K. -J. Verne (1714-1789) in Italy. Travels and Encounters

Agratina Elena Evgen'evna ORCID: 0000-0001-9842-0967 PhD in Art History Postgraduate student; Lomonosov Moscow State University Senior Researcher; Scientific Research Institute of Theory and History of Fine Arts of the Russian Academy of Sciences; Moscow; Russia 21 Prechistenka Street, Moscow, 119034, Russia agratina_elena@mail.ru Other publications by this author

French artists of the 18th century never neglected the opportunity to see the sights of Italy. The winners of the Rome Prize traveled at the expense of the king and often applied for an extension of their stay in Rome. If the painter could not count on retirement, he still sought opportunities for travel, taking advantage of the favor of patrons or accompanying someone from high-ranking persons. For Claude-Joseph Vernet, who came to Italy at the expense of the Provence patrons, traveling proved to be one of the brightest and most effective sources of inspiration. Since his arrival in Rome, he has been constantly traveling to nature, exploring various places in the vicinity of the Eternal City, as we learn from a letter to the patron saint of the painter, the Marquis de Caumont, from the Jesuit monk Fouquet, who was commissioned to introduce the young master to local artistic circles. "Mr. Vernet," writes the monk, "is busy with his wanderings" ^{[1, p. 19]}. Judging by the somewhat reproachful tone of the letter, the author believed that traveling interfered with his ward's regular work. However, there was a different opinion among the craftsmen who lived in Italy.

The man who strongly advised Vernet to study nature on the seashore turned out to be Nicholas Fleigels (1668-1737), one of the most active and progressive directors of the French Academy in Rome. He managed to first rent and then buy a new residence for the Academy, the Palazzo Mancini; he was able to negotiate the resumption of copying the frescoes of Raphael in the Vatican. He also significantly expanded the repertoire of works to study and recommended his students to copy the Venetians, especially the revered Paolo Veronese, as well as Titian ^{[2, p. 17]}. Fleigels not only recognized the benefits of travel for young artists, but even strongly recommended that they take a thorough look at Italy. Fleigels wrote about his acquaintance with Vernet in a letter to the director of the royal buildings, D'anthen, dated November 25, 1734: "I have seen a young Avignon man [...] I will do everything I can to help him; I ordered him to be given the most comfortable place in the drawing class from the model. There are several sculptures in the Academy that it would be useful for him to study. But, as far as I understand, this is not the main thing for him, he is a marine artist and should practice in seaports..." ^{[3, p. 124]}.

Vernet took full advantage of Fleigels' advice. The routes of the landscape painter's travels are well known and to some extent have already been reflected in the scientific literature. In the first part of our study, devoted to Vernet's work in the context of landscape painting in Italy, we mentioned such fundamental works as the monograph by L. Lagrange ^[1] and the two-volume catalog of the landscape painter's works, compiled by F. Lagrange, which was very complete for its time. Engineering-Smooth ^[4]. These works proved useful in studying the present aspect of the topic. As before, we will refer to the article by E.V. Deryabina about the works of Vernet from the collection of the State Hermitage Museum ^[5], the article by F. Conisbee, dedicated to Vernet's stay in Italy ^[6], E. Beck-Saello's monograph "Naples and France" ^[7]. From previously unrecorded studies, we turn to an extensive article by X. Hammond, where we are talking about an order for a large-scale canvas that Vernet received from the King of Naples ^[8]. H. Hammond examines many of the circumstances of Vernet's stay in Naples, and provides very interesting historical information regarding the political and economic situation of this area in the first half of the XVIII century.

In addition to scientific literature, the written sources of that time became a solid help. This is the "Correspondence of the directors of the French Academy in Rome" published at the end of the XIX – beginning of the XX century ^[2], as well as notes from European travelers who made long trips to Italy. They often not only described their impressions, but, knowing that they would find many grateful readers, published works close to the genre of the guidebook, filled with very valuable factual material. We are talking about the works of Frenchmen F.-M. Misson ^[9], M.-G. de Merville ^[10], F. Desain ^[11], J. Richard ^[12], J. de Lalande ^[13] and Englishman G. Swinburne ^[14]. It was also useful to turn to the "Collection of letters concerning painting, sculpture and Architecture", compiled by the lover of fine arts J.-G. Bottari, since this volume included a small theoretical essay written by Vernet himself ^[15].

As mentioned in the first part of our study, Vernet's work is very little affected in Russian art studies. In addition, many of the sources mentioned above are cited for the first time in Russian-language historiography, which gives our research an additional novelty.

At the same time, the study of any social activity of the artist and its impact on creativity is always relevant in the context of modern interest in the social history of art. The impressions and practical experience gained during travel are among the most important factors influencing the creation and existence of artistic works.

The purpose of this second section of the study, devoted to Vernet's stay in Italy, is to study how the landscape painter got acquainted with nature and the sights of various regions of the Renaissance Country and what impact this experience had on the composition of the master's creative manner, repertoire of his subjects, images and picturesque motifs.

