The possessions of Gerald of Aurillac: on the question of a network of elite spaces in the Carolingian Auvergne (IX – X centuries)

Yarnykh Vera Serafimovna ORCID: 0000-0003-0347-4474 Senior Lecturer; Department of Theory and History of Decorative Art and Design; S. G. Stroganov Russian State University of Design and Applied Arts 125080, Russia, Moscow, Moscow, Volokolamsk highway, 9 vera_yarnykh@mail.ru

One of the aspects of the history of the early medieval aristocracy that have developed in recent decades is the so-called topography of elite spaces. As a special anthropological perspective of the potestar geography of the early Middle Ages, this area of research involves not only the cooperation of archaeologists and textual historians in the interpretation of excavation materials and texts, but also an anthropological interpretation of spaces and centers of power ^[6]; ^[7]; ^[4]. This perspective of historical and geographical issues fits into the socio-anthropological direction in the study of early medieval elites, which has been actively developing since the last decade of the 20th century (for the definition of early medieval elites and methodological guidelines for their research in recent decades, see in particular: ^{[5, pp. 1079-1084]}. In addition, it should be said that within the framework of the research program "Elites of the Early Middle Ages" initiated by R?gine Le Jean (2003-2009), eight conferences were held, following which collections of articles were published, one of which is directly devoted to the issues of elite topography ^[30]).

The term "elite space" or "elite locus" ("lieux ?litaires") was introduced by archaeologist Luc Bourgeois, head of the research group on the residences of early medieval elites, instead of the previously accepted "central places" and "places of power" ("zentralen Orte", "Orte der Herrschaft") ^[8]. (For the differences between the problems of aristocratic residences and elite residences in the archaeological context, see ^{[9, p. 113]}). This was due not only to the revival of interest in archaeology, but also to a new epistemological attitude – to free the study of early medieval elites from the paradigms of modern political geography. The new approach is based on the attitude to the analysis of early Medieval society as a complex mechanism based on ideals and values that are far from economic interest ^{[2, pp. 81-82]}.

The Carolingian epoch is of particular interest to researchers ^{[10, p. 145]}. Its fortifications have been systematically studied by archaeologists only since the 1990s (here, as an exception, we can mention the program work of Gabriel Fournier, in which two sections are devoted to the history of Carolingian fortification: ^{[18, p. 35 and ch. 2-3]}), radically changing the idea of it as a period of decline between the crisis of ancient fortification and the accompanying feudal revolution/the transformation of the year 1000 by the process of encastelment ("encampment") (on the recent renewed interest in the debate of the 1990s around the feudal revolution/transformation, see in particular: ^[43]; ^[17]; ^[40]). In particular, an understanding of the results of excavations in France showed that already in 860-950 it was possible to talk about the castration of aristocratic residences ^{[10, p. 130]}.

In the context of this research vector, it is interesting to consider the possessions of Gerald of Aurillac (d. 909), a lay saint, whose life, authored by Odon, Abbot of Cluny (the so-called Vita Prolixior Prima), is a programmatic source on the history of Auvergne of the IX–X centuries and early medieval France as a whole (in a topographic and geographical perspective, see in particular: ^[27]; ^[35]; ^[13]). Unfortunately, the latest critical edition of this text is not available to me (Odon de Cluny. Vita sancti Geraldi Auriliacensis: ?dition critique, traduction fran?aise, introduction et commentaires par A. M. Bultot-Verleysen. Brussels: Soci?t? des Bollandistes, 2009), therefore, he is quoted below from a publication in the Ming Patrology, made according to the edition in the Bibliotheca Cluniacensis by Andre Duchene (1614): ^[33] (hereinafter — VG). At the same time, I try to rely on information in historiography about the discrepancy between the new edition and the previous ones.

