personal life (TLJ) in the biographies of the heroes, the staff of the CAMO on the scans of the award sheets closed with opaque "masks" the home addresses of 80 years ago. As a result, automated "reading" of social mobility according to single documents, according to a single list has become impossible, and we have to go to "tricks", look for "workarounds": places of birth are "ordered" from the base of the Feat of the People, and places of conscription are read according to Award documents. To calculate at mass levels (from the sub–region and above) the "settled", immigrants and emigrants will not have enough strength and time even for large and trained collectives, we are satisfied with the "dirty" calculations of Soviet military activism like "MR according to the DB "Memorial" - MR according to the Criminal Code of PN" and "MPRIZVA according to the DB "Memorial" – MPRIZVA by ND MON".

The described man-made obstacle to science (true, a trifle on the scale of a giant gift to historians, even in the current form of Databases from TSAMO!) "cleanly" is overcome in two cases: 1) Biographies of the Hero of the Soviet Union, full knights of the Order of Glory), military leaders and other most prominent figures of the Second World War and the corresponding Databases we have, and they successfully work at levels from the region to the country, because they total up to 40 thousand personalities; 2) Identification of the fate of the deceased or surviving veterans of the Great Patriotic War by collecting and collating personal information from all Databases and other sources. Alone, such a search can be carried out "on order" and if there is a lot of free time, up to the level of a small rural area or a small town with up to 5 thousand people involved, i.e., what is demonstrated by the example of Yaroslavka and Sychevka.

But let's return to the accounting and anniversary card files "Feat of the people".

Personal records in the Feat of the People, in addition to scans of award documents, contain sociographic information similar to the information in the Memorial Database, with the exception of a block of circumstances of retirement from the army ranks. For our given "migration case", it is important that in the Feat of the People in most cases there is a time and place of birth, as well as the time and place of the call of the person involved in the Red Army. A pleasant feature of this database is its much better (compared to the Memorial Database) "purity" and correctness of the recording of anthroponyms and toponyms. In working with the Feat of the People, it should also be borne in mind that it embraces the holders of Soviet awards, both survivors (most of them) and those who died in World War II. In addition, there is an important and multifaceted socio-historical difference between a motley collection of retired and a collection of Soviet activists. Therefore, it is better not to combine the lists of the "Memorial" and "Feat of the People" Databases, and if it is really necessary (for example, to approach the full volume of those called up to the Red Army), then do this only after removing the dead from the "Feat of the People" sample.

The jubilee card file "Feat of the People" contains brief information (full name, Year of Birth, Place of Birth, number and date of the award document) about Soviet veterans of the Great Patriotic War who were awarded the Order of the Patriotic War of the 1st or 2nd degree by the 40th anniversary of Victory in 1985 (rarely in 1986). All those who confirmed their participation in the fronts of the Great Patriotic War with formal documents, regardless of the real, concrete-historical individual contribution to the Victory, were unfairly "subjected" to the award thoughtlessly and according to the "Hamburg account" unfairly. The order, high in that war, to the understandable resentment and bewilderment of many real veterans, was actually turned into a mass leveling badge, which fixed obvious gender and age disparities among millions of its cavaliers in favor of military youth and women, not to mention the fact that most of the victorious soldiers simply did not live to see April 1985. But if we put aside, for the sake of science, moral considerations, then the lists of the Jubilee Card File of the Feat of the People base are useful in expanding the circle of conscripted or hired to work in the Red Army, in determining the degree of survival of veterans until 1985, in identifying the directions of migration by the numbers of award documents, because the veteran received the Order of the Patriotic War "sample 1985". at the place of residence. The degrees of this order provide additional information about the military fate of a veteran and (indirectly) about his health and chances for a long life after the war, because the Order of the 1st degree, according to the then rule, was received by Heroes of the Soviet Union and full cavaliers of the Order of Glory, as well as all veterans who documented a serious injury. All the others received the Order of the 2nd degree, regardless of the actual combat merits and the number of minor wounds, contusions and illnesses suffered. The lists of the PN Card File can and should be combined with the lists of the Memorial database.

Tables created on information from many millions of personalities and their graphical variants allow marking three segments ("settled" or "born and drafted into the Red Army in their native region", "immigrants", "emigrants") of populations of regions with different migration histories with various indices of social activity.