1. Rome and its surroundings

The first and main city in which Vernet spent the most time was Rome. Of course, Vernet had to study the monuments of the Eternal City carefully, as this was considered an important aspect of any artist's education. By attending a drawing class at the French Academy in Rome, Vernet could get advice on what to get to know first. At the same time, the young landscape painter began making sketches of urban ensembles and individual monuments. Although seascape remained the master's main specialty, Vernet painted several urban views during his stay in Rome. One of them, "Sports competitions on the Tiber" (1750, National Gallery, London), was already considered by us in the previous part of the study. The Louvre's collection includes paired canvases: "The bridge and the Castle of St. Angel" and "Ponte Rotto in Rome". Both works were made in 1745, are almost the same size and by all indications are pandans. In both cases, the main "hero" of the canvas is the Tiber with its calm current, the morning haze permeated by the sun, with coastal cliffs and, of course, the architectural beauties transformed here into a frame for the mirrored river waters. Both paintings are painted in a soft color scheme using a large number of earthy pigments and adding green and blue shades to the image of the sky and vegetation.

On the canvas depicting the castle of St. Angel, cliffs rise in the foreground, to which fishermen drag a boat by the net. This scene could well have been set in a seascape and is typical of Vernet. On the second canvas, the middle ground is occupied by the image of the Ponte Rotto, or Emilia Bridge, the oldest bridge in Rome. In 1598, part of it collapsed into the Tiber, which turned it from a functional urban element into an interesting picturesque ruin. This is how Vernet shows it, depicting shrubs making their way through the crevices between the stones and laundry hung by local residents to dry. In the foreground, there is a rocky shore with fishermen sitting on it, casting a fishing rod into the waters of the Tiber. On the opposite bank of the river, you can see the upper part of the round ancient temple of Hercules on the Bull Forum and other buildings.

From these two works, it can be concluded that Vernet's approach to architecture was purely landscape. The master conveys the beauty of ancient structures in detail and with pleasure, but shows them as part of the natural environment: they are washed by light and air, enveloped in morning haze, rocks and vegetation form a single whole with them. For Vernet, the atmosphere of the city with its contrasts is very important.: ancient buildings are adjacent to the dwellings of the Roman poor, laundry is drying on stretched ropes in the middle of the ruins, and the ancient waters of the Tiber attract fishermen in straw hats. Such paired landscapes, small in size, conveying both the beauty of the city and its unique spirit, were a very welcome souvenir for any European making a traditional tour of Italy. We do not know the name of the customer of these paired works, but we can assume that Vernet's regular client was the Marquis de Villette, since the catalog of the Salon of 1750 mentions the "View of the castle and the Bridge of St. Angel" exhibited there and owned by the Marquis ^{[16, p. 29]}. During the 18th century, the canvases changed owners several times. The Louvre's electronic catalog contains information that these works passed through the hands of such major collectors as the Duke of Choiseul, the Prince de Conti, the Duke of Rohan-Chabot and others, until they were nationalized during the Revolution and formed part of the Louvre collection ^[17]. This suggests that Vernet's Roman landscapes were highly appreciated by his contemporaries. Lagrange reports that in 1753 Vernet repeated both compositions for another customer, but the location of the copies is currently unknown to us ^{[1, p. 201]}.

The surroundings of Rome are full of places of interest, not the least of which are villas, both antique and Renaissance. Under No. 60 in Vernet's diaries there is the following message: "For Monsieur de Villette, eight paintings [...] two ... [will depict] gardens with figures dressed in fashion" ^{[1, p. 329]}. The two mentioned works are currently in domestic collections. One is kept in the State Hermitage Museum, is called "View in the Park" and depicts the park of Villa Ludovisi. The other one is located at the Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts and represents Villa Pamphili. Both paintings are dated 1749, despite the fact that the order, as is known from notebooks, was made in 1746.

Villa is a special topos in Italian culture. This place is serene and beautiful, designed for recreation and entertainment, which does not contradict the idea of a country estate that developed in the era of Antiquity. The villa was inherited by subsequent epochs, who, "feeling nostalgic for the lost ancient paradise, turned the villa into a promised land, far from the cares and sins of modern times and still inhabited by ancient gods" ^{[18, p. 98-99]}. The villa gets a complete structure, a set of elements necessary for a country estate is being formed. Petrarch also "consistently justified that a villa should be lived in in the summer, it should be surrounded by a shady garden (park) with gloomy grottoes, noisy, bubbling fountains (springs) that give joy to the owner; with an indispensable bridge spanning over a "rushing stream" [...], Parnassus must rise here and the Castalian key ring And from now on, the obligatory inhabitants of the villa will once again be the ancient gods and Muses" ^{[19, p. 19]}. The villa also became one of the favorite topos in the theater of the second half of the XVII–XVIII centuries.