Combining the detailed data of the life, written only two decades after the death of the saint (ca. 930) ^{[23, p. 262]}, with the sparse data from documentary sources, this article claims not so much to consistently reconstruct the location of the possessions of the real Count Herald, as to analyze the geographical area that the hagiographer, who was, as Isabelle Rose, the abbot of not only Cluny, but also Aurillac Abbey, convincingly showed ^{[36, pp. 213-218]}, and the tradition he used. Thus, we are talking at the same time about the elite topography of both the possessions of the historical Count Herald and the Auvergne Abbey of Aurillac in the time of Odon.

In considering such issues, the involvement of archaeological data is especially productive for the territory of Auvergne, since the cooperation of archaeologists and textual historians has rich traditions here. Great credit for this belongs to Gabriel Fournier, who, in his fundamental monograph and a series of articles, considered archaeological data on early medieval settlements in inextricable connection with the social and economic history of the region ^[20] (see also ^[19]). This line of research was continued by Bruno Falip, whose dissertation on the castle architecture of Auvergne ^[34], in addition to the archaeological and architectural aspects of the topic, delves deeply into social castellology, or "monumental sociology", as defined by Gabriel Fournier in the aforementioned monograph on medieval castles ^[18].

The interpretation of the Auvergne archaeological material in the research of recent decades is characterized by a new round in the dialogue between archaeology and classical history ^[31]; ^[32]. In particular, there is the aforementioned orientation towards the study of early medieval elite spaces. The history of the elites analyzed in a socio-anthropological perspective fits into the geographical space, political and social topography of the region. This perspective in the research of the archeology of Auvergne can be traced in the article by Adrien Bayard "The Space of the Elite in Auvergne in the Early Middle Ages: preliminary reflections" ^[2], the problems of which reflect the main sphere of his interests — elite spaces, their material characteristics and role in the representation of power at the dawn of the early Middle Ages (see also ^[3]; ^[35]).

Gerald of Aurillac appears in the life as a rich landowner invested with judicial and legal authority over a certain territory. He owns extensive estates scattered throughout the southern regions of Auvergne and Limousin, as well as the northern part of Quercy and the whole of Rouergue. The question of the validity of Herald's claims to the status of a count in the Carolingian administrative system and the seignorial or public-legal nature of his powers has been interpreted differently in historiography. Researchers express opinions about the origin of the Herald of Aurillac from the count's surname, likening him to the count as a public person as a royal vassal, or the usurpation of the count's title and the private nature of his power (for arguments in favor of various interpretations, see: ^{[38, p. 10]}; ^{[21, p. 343]}; ^{[29, p. 171-172]}; ^{[34, p. 28]}. At the same time, he is not only respectfully referred to as the count in Odonov's life (VG. I. 27. Col. 658; I. 32 Col. 661; II. 17. Col.680), but also appears as "dilectus comes" ^{[42, p. 652]} in the immunity letter of Charles the Simple to the Aurillac monastery (899), which indicates, at least, the recognition of this status by the royal authority.

In recent studies on the topic, the authors emphasize the fragmentation of the Herald's seigniorial possessions, seeing this as a reflection of the reorganization of the local elite and the discreteness of territories as opposed to the territorial continuity of the previous era (before the ser. IX century.). However, if Sebastien Frey clearly separates the private possessions of the Herald and his count's powers on the territory of the traditional pag ^{[23, pp. 656-657]}, then Pierre-Eric Poble is not so unambiguous. He writes that the power of the counts in the historical comitates is now being sabotaged by private lords who take over their functions in their disparate possessions – the emerging seignorial pagas. Therefore, from his point of view, the Herald could effectively carry out his public-legal functions of the count only in his own lands, where this did not lead to clashes with other people's interests ^{[35, pp. 74-75]}.

In addition, Sebastien Frey systematically investigated the issue of the territory of the Herald committee. He sees no reason to consider him to be the Count of Aurillac proper, since this title is assigned to the saint only in the later manuscripts of Odonov's life. At the same time, the Herald's clearly spelled out performance of public legal functions over a certain territory convinces the researcher that he was at the head of one of the traditional Carolingian committees. Frey convincingly builds a chain of evidence that Herald could have been Count Kersey ^{[23, pp. 639-665]}. In this case, Aurillac turns into the center of the Herald's hereditary possessions, which he received from his parents (VG. I. 6. Col. 645; II. 34. Col. 689), the personal residence of the count, but at the same time Cahors remains the center of the comitatus as a judicial and administrative province in his power.