The 18 regions of Russia listed in Tables 3 and 4 are selected so that they represent different types of regions by the structures of their populations and by the volume and nature of migration processes. Metropolitan regions are important as receiving "initiative", voluntary immigration from all over the country, starting from the zone closest to them. Kalinin, Ryazan and Tambov regions are good as the most "giving" Russian regions. The regions of the European North and the Urals are indicative as zones with a balance in favor of immigration, in which the proportion of "forced" migrants, i.e., convicts, exiles and "labor-mobilized" was high during the period under review. The strip from Altai to Primorye is necessary as a pre-revolutionary direction of agrarian migration from European Russia, into which streams of both free "industrial" migrants and repressed ones flowed during the Soviet period. Finally, the ASSR of the Volga Germans, Crimea, Kalmykia, Chechen-Ingushetia and Kabardino-Balkaria were chosen as regions where the migration dominant was a cardinal redrawing of the socio-national composition of these autonomies.

One of the preliminary wishes for choosing regions to solve the problem of determining the degrees and quality of their aggregated migration activity is the absence or minimization of the factors of the fighting of the Great Patriotic War in the region and its occupation by the enemy (although in the cases of the Leningrad, Kalinin, Moscow regions, Crimea, Kalmykia and the autonomies of the North Caucasus, the necessary "purification" is not it will turn out), since such a powerful complication requires changing the task and ways to solve it. In the methodological "ideal" for such work on a period of time, including the Great Patriotic War, there is a grouping of regions according to the similarity of their pre–war and military fate. For example, group 1 – regions annexed to the USSR in 1939 – 1940; group 2 – "old" regions of the USSR that were under occupation (with a division for the duration of the occupation); group 3 – regions of the front line and short partial occupation by the enemy; group 4 – regions of the near Soviet rear, etc. with the necessary consideration factors of national composition and imperious turns of military fate.

So, we will make the necessary calculations, "sorting through" several million people by tags, we will make tables, but to facilitate the understanding of the pile of numbers, we will once again make a summary histogram and see at least the main related search results.:

1) The indices of migration balances are expected to vary many times – from the Ryazan (0.41), Tambov (0.66) and Kalinin regions (0.72) quickly washed out by emigration to the leaders of the reception of immigrants in the Murmansk Region (15.4), Yakutia (5.4) and Komi ASSR (4.93) with the suspected contribution of the repressed and their descendants to such high indicators of excess inflow over outflow of population to these are not the best places to live.

2) In all cases with positive activity, including "officer shares", and with specific exceptions in negative activity, "emigrants" are much more active than "settled" and "immigrants". If everything is clear with the less passionate "sedentary", then the reasons for the loss of "immigrants" according to the indices of social activity are not only "emigrants", but often "sedentary" (according to "officer shares" – in most cases), should be sought in more complex combinations of social structures, motivations, "first-movers" and deadlines "naturalization" of human flows entering a particular region. In any case, the extinction of passionarity in the "settled" immigrants and their descendants was noticed even at the time of studying with the help of the corresponding EBD sociography of 7 thousand representatives of the Russian revolutionary socio-political elite and 12.5 thousand Heroes of the Soviet Union ^[2.13].

3) Regions with a strong component of "criminal" and "political" repressed immigrants integrally demonstrate low positive activity with increased negative.

4) Regions with peoples expelled from their native places because of a hypothetical or real threat to the country's defense efforts draw an ambiguous picture of the balances of the quality of social activity. Thus, the Volga Germans showed the highest indices of Soviet activity, and the then state provided them with unjust sentences and high indicators of negative activity. Collective farmers from neighboring regions, who replaced the settlements expelled from the liquidated ASSR, gave much more modest results in terms of positive activity, although their negative activity was low.

Table 3. Social quality of regional migrations depending on the structure of their origin, %. (Tab. 3. Social quality of regional migrations depending on the structure of their origin, %.)

Sources: DB "Memorial", "Feat of the people"

Table 4. Migration balances and indices of awarding Soviet military awards in 18 regions of Russia with different types of migration structures. (Tab. 4. Migration balances and indices of awarding Soviet combat awards in 18 regions of Russia with different types of migration structures.)

Sources: DB "Memorial", "Feat of the people"

3. Printed Memory Books of the type "Returned with Victory"Since 2004, Russian regions have started publishing printed Books in memory of veterans who returned alive from the fronts of the Great Patriotic War.

They contain personal materials of local city and district military enlistment offices that monitored the fate of the conscripts they called up. Their Tambov version is called "They returned with a Victory." Despite the multiple shortcomings of these printed Memory Books (repetitions, errors in the Years of Birth, Places of Birth, ranks, in the years of conscription, demobilization and death) caused by the shortcomings of the knowledge of their compilers, KP VsP by virtue of getting into it all those who were for various reasons and since 1941 (disability, age, end of the war) demobilized and arrived to live in Tambov and other regions, offers unique research opportunities. The same migrations are read from the Memory Books "Returned with Victory" as the difference between the veteran's Place of Birth indicated in them and the place of his registration after demobilization from the Soviet Army. Thus, at the sub-regional levels on the scale of the USSR, we get pictures of the displacement in 1945-1946 (immigration to the region of the compilation of the Books of Memory "Returned with Victory") of at least 15 million Soviet participants in World War II, as well as several million more veteran officers who left at the end of their service in the reserve and settled in the selected sub-region (mostly in its urban center) on the segment from the late 1940s to the early 1970s.