Villa Pamphili, built in 1644-1652, is a large-scale palace and park complex, the main dominant of which is an elegant three-story palace topped with a belvedere. The place was famous and attracted both professional artists and amateurs. Vernet's work depicts a park perspective. The sunlit white building of the villa becomes a compositional and semantic center. The distant palace is perceived as a desirable and happy abode, which is reached by a wide alley. On one side of it is a corridor of shady bosquettes, on the other – a gentle hill overgrown with trees and shrubs, fenced by a low wall with flowerpots. The canvas is structurally comparable to sketches for theatrical sets created by Italian masters who had a real monopoly in the field of set design at that time. The Bibiena, Galliari, and Valeriani families became famous not only in Italy, but also far beyond their homeland. Italian theatrical culture captured Europe, but travelers continued to travel to the Renaissance Country for the most vivid impressions of this kind. It is very likely that Vernet, having visited the famous Italian theaters, paid close attention to the stage design. The master's canvas turns out to be close to such, for example, the compositions of the theatrical decorator J. R. R. Tolkien. Valeriani, as sheet No. G-772 from the collection of the Arkhangelsk State Museum of Fine Arts, where the magnificent palace is shown from the side of the regular park. The villa, to which the park paths converge, has both the status of a secular and a sacred structure. Located among the gardens, dominating the surrounding space, the villa is perceived as a kind of sanctuary. If the building of the villa was to be depicted on the backdrop, "then the wings on the left side correspond to a series of trellised arches or bosquettes, between which tall trees similar to cypresses are crowded. Satyrs dance and play on their pedestals in front of the arches. On the right side there is also a row of cypresses planted in flower pots and placed on pedestals. There are also two trellis arches, strongly turned towards the viewer, so that the beginning of a shady cool corridor formed by greenery encircling the trellis grid becomes visible" ^{[18, p. 99-100]}.

Vernet's canvas is constructed in a similar way. At the same time, some entertaining action takes place in the foreground, as on a stage: the abbot bows to the ladies, two strolling gentlemen are accompanied by a dog, and a servant in an apron drags a basket.

The painting paired with the Villa Ludovisi is also somewhat reminiscent of a theatrical set. There is a fairly large space in the foreground, where figures including men, women, children, servants and animals feel at ease. The fountain on the left and the palace wall on the right, which goes sharply into perspective, may well be considered as backstage. On the left, a row of cypresses goes off into the distance, but we can only see their tops, since the space is enclosed by a hedge wall. It is appropriate to recall here that the gardens were often used as a place for open-air performances. The vistas of garden paths flanked by sculptures and cultivated plants, spaces surrounded by greenery and decorated with fountains, turned into decorations for ballets and festive performances. In the most symbolic thinking of the 18th century, the theater and the garden touched, turning into phenomena of a similar nature.

It is very likely that both of Vernet's compositions, depicting specific and still recognizable places in the vicinity of Rome, were created with a view to theatrical culture, which the master could become intimately acquainted with in Italy, visiting theaters in different cities during his travels around the country.

There were other places of interest in the vicinity of Rome that attracted an enlightened public and, in particular, artists. Vernet spent a lot of time in Tivoli. The villa, located on the outskirts of this city, was then a unique place for young artists. J. Richard (1720–?), a traveler who visited Tivoli in the 1760s, left very interesting notes about this place, worthy of quotation. About the building of the villa, he writes: "This large palace is uninhabited and left by the owners in the care of the caretaker, who extracts all possible benefits from this. Romans and even foreigners rent rooms there and have a great time" ^{[12, p. 419]}. This explains why both teachers and students of the French Academy in Rome, as well as their guests, constantly visited the villa. Living there was inexpensive, and the opportunity to freely paint the majestic architecture and magnificent nature of the neglected park was very valuable for young artists. Since the villa remained abandoned for almost the entire 18th century, it is possible that Vernet lived there.

The city of Tivoli itself was already the most visited "place of pilgrimage for artists and writers from all over Europe" in the XVIII century ^{[20, p. 24]}. Here, on a hill, there is a rectangular Ionic temple dating back to the middle of the II century BC, as well as the famous round temple of the Sibyl of the I century BC, repeatedly imprinted by masters of the brush. The Anio River, falling from a height of 115 meters, plunges down, where the grotto of Neptune is hidden under a rock. Carl Vernet, the son of our hero, claimed that it was his father who had the honor of discovering the grotto, where no one had ever reached Claude-Joseph. Tying himself with a rope, Vernet ventured down into the grotto and explored its depths ^{[1, p. 20]}. This, of course, cannot be confirmed in any way, but it is indisputable that the Tivoli monuments have repeatedly served as a model for the master.

The "Landscape in the taste of Salvator Rosa" from the Pushkin State Museum of Fine Arts, which we already discussed in the previous part of the study, represented the surroundings of Tivoli. Vernet began painting the ancient monuments of this ancient city and the surrounding nature back in the 1730s. The "Temple of the Sibyl in Tivoli" from a private collection in Great Britain dates back to 1738. This very small canvas, measuring 43.2 x 34.4 cm, depicts the famous round temple up close, in the form and condition in which the structure was located in the specified years. The artist did not miss the famous almond tree that grew inside ancient Tolosa. This tree has lived a long life. It can also be seen in a drawing by J.O. Fragonard dating back to 1760 (Museum of Art and Archaeology, Besancon). For several decades, the almond tree has become an attraction that travelers have mentioned. For example, Jerome de Lalande, an astronomer and, I must say, a man who belongs to the artistic community, wrote in his book "A Frenchman's Journey through Italy": "It is believed that a large almond tree growing in the center of [the temple], whose foliage complements the architecture, has something picturesque in it" ^{[13, p. 157]}.