Among the geographical objects and spaces mentioned in the Vita Prolixior Prima, most are located outside of Kersey (pagus Caturcinus). The connection of the Herald's powers with the territory of Pag Kersey, although traced in the life, can rather be reconstructed by indirect signs than stated directly: the advice of Bishop Gauzbert of Cahors not to leave the world for the benefit of the inhabitants of the province; the designation of the boundaries of Pag Herald with the Toulouse Committee; movements and relations with neighbors (VG. II. 2. Col. 670; I, 18. Col. 654; II. 28-29. Col. 856-86). The vagueness and some inconsistency of Odo's text in the question of the territory of the Herald's committee does not refute Frey's beautifully constructed hypothesis, but makes one think about the reasons for the hagiographer's silence. Here, following the Problem, one can see the consequence of the crisis of the traditional committee system and the decline in their importance for the status and prestige of the person vested with the appropriate authority. Or accept a more subtle and psychological explanation of the same Frey, according to whom Odon deliberately does not emphasize (although he does not hide) the Herald's belonging to the circle of the highest aristocracy of the region, so that his proposed model of holiness in the world would be more universal and have a wider resonance among the secular nobility ^{[23, pp. 666-668]}. The count's dignity of the Herald turns out to be too status and prestigious to be fully reflected in life.

One way or another, Odon's position leaves its mark on the projection of elite spaces in life. The main place of action of the biography of the Herald is the private property of the saint. It is this area that is symbolically significant in local and family aristocratic memory: the Herald inherits them from his parents, unlike the count's powers transferred to him by the king bypassing the sons of the previous Earl of Kersey ^{[23, pp. 1028, 1116, 1133-1136]}. Subsequently, according to the will of the saint, the nephew receives his lands for life, but not the county. Finally, it is from private lands that the Herald makes donations to the Aurillac monastery he founded ^{[41, pp. 272-274]} (cedo ad locum… vocatur Aurilacus monasterium, Reynaldus teneat dum vivit: post obitum illius ad Aureliacum remaneat). And, in addition to the previous "aristocratic" tradition of Herald's biography in the testimonies of contemporaries, the connection of the mentioned territories with the Aurillac Monastery, its sacred and potestar geography, is of particular importance in the geography of Odonov's life. The public functions of the Herald can be traced only in individual details of the biography, whereas the image of a monk in the world and the sacred space constructed around him with a network of churches, chapels, pilgrimages and relics come to the fore. The hagiographer builds the elite space of the Herald around Aurillac as the center of his ancestral lands, and subsequently the spread of his cult. The depiction of Cahors as the center of the Herald committee violates the unity of this concept of elite space – and this, in turn, also contributes to the entry of the network of elite loci of the Herald in Kersey into the zone of silence of Odon.