If you have translated the lists of Memory Books "Returned with Victory" into the database, you can not only significantly expand the circle of real participants in the Great Patriotic War, but also evaluate post-war immigration to the subregion. And although the consideration of its volumes, structure and stages requires a special article, it is difficult not to share a strong impression caused by the outstanding diversity of near and far sources of immigration of the era of the great war and the Soviet project, not the most attractive rural areas, revealed to us in the Memory Books "Returned with Victory".

 The main unexpected observation is the coincidence of the dynamics of conscription in the data of survivors and dead participants of the Second World War. The features of the Memory Books "Returned with Victory" are even greater than in the Jubilee Card File of the database "Memory of the People", the presence of women (due to the age standards of conscription in the Red Army, as well as accounting "losses" among many male veterans of the older cohorts) and the extension of the subregional veteran cohorts deep into time until birth at the end The 1870s.

Table 5. The gender shares (%) of immigrants in the Memory Books "Returned with a Victory" of individual Tambov subregions. (Tab. 5. Gender shares (%) of immigrants in the Books of Memory "Returned with Victory" of individual Tambov subregions.)

Source: Books of Memory "Returned with Victory" of the Tambov region.

 Table 6. Shares of participation in the Second World War and social mobility of women. (Tab. 6. Shares of participation in the Second World War and social mobility of women.)

*Together with the city of Morshansk

Source: Books of Memory "Returned with Victory" of the Tambov region, Anniversary card file of the database "Memory of the People".

The main typical "meanings" of Table.6 regarding the social mobility of women from the Books of memory "Returned with Victory" and the anniversary card index of the OBD "Feat of the people":

1) The number and proportion of women in these two Books of Memory is extremely overestimated due to the indiscriminate entry into the veterans of the Great Patriotic War and awarding in 1985. The constant multiple increase in the proportion of women from the Books of Memory "Returned with Victory" to the Jubilee card index of the database "Memory of the People" is caused by the longer life expectancy of women combined with their greater youth in the war – 20-21 years with 30-32 years for men;

2) A small proportion of coincidences in both Memory Books speaks, first of all, about the extreme social mobility (migration activity) of the participants of the Second World War (they did not return to their native area after the war). Natives of the more "passionate" Morshansky district are "correct" and about 40% more active natives of the Znamensky district;

3) More than half of the defendants retained their maiden names by 1985, which indicates a huge loss of grooms in their generation. Significant (about half) those who got married got married surnames of Ukrainian-Belarusian origin, as well as the rest of the "non-local" origin, which indicates a meeting with the groom in the active army or in a group of demobilized immigrants to the bride's native region.

Finally, the bases created according to the Memory Books "Returned with Victory" confirm another important observation regarding the gigantic – irrevocable for the fallen and reverse for the surviving winners – migration of our people to the Great Patriotic War. Personal records of these contain not only the mandatory years of birth of veterans, but also the years of their death (although with very different representativeness in specific subregions – from 90% to 20% of the number of persons involved). Due to the fact that the Books of Memory "Returned with Victory" were prepared and published in the period from 2004 to the present, we, with our average life expectancy, greatly shortened by the social crisis and prolonged stress of the late 1980s - 1990s, have completed the life paths of more than 97% of Soviet veterans of the Second World War in them. world War II. Therefore, having a control sample on the duration of the post–war life of 11 thousand Heroes of the Soviet Union and full Knights of the Order of Glory as of October 2022, we can draw reliable conclusions on the impact of the great war on the cohorts of tens of millions of its veterans who met alive on May 9, 1945. The main one of them is the younger the Soviet person found himself inside the existential the shorter was his "migration" into post-war life (see Fig. 11).

P is. 8. Comparative movement of life expectancy of VSP persons involved - natives of different subregions (lines of 9 rural subregions and 3 cities of the Tambov region, the aggregation line of 7 western rural districts of the Smolensk region and the line of the Sarmanovsky district of Tatarstan). (Fig. 11. Comparative movement of life expectancy of persons involved in the VSP - natives of different subregions (lines of 9 rural subregions and 3 cities of the Tambov region, the aggregation line of 7 western rural areas of the Smolensk region and the line of the Sarmanovsky district of Tatarstan).)* * *

Databases and other mass sources originating from the Ministry of Defense of the Russian Federation are the most important and mandatory basis for studying Russian migrations on long continuous lines of complex sociographic information. Their principal methodological advantage is the possibility of creating holistic pictures of formative social processes and phenomena at the levels from individual human destinies to aggregations of country scales.