The rocks and towering architecture are painted in a warm, sandy-brown color scheme, while the background melts into a bluish haze, creating a feeling of vastness and infinity of wild nature. This elegant study proves that Vernet was engaged in architectural studies, realizing the need for such studies for a marine artist.

In 1737, Vernet created a painting called "Waterfalls in Tivoli" (Cleveland Museum of Art, USA). This is a large-scale landscape, encompassing a panorama of hazy rocks and flowing streams of water. The mountain on the right is crowned by the architecture of the ancient city, as if it appeared naturally from a wild stone. Although this is an image of a real historical place, the master has the right to choose the main "hero" himself. Here, water becomes the protagonist. Her lively, restless, multi-step movement contrasts with the majestic stillness of the rocks. Streams dive between boulders, foam and shimmer in various shades of green and blue. At the same time, Vernet, as usual, does not abandon the staff. In the foreground, fishermen are casting fishing rods into rough water and sorting out the catch. A little further on the rocks there is a company of shepherds with a dog. The simplicity of these people's clothes harks back to the days when pagan deities were still worshipped in the temples of Tivoli. But the image of water birds is especially interesting. In the right part of the painting, two herons are placed almost in the foreground, one of which stands on a rocky ledge, and the other, spreading its wings, soars above the water. Then you can see seagulls gliding through the air.

The painting "View of Tivoli" from 1748 from the Petit Palais in Paris pays much more attention to architecture. The famous Sibyl Temple stands out clearly against the sky, while the rest of the architecture, like the rocks, slopes downwards. A waterfall foams and rumbles to the right. This landscape, with its cloudy sky, disturbing birds and a dry tree in the foreground, is clearly not made without looking back at Salvator Rosa.

The landscape called "Stream, or Waterfalls in Tivoli" (1735-1740, Louvre, Paris) has a completely romantic character. The view of the Tivoli cliff opens from under a natural arch formed by rocks. This part of the painting is undoubtedly composed, since there are no such arch-shaped rocks in Tivoli, but Vernet may have encountered them during his travels in southern Italy. These bizarre formations serve as a support for the vegetation clinging to them and as a shelter for fishermen and villagers, one of whom holds a loaded donkey by the bridle. Unlike the rest of the characters, who are resting and not noticing what is happening in nature, a villager with a donkey looks at the extraordinary view unfolding in front of him. The cliff with the ruins of ancient buildings is covered with a gray veil. Slanting streams of rain are gushing from the gathered clouds. At the same time, part of the sky remains completely clear, and the rays of the sun flood the seemingly snow-white city in the background, roaring and foaming waterfalls and part of the rocky "arches". This is a wonderful example of combining the aesthetics of the "sublime" and the "beautiful" in one canvas. In the previous part of the study, we quoted E. Burke, who associated the feeling of the "sublime" with objects that inspire horror in the viewer, and the "beautiful" with peace and prosperity ^{[21, p. 72]}. Artists were well aware of the fascination of such a contrast even before Burke's work was published. It is not for nothing that Vernet himself often created paired works depicting a storm and a serene calm. By placing both motifs on the same canvas, Vernet makes the contrast even more impressive. And the recognizable place where the natural action unfolds convinced the viewer of the reality of what is happening.

Vernet used sketches made in Tivoli and later, placing the famous round temple in composed landscapes, for example, on a rock on the seashore, as in the painting "Seascape with the temple of the Sibyl in Tivoli" (1746, Art Institute, Minneapolis). Here, an ancient monument surrounded by cypresses towers directly over the calm waters of the bay.

The fact that a particular painting contained motifs that were not present in a particular landscape should not be surprising. The combination of elements borrowed from various real-world views, sometimes located very far from each other, did not bother the viewer of that time. This technique perfectly correlated with the idea of "correcting" the flaws inherent in nature, as it was believed. Back in the 17th century, one of the early French theorists, Charles-A. Dufrenois (1611-1668), wrote that "the most important task of painting is to be able to highlight the most beautiful things created by nature and the most essential for nature" ^{[22, p. 8]}. Even more famous theorist A. Felibien follows the same logic in his reasoning: an artist should not just imitate nature, but also be able to choose the best in it. Of course, a good knowledge of Antiquity should help in this ^{[23, p. 2]}. "Nature is usually imperfect in creating private objects [...] because accidents prevent the realization of her plans" ^{[23, p. 20]}. But she's perfect in her designs, Felibien explains, making her think of Plato and his doctrine of eidos. It is the idea of nature that an artist should be able to unravel and embody in his art, just as ancient sculptors did. Nevertheless, nature is for artists "a source of beauty that they will never exhaust" ^{[23, p. 21]}, and "experience and reflection endlessly discover something new in the effects of Nature" ^{[23, p. 21]}. It was possible to implement such a concept on different levels: historical painters, following the example of the ancient master Zeuxis, tried to combine the best parts of natural creations in order to create an ideal image; landscape painters were also allowed to combine natural and even man-made motifs, such as architectural ones. Traveling and working from nature became an important stage for the master to collect material, which could later be used by varying and transforming real views, unless, of course, the order implied an accurate depiction of any area, which was often found and had a very widespread tradition in Italy. We will see that Vernet joined her during his travels.