In the text of the Vita Prolixior Prima, Aurillac appears as the residence of the holy count. Odo calls it a "fortress or estate" (VG. I. 1. Vol. 642: Oppido vel villa Aureliaco. Aurillac is also referred to in the text as castrum and castellum: Ibid. I. 36. Col. 664; I. 39. Col. 665-666). The fluctuations of the hagiographer are quite justified, since Aurillac, judging by the descriptions and archaeological data, is formed as a bipolar settlement ^{[21, p. 350]} (for the meaning of the term curtis for Auvergne in the IX–X centuries, see: ^{[20, p. 218-223]}; cf. spread at the same time to the coast as a type of fortified settlement using fortifications of natural relief and embankments of villa cum turre: ^{[9, p. 134]}). In the lowland, in the Jordan River valley, there is first an estate (curtis) — the center of agricultural exploitation of the surrounding lands, and after that a monastery ^{[41, p. 272]} (locum..., quod vocatur Aurilacus monasterium,... et medietatem de ipsa curte, et ipsum castellum...), founded by Herald. Overhanging it is a fortified castle located on a cliff (VG I. 38. Vol. 665: Oppidum nihilominus quod monasterio superimminet; VG. II. 5. Vol. 674: ...Oppido quod eidem loco imminet; VG. III. 1. Vol. 689-690: In oppido esset, quod Aureliaco imminet...). At the same time, for Odo, as for many of his contemporaries, the difference between villa and oppidum was not as insurmountable as it might seem. After all, there are many examples when both terms were applied with equal success to the same settlement (usually a city) ^{[1, pp. 248-249]}. In the XVIII century, the remains of a Gallo-Roman cemetery were discovered near the abbey of Aurillac, and during excavations in 1977-1983 the remains of an ancient temple complex, which indicates a possible continuity of settlement from ancient times, but there is still enough data for final conclusions ^{[15, p. 2]}; ^{[31, pp. 486-487]}.

Summarizing the archaeological data of the survey of the beginning. In the XXI century, Luc Bourgeois notes that in the Late Carolingian era in France, the residential spaces of elite residences and fortifications were merged into a single architectural program ^{[10, p. 146]}. The two-pole Aurillac turns out to be a typical example of these processes. Archaeological excavations in recent years have revealed new details about the Carolingian history of the settlement. In 2013-2014, archaeological security surveys were conducted in the vicinity of the church of Saint-Jerome-d'orillac, the former basilica of a medieval monastery, in connection with the construction of new residential quarters. The remains of unidentified buildings of the IX–X centuries have been found at the site of the monastery and burial of the Carolingian cemetery of the IX century, which stretched for at least a kilometer ^{[14, p. 211]}; ^{[15, p. 4-9]}.

Thus, the count's castle is located on a strategic elevation surrounded by low-lying buildings of the estate. The rural settlement and cemetery form a single complex with the residence of the count, directly adjacent to the natural elevation of the landscape on the right bank of the Jordan River, where, on the site of the subsequent castle of Saint-Etienne, there was a Carolingian fortress residence. At the site of the castle, archaeologists do not find the remains of fortifications that preceded the XII century. However, comparing the data of the Odon text with the landscape and the result of excavations around the castle, they come to the conclusion that the site of the construction of the later castle coincides with the location of the Carolingian castrum ^{[15, p. 11]}.

From the above, it is obvious that the residence of Count Gerald was located surrounded by settlements and agricultural lands dependent on this elite locus and belonging to its sphere of influence. The works of archaeologists have shown that the residences of the elites in the IX–X centuries were not isolated fortifications, but often had settlements of dependent population in their orbit ^{[2, p. 88]}. The immediate district of Aurillac consisted of domenial lands cultivated by personally dependent farmers (Auvergne belongs to territories for which the status of servi as late Antique slaves or medieval servi in the formulations of sources in the early Middle Ages is rather vague. At the end of the 20th century, during discussions about the "feudal revolution", Dominique Bartelmi raised the question of the need to distance himself from the archaic terminology of sources, which does not always keep pace with new social realities. At the same time, despite the fact that many researchers were inclined to agree with his interpretation, the dispute about serfs and slaves was never completed. In particular, recently Josep Salrak noted the high evidence base of the old interpretation of this phenomenon (in particular in the writings of Gabriel Fournier) as remnants of ancient slavery, and not the medieval servage that replaced it: ^{[37, pp. 81, 92]}), and a number of peasant estates with land ^{[41, p. 272]} (Medietatem de ipsa curte, et ipsum castellum cum Baccalaria dominicata). G. Fournier notes that related to curtis domenial The lands were quite extensive, but few in number ^{[20, p. 223]}. The term baccalaria in the meaning of arable lands and lands also appears in the Soxilange Cartulary, see: Sauxillanges, 279, 280, 400, 803, 804. The definition of "dominicatus" can serve to contrast the seigneur's allodial lands with his possessions, which are not hereditary property, or his domain with peasant holdings ^{[20, pp. 290-291]}. Peasant estates, as can be concluded, based on the Herald's wills, were located northeast of Aurillac (in the localization of the toponyms mentioned in the life, I rely on unpublished materials by the linguist Jean-Pierre Chambon, a specialist in Occitan dialects and toponymy of Auvergne, who seriously dealt with this topic based on linguistic methodology ^[12]. In consultation with Prof. Chambon in the issues of historical toponymy and linguistics of Auvergne is repeatedly referred to by the above-mentioned Sebastien Frey in his dissertation). With a sufficient degree of confidence, we can talk about four mansions belonging to the Aurillac estate: two are located in Grammont and one each in Fabregas and Marcou ^{[41, pp. 272-273]} (et duos mansos in Grandemonte, et in Fabriciis manso ...Similiter Marconi manso).