2. Naples and other places in southern Italy.

Vernet traveled quite far, leaving Rome for periods of up to several months. He was particularly attracted to the south of Italy. His first trip to Naples dates back to 1737. According to E. Back-Saello, Vernet was practically the initiator of the tradition that had taken root among French masters to travel to Naples, explore the surroundings of the city and the sights of the region ^{[7, p. 121]}. The researcher notes that there are discrepancies in the literature regarding the time of Vernet's first stay in Naples: L. Lagrange indicates 1735, whereas F. Engersoul-Smooth – 1737. E. Back-Saello is inclined to agree with the second assumption. This date is confirmed by the mention of Vernet's journey in a letter from the Jesuit monk Fouquet, published by F. Conisbee ^{[6, p. 135]}. In addition, it is known that at the end of 1736 or at the very beginning of 1737, the young artist's patron, Count de Kinson, arrived in Rome, and Vernet was to accompany him on a trip to the south, which lasted from March to May. It was then that travelers could observe the eruption of Mount Vesuvius.

Vernet's second trip to Naples took place at the very beginning of the 1740s: it is known that in January 1742 the artist had difficulty obtaining a travel passport that would allow him to leave Naples for Rome ^{[7, p. 123]}.

In 1745, Vernet was in Naples again, this time on a honeymoon, and in 1746, probably at the invitation of the Marquis de Lopital, he visited the city again, where he received an order from King Charles III of Naples to depict the royal hunt.

Note that while traveling and exploring the sights of Italian cities, Vernet could rely on a fairly extensive French-language literature, for example, the "Great Historical Dictionary" by L. Moreri, the next edition of which was published in 1732 ^[24]. This dictionary was republished with enviable regularity, and therefore was easily accessible and widely known among enlightened readers. This book was not a guidebook, but Naples has a fairly extensive chapter here, containing historical information and a list of the main monuments.

The notes of travelers were also known at that time, for example, "A New Journey through Italy..." by F.M. Misson, published in two volumes in 1691. Mission, who took his trip in 1688, describes in detail the specifics of moving from Rome to Naples, gives advice on how best to overcome the road, the choice of hotels that can accommodate along the way and in the city itself. Presumably, this information was not completely outdated at the time of Vernet's trip. Mission also describes the natural beauty of Naples, paying attention to the surrounding mountains and, of course, Vesuvius, lists palaces, churches, fountains and other sights of the city, talks about burials and commemorative inscriptions that can be seen in the sacred buildings of Naples. Misson also mentions ancient ruins, and "for the benefit of young artists" lists the most interesting paintings "that can be seen in churches, monasteries and other accessible places" ^{[9, p. 299]}. Undoubtedly, this was useful information that could be useful to Verna, although we are talking exclusively about paintings of religious content.

Misson also talks about other wonderful places in the vicinity of Naples, such as Posilippo, Pozzuoli, Lake Agnano, the "Dog Grotto", etc. For such an active traveler like Vernet, who tries not to miss anything during his trips, Misson's descriptions, brief but full of information, should have been of interest.

Another traveler, M.-G. de Merville, a writer by main occupation, turned his "Journey" into a vivid and colorful description of the festivities, performances and the atmosphere of various Italian cities ^[10].

In 1699, A New Journey through Italy was published by F. Desena, "containing an accurate description of all provinces, cities, notable places and islands" ^[11]. Desen is an extremely thorough author, he provides all the information known to him from ancient times about a particular city, then proceeds to the events of recent history and only then turns to modernity and preserved sights. For example, after providing relevant information on the history of Naples, Desen tells about the existing fortifications of the city – castles, then about palaces, churches and monasteries. Desen does not just list the monuments, but indicates which details of the decoration and for what reason special attention should be paid. Perhaps, of all the listed sources, Desen's work most resembles a guidebook that can be used when making excursions to Italian cities.

All this is modern Vernet, quite well-known literature, which interested travelers turned to at that time and which could attract his attention.

So, in 1737, Vernet traveled south, visiting, of course, not only Naples itself, but also everything possible in its vicinity: the cities of Miseno, Sorrento, Pozzuoli and Castellammare, Cape Posilippo, Lakes Lucrino and Averno, the islands of Nizita and Capri, as well as many other wonderful places. During this trip, Vernet saw and depicted the eruption of Mount Vesuvius, sketches of which he used while working on large-scale canvases in his studio. So, in a painting from the Louvre, created between 1740 and 1750, the life of Naples is shown against the background of a volcano releasing a column of fire and a cloud of smoke. The panorama includes a wide embankment built up with houses and part of the Bay of Naples. According to E.V. Deryabina, this is a real "portrait of an Italian city", complemented by "genre scenes with many details of everyday life" ^{[5, p. 47]}. Laundry is drying in the window of the ancient tower depicted on the right, noble people are walking at its foot, working people are working, beggars are sitting, children are playing. There are many boats moored to the embankment with its carts and pedestrians. On the water, boats surround the anchored ship. Vernet, like no one else, knows how to show the natural coexistence of eternal nature and human daily life. People lead their usual lives and do not pay attention to the menacing breath of the volcano, except for the old man in the foreground. Leaning on the stone pedestal of the embankment, he contemplates the view of the fire-breathing mountain.

For this large-scale work, there is a pandanus depicting Naples from a different point of view. Vesuvius remains behind the viewer, and in front of it there is a view of the bay and the city. As in the previous painting, the foreground is occupied by an image of an embankment filled with a wide variety of people: an old woman in a black dress walks slowly, aristocrats are walking, a soldier with a gun is walking, a family of commoners is going somewhere, a cart is moving. On the right, locals are sitting talking, with children playing with piglets next to them. Closer to the water, fishermen are busy with their boats and nets, the poor build a fire, and people draw water from the fountain located at the foot of the fortress tower of Castel del Ovo. All these scenes, each of which could serve as the plot of a small genre canvas, were undoubtedly sketched by Vernet from life. The Louvre's collection contains an album full of similar sketches. Unfortunately, there is no exact dating, but nothing prevents the assumption that this album, and possibly many others like it, were created by Vernet during his travels in Italy. In the album from the Louvre, you can see fishermen in boats with nets and oars, dockworkers busy loading and unloading goods, poor people gathered around a fire with a cauldron hanging over it, bricklayers, children playing, and even Turks in turbans and dressing gowns. These quick sketches from nature take us into the world of port life with its diverse population.

The sea on the canvas is at absolute rest, boats glide along its surface, and a ship is anchored in the distance. The entire background is occupied by the panorama of Naples. The crowded buildings climb the mountainside, at the top of which stands the monumental Castel Sant'Elmo, a star-shaped castle built in the 16th century.

Several drawings have been preserved, proving that Vernet carefully studied the architectural sights of Naples, and also tried to feel the atmosphere of this city. The Louvre has a drawing, obviously made from life, depicting another Neapolitan castle, Castel Nuovo. This building, built in the 13th century, has all the features of medieval fortification architecture: powerful crenellated towers, thick walls, narrow loophole-shaped windows. Vernet draws all the details of the fortress very accurately, outlining the surrounding landscape with light strokes.

Even more interesting is the drawing from the Morgan Library Museum depicting France Square in front of Castel Nuovo Castle. On this sheet, the castle serves only as a colorful backdrop for depicting urban life. Trade is going on under the canopies, the doors of the local tavern are open, city residents are talking and eating, carts are moving, children are playing. It is obvious that Verna was interested in the atmosphere of the city no less than the architectural sights.

Already back in Rome, the master created views of other famous places in southern Italy based on his sketches and impressions. Examples are "Morning at Castellamare" (c. 1750, private collection) and "View of Sorrento" (1745-1750, Prado Museum, Madrid). As one of the 18th century travelers wrote, "Castellammare di Stabia is a rather long town located on the edge of the bay and protected from the south by high mountains that approach the seashore so closely that they barely leave a narrow space for houses, many of which are placed with great boldness and taste on less steep slopes" ^{[14, p. 55]}. Vernet paints the town from such an angle that the residential buildings are practically invisible – only the port fortifications with the lighthouse towering over them are clearly visible. The mountains really come very close to the sea, and in some places they jut into it. Fishermen are sitting on the narrow expanse of the coast, donkeys with their drivers are wandering along the steep cliff. Vernet had a special predilection for the transitional states of nature, his works were often made in cycles, where each canvas corresponds to a certain time of day. In this case, the landscape is shrouded in the yellow-orange light of the rising sun and a light haze of fog that has not yet dispersed. Ships, boats and human figures look like dark silhouettes against this golden background. The graphic nature of the sailboat with its thin masts and translucent nets contrasts with the picturesque surroundings.

The "View of Sorrento" from the Prado depicts an elegant audience arriving in a boat under the shade of the famous curved arches of the rocks, the same ones that Vernet used in a variety of compositions. The city itself can be seen under one of the arches – light white silhouettes of architectural structures melting into the sea haze. Musicians with sheet music, flute and mandolin are in the foreground. A couple stands out in the company of visitors coming ashore: a gentleman in red gallantly accompanies a lady in a magnificent white dress. After them, two young men carry a girl in blue and gold ashore in their arms, and then the rest of the public is preparing to disembark in a canopied boat. The author of an old guide to the Prado F.-H. Sanchez Canton calls this painting a "Gallant scene" ^{[25, p. 22]}; and it is not accidental, since the painting unexpectedly reveals a dialogue with the work of A. Watteau, in particular, with "Sailing to the island of Cythera" (1717, Louvre, Paris). Even the pose of the cavalier in red depicted in Watteau's painting is mirrored by Vernet, only in his case the cavalier is facing us, not with his back. This is not surprising, because Vernet does not depict the departure, but the arrival of a young company on a beautiful island. Passing through the majestic natural arch, the boys and girls enter the blessed land. And the musicians sitting on the ground remind us of Watteau's many heroes, participants in chamber concerts in gardens and parks. It is quite possible that Vernet had access to engravings from the works of the founder of the gallant genre. In particular, "Pilgrimage to the island of Kifera" was engraved in 1733 by N. Tardieu. Of course, the print was distributed not only in France, but also ended up in the collections of Italian lovers of fine art.