Among the famous estates and private chapels of the Count of Aurillac, in general, the number located in Auvergne is not so large. According to Odon, Saint Gerald could move from the estate of Postomius (in the south-east of Rouergue) to the northern borders of his lands at the foot of Puy Griu (Cantal), stopping for the night only in his own chapels (VG I. 41. Sol. 667: Nam cum allodus ejus esset Postomia, et deinceps latifundia ipsius ita sibi succedrunt, ut usque ad montem magnum Greonem, posse...semper in propriis mansitare capellis). And this suggests that his possessions form a kind of discontinuous belt crossing the territory of Upper Auvergne and Rouergue from north to south (Fig. 1). Studies of toponyms associated with the life of Saint Herald, conducted by Jean-Pierre Chambon using linguistic methods, in particular, taking into account historical phonetics, give an unexpected result. Most of the Herald's estates and private churches mentioned in the sources turn out to be concentrated in the south of Limousin, in the basin of the Dordogne River ^{[12, pp. 1-8, 21-23, 27]}. Several of his estates are concentrated there at once: Croisille, Gleny, Cesernac, Courtjou, Vassa, Aurelle, as well as the fortress of Monceau (VG. II. 13. Sol. 677: Villa... Crucicula; ^{[42, p. 652]}: Glinico, Tirtiniaco cum ecclesia sancti Cirici (Cf.: VG. III. 5. Sol. 692: Apud Cezerviacum... ecclesia in honorem sancti Cirici.); ^{[41, p. 272]}: Curtogillo; ^{[39, p. 172]}: Curtem nomine Aureliaco; VG. IV. 10. Sol. 701: Oppidum quod rustici Mulsedonum dicunt... villa Vaxia. Localization of these estates: ^{[12, pp. 1-8, 21-23]}. This connection of Herald's hereditary possessions with Limousin is indirectly confirmed by the critical edition of Vita Prolixior Prima, in which an important clarification appears: the lands subject to Aurillac are located on the territory not only of Auvergne, Quercy and Albigua, but also of Limousin (atque Lemouicensi pago) ^{[23, p. 655]}. The latter, due to an error in a previously published manuscript, is not mentioned in the publication of the text by Andre Duchesne in the XVII century, but is present in a critical edition, where this reading is based on a number of lists of the life.