French researcher F. Muro points to Giorgione's "Concert" as a source of inspiration for many similar scenes in Watteau ^{[26, p. 452]}. Giorgione's painting was bought in 1671 at the request of Louis XVI and entered the royal collection of paintings, and since Claude Audran III, one of Watteau's teachers, had been curator of the collections of the Luxembourg Palace since 1704, he had the opportunity to introduce his pupil to the masterpieces there. In Vernet's painting, the musicians sitting on the grass came from Watteau. However, they took with them the instruments that were present in the Giorgione painting – a flute and a mandolin. Thus, Vernet not only combines impressions of real Italian nature – the landmark cliffs of Sorrento – with a fantasy gallant scene inspired by the work of a French artist, but also conveys a roundabout message about the painting of the great Venetian of the Renaissance.

During his last trip to Naples, the master, as already mentioned, received an order from the Neapolitan monarch Charles III for a landscape called "The Royal Hunt on Lake Patria" (1746, National Museum of Capodimonte, Naples) ^{[8, p. 121]}. The French envoy, the Marquis de Lopital, who was present at this hunt, asked the master to make a copy for him, which was ready in 1749 and came to Versailles. A letter from another participant of the event, the Marquis de Puisel, describing what happened, has been preserved. Such hunting trips, writes the Marquis, "are arranged on lakes with the participation of a large number of boats. They house the gunslinger and the courtiers who have received a royal invitation. The boats line up in a single line, forming a kind of crescent moon around the edges. The number of waterfowl on these lakes is incredible" ^{[7, p. 123]}. The Marquis further reports: the shooting is so fierce that there is a risk for people to get shot. It is unknown whether Vernet personally took part in this hunt, but he certainly watched it from the sidelines. The painting has a highly elongated horizontal format, which made it possible to show the extent of the calm water surface. The foreground really shows boats lined up in a long row with all the noble people in them, including ladies in luxurious outfits. Of course, the images of people in boats, despite their small size, were portraits. Researchers have long discovered both Charles III himself and, for example, the Marquis de Lopital among the figures. In the distance, the mountains are blue and the coastline is darkening, but most of the canvas is devoted to the sky. Smoke rising from the boats indicates that shots were fired, which lifted many birds into the air. The artist uses a rather curious technique: the dark strip of water at the bottom corresponds to the dark strip of clouds at the very top of the canvas. This limits the space and gives the painting a certain closeness, as if we are watching a hunting scene from under a theater curtain.

E. Hammond believes that in this order there was a political program designed to confirm the rights of King Charles III to the throne of Naples, which the monarch received only in 1735 under the preliminary peace concluded after the end of the War of the Polish Succession. According to E. Hammond, this painting began "an ambitious scenic tour of the territories held by the Bourbons on the Italian peninsula" ^{[8, p. 123]}. In addition, in the Neapolitan region, large tracts of land – hunting grounds, estates, etc. – became the property of the king (siti reali). The local aristocracy was interested in ensuring that the new monarch received as few such lands as possible. The king, on the other hand, wanted to weaken the feudal traditions still existing in these parts and turn the Kingdom of Naples into a centralized state entity. The estates appropriated by the crown "included vast rural territories under direct royal control. [...] The works of artists, including Joseph Vernet, Francesco Liani, Antonio Sebastiani da Caprarola, were designed to perpetuate the new siti reali" ^{[8, p. 125]}.

In terms of meaning, this painting is more closely related to another, very similar one, reflecting the same geopolitical processes and painted in the same year 1746. We are talking about the painting "View of Caprarola" (1746, Philadelphia Museum of Art), which unexpectedly sends us 60 kilometers northwest of Rome. This view, commissioned for Charles III's mother Elizabeth Farnese, has a very similar format and size. The horizontally elongated composition depicts the slope of Monte Cimino with the town of Caprarola located on it, the main dominant of which is the large-scale and lapidary architecture of the Farnese fortress villa. High society strolling in nature descended like gods from this majestic Olympus to temporarily find themselves among ordinary mortals, such as a shepherd and a shepherdess grazing their goats here. Elizabeth Farnese acquired this estate in 1731 after the death of the last Duke of Parma, along with other possessions, including Parma and Piacenza. Thus, Charles Bourbon turned out to be the heir to these territories. The Bourbons, however, could not feel completely at ease here. Spanish troops were sent to Parma to control the situation. Elizabeth Farnese had to pay a permanent tribute to the papal throne in order to be sure that the Vatican recognized her rights. In such circumstances, the programmatic nature of both Vernet's works, designed to glorify the power of the Bourbons, is quite understandable.

It can be seen that traveling outside Rome has brought Verna exceptional benefits. The master had the opportunity to complete his education in the field of ancient and modern architecture, explore the natural beauty of the southern coast, and make many sketches from nature, which he would use later, after returning to France. The above works were analyzed, which depict identifiable places, but in the same years countless seascapes of a calm and stormy nature were created: midday, morning, evening and night, with rocks, ships and coastal buildings. Despite the fact that it is very difficult to determine which parts of the coast are depicted, these works embody the nature and spirit of the Italian south.

Another significant point is that in Naples, the landscape painter attracted the attention of high-ranking clients: not only Charles III, but also French aristocrats, who could give the artist very valuable recommendations after his return to his homeland.

Conclusion

In 1754, "A Letter from Joseph Vernet to young people who devoted themselves to the study of landscape or marina" was published in Rome ^{[15, pp. 622-625]}. Since the letter was printed shortly after the master's departure from Italy, and was probably written even earlier, it can be considered something like a generalization of the experience gained by Vernet during his years in the Renaissance country. The letter takes up only four pages and concerns exclusively artistic practice. Vernet starts right from the main point: "The easiest and most reliable way [to master the skill]," he claims, "is to write and draw from nature" ^{[15, p. 622]}. We know that Vernet made drawings from life from the very beginning of his stay in Rome, because in a letter to architect J.B. Frank he mentioned that Rome "has the most beautiful views for painting" ^{[27, p. 43]}. Vernet indicates at what distance from nature the artist should be placed in order to work comfortably. He also notes that it is necessary to copy nature very accurately in the open air, and any "corrections" can be made already in the workshop, where the artist composes the work, on the one hand, using full–scale sketches, and on the other - guided by his ideas of beauty. For a better understanding of nature, Vernet suggests constantly comparing natural objects with each other, which will allow you to learn to grasp subtle differences: for example, in the coloristic structure of vegetation, where the green color of trees differs from the green of grasses and shrubs. Vernet describes how best to convey reflections in water, how to show different times of the day, how to depict the features of the state of the atmosphere, etc. In conclusion, he emphasizes that it is by observing nature that it is possible to understand the correct relationship between things, whether it is about color, perspective, or something else.

The letter was intended as a small set of tips for novice landscape painters, so Vernet does not write here about the impressions he received from visiting various places in Italy. However, this is a kind of result of the Italian journey: the artist transmits to his colleagues his long experience of working from nature, gained in Italy. Once in France, the master will continue to work from nature: this will require a truly gigantic royal commission to depict all the main ports of the country. But the Italian impressions will by no means sink into the past: they will be remembered not only by the artist himself, but also by his clients. The arch-shaped rocks seen in Italy appear even in such late works as "The Bathers" (1787, Louvre, Paris). Italian landscape with rocks and cypresses called "Morning on the shore. Departure of the Fishermen" (1766, Louvre, Paris) It was commissioned by the Marquis de Laborde already in France for his Mereville castle. The diaries of the master contain confirmation of the vitality of Italian motifs in Vernet's work. For example, in 1764, the son of the Duke of Bedford commissioned a landscape "with high rocky mountains, waterfalls and [picturesque] tree trunks" ^{[1, p. 343]}, which clearly refers to the views of Tivoli that Vernet painted with such enthusiasm in Italy. A very similar order for a painting with rocks and waterfalls was made in 1774 by an English aristocrat named Shelborn ^{[1, p. 351]}.

The original paintings of the Italian period were highly appreciated in the French artistic environment. If, after the death of the original customers, their collections were sold, Vernet's canvases usually went for a fairly high price. For example, in 1765, the de Villette collection was sold out, at which the Pamphili and Ludovisi villas we examined were sold for 1302 livres ^{[1, p. 327]}, and two marinas created in 1748 went for 3635 and 2710 livres, respectively ^{[1, p. 470-471]}. During these years, in France, a price of 6,000 livres was set for a 22x18–foot historical painting, 5,000 livres for a 17x13-foot canvas, and 4,000 livres was to be paid for a 12x9-foot work ^{[28, p. 7]}. A full–length portrait was paid 4,000 livres, a generation portrait was paid 2,500 livres, and waist and shoulder portraits were valued at 1,500 livres ^{[29, p. XVII]}.

Let's add to this that for a long time after Vernet's return to France, prints were removed from his paintings of the Italian period. For example, "Feast on the Tiber" (1750, National Gallery, London) and "View of Sorrento" (1745-1750, Prado Museum, Madrid) were engraved by P.-J. Duré after 1766.

Although Vernet, who was returning to France, had a very large-scale task ahead of him to fulfill a royal order to depict the main ports of France, and the painter would successfully integrate into the French artistic environment, work for numerous clients and exhibit in Royal salons and private exhibitions, it can be said that the Italian period became fundamental for his development as a master of the landscape genre.