Fig. 1. Map of the possessions of Gerald of Aurillac

According to Odon, Gerald received these lands from his parents "by right of inheritance" (VG. I. 1. Col. 643: Jure successionis, VG. I. 6. Col. 645: haereditario jure). However, among the lands of the Herald there are those that he received in benefices from the king (VG. II. 34. Col. 689: Quae a parentibus vel regibus ei collata sunt). When talking about all the lands of the Herald in general, the churches located in them, the personally free peasant holders who cultivate them, there is no question of ownership, but a milder and more vague formulation is used: "It is in his power" (VG. I. 7. Col. 646: Quidquid illius juris esset; VG. I, 19. Col. 654: Sui juris ecclesiam; VG. I. 24. Col. 656: Ipsos [ruricolae] erant ejus juris; VG. I. 37. Col. 665A: quae erant juris illius devastarent; VG. III. 5. Col. 692: Sui juris ecclesiam). It is not possible to determine the ratio of lands inherited from parents and granted by the king. Odo speaks unequivocally about the wealth of the Herald family and the large number of estates with servi inherited by him (VG. I. 1. Col. 642-643: Sane quantum locupletes iidem fuerint vel praedia mancipiis referta testantur). He also emphasizes that Herald did not seek to buy or acquire new lands by force (VG. I. 28. Col. 658-659; II. 1. Col. 670). Only once did he have to purchase a piece of land, since it was sandwiched between the territories of his possessions (VG. I. 28. Col. 659: Sed neque ipse praedium aliquando comparavit, praeter unum agellum, qui suae cuidam possessioni forte insitus erat). Perhaps we are talking here about the mance in the Stamp, which the Aurillac count, according to his will, bought from a certain Adoald ^{[41, p. 273]} (Marconi manso, quem de Adoaldo emi).

The Herald trusts the management of his vast estates to the villiers, who directly report to him. From these managers, according to Odo, he manages to achieve absolute honesty (VG. I. 28. Col. 658-659: Nunquam tamen auditum est, quod villici ejus aliquid accommodassent). However, from the words of the same author, it can be assumed that he distributes part of the land as beneficiaries – probably to his vassals. At the same time, the temporary precarious grant practiced by his neighbors in his lands seems to have a tendency to turn into a lifelong possession (VG. II. 14. Col. 678: In dando autem aliquid, multum erat morosus. At postquam semel dedisset, non auferebat). Talidyak Herald is forced to give his northernmost estate to a certain "powerful person" (VG. I. 41. Col. 667: Tamen non indigebat ut aliquam villam cuilibet potenti ad custodiendum commendasset, nisi unum solum praediolum quod dicitur Taladiciacus). Since the name of this man is Bernard (VG. I. 41. Col. 667: Cuidam Bernardo ad custodiendum commendaret), there is a possibility that we are talking about the Auvergne count, the father of Guillaume the Pious, although Odo does not directly mention this (VG. I. 34. Col. 661: Pater suus Bernardus ipsum [Wilelmum] adhuc adolescentem eidem domno Geraldo amoris causa commendacit. Curiously, in this case, the same verb commendare does not mean the transfer of land, but, as follows from the context, the return to the upbringing of a young man). But rather, it should be seen only as a representative of one of the local noble families, among whom the name, worn alternately by two Auvergne counts, became popular (the name Bernard was especially common in the south-west of Auvergne, in close proximity to the possessions of the Herald, in particular, among the viscounts of Charles. See: ^{[28, p. 203]}). The Herald takes this exceptional step because of the isolated position of this "name" surrounded by the possessions of "hostile neighbors" (VG. I. 41. Sol. 667B: Erat enim semotim inter pessimos vicinos longe a caeteris disparatum). Judging by the location of the estate, representatives of the aristocratic surnames Nonette and Carla could be unfriendly neighbors. See: ^{[28, p. 355]}.

The fortification functions of fortification and the socio-economic functions of the estate as the center of management of the economic life of the lands in this new type of aristocratic elite loci were combined with a sacred function. It was the religious topography (for the topography of the Aurillac monastery in the IX–XII centuries, see: ^{[24, pp. 3-12]}) and the symbolism of the elite locus that was decisive for the prestige of the family or community associated with it. It was not only a formal indicator of status and power, but also a source of self-identification and a tradition of commemoration of the dead. Count Gerald's father, also Gerald, is also building the Church of St. Nicholas under the walls of the fortress in Aurillac. St. Clement (c. 850), and the saint himself founded a monastery here (c. 895) ^{[14, p. 210]}. Archaeological excavations, according to Nicolas Clement, suggest that the Carolingian cemetery after the construction of the first church of Clement in Ser. The IX century begins to spread in its direction, turning into a burial ground around the temple, i.e. in the cemetery ad sanctos ^{[15, p. 8]}. According to Odo's text, the original building of the Basilica of Saint Pierre (in honore beati Petri ecclesiam), erected by Herald, collapses during construction; it was then that he transfers it to a protected and a symbolically significant place is in the immediate vicinity of the old church of the father under the shadow of the fortress. (The exact localization of the new church is missing in the old editions of the Odonian text and is reconstructed by Anne-Marie Bulteau-Verleisen on the basis of the Dijon manuscript Vita Prolixior Prima (Dijon Ms. 606): Est autem sita e regione illius ecclesie quam pater eius dudum sancti Clementis construxerat. The text is quoted from: ^{[13, p. 36]}. Cf.: VG. II. 4-5. Col. 673-674.) Around the two basilicas, the monastery complex of the monastery founded by Herald is formed, which in the royal diploma is called St. Peter's Abbey. Peter and Clement ^{[42, p. 652]} (Monasterium in honorem Apostolorum Principis, et beati Clementis fundatum), which confirms the information about the dedication of churches in the life.

The topography of Aurillac is an illustrative example of the connection of the monastery with the initiative of the secular elite and the space of its elite locus. If the Merovingian era was for Auvergne the era of diocesan initiative in founding monasteries and their location in an urban environment, then the Carolingian era became the time of aristocratic monasteries located in a rural area, often next to the residences of the elites ^{[32, p. 14]}. Such construction of a monastery in the space of an estate near the fortress is an established practice. The monastery in the elite area of the aristocratic residence not only communicated religious functions to the power center, but also acted as a heart in the sacred geography of the territory, thereby sanctifying the rights of a secular lord with its patronage. According to the Carolingian tradition and within the framework of the Carolingian church administration, the aristocrat founder often acted as the secular abbot of the monastery, which in turn further developed under the protection and patronage of his family. The connection of the castle with the monastery reflected the trend towards fortification of monasteries due to the militarization of early medieval elites. Monasteries that developed far from the loci of power of the secular elites also overgrown with fortifications and had garrisons of lay warriors ^{[10, p. 140]}.

The same role of creating a sacred halo for Aurillac as an elite locus is played by the collection of relics by the Herald (VG. III. 3. Col. 691, III. 8. Col.700: Multos sanctorum reliquias ad Aureliacum advexit). This is not only an act of personal piety, but also a tool to strengthen the prestige of the newly founded monastery, in the basilica of which they will be kept (VG. III. 3. Col. 691: In altaribus vero tanta pignera sanctorum insita sunt, ut scientibus mirum sit). This jewel of shrines, not only in the sacred, but also in the social dimension, has been repeatedly noted by researchers who touched on the topics of status and wealth in the world of early medieval elites: see, in particular: ^[11]; ^[16].

However, in the Odonian life of Herald, the foundation of the monastery by the saints inscribes Aurillac into the network of sacred geography much wider than its local context. According to Odo, the count begins to build a monastery after a pilgrimage to Rome (VG. II. 4. Col. 672-673). He also makes pilgrimages to the most revered French shrines – Limoges and Tours (VG. II. 22. Col. 682–683). The connection of the new monastery with the Holy See. Petra is repeatedly mentioned in the text, as are the regular pilgrimages to Rome by Herald himself (VG. I. 27, 29-31. Col. 658-660; II. 2-4. Col. 670-673; 17-25. Col. 680-684). From the words of the hagiographer, one can deduce the direct subordination of the new abbey to Rome (VG. II. 4. Col. 672-673: Romam profectus est, et Aureliacum insigne praedium beato Petro apostolorum principi, facto solemniter testamento, delegavit, cum tantis videlicet appenditiis, quae monachis, quos ibidem congregare disposuerat, ad omne stipendium sufficere possent ... Censum quoque delegavit, qui ad urnam beati Petri annuatim redderetur), which directly contradicts the documentary data – the repeatedly mentioned immunity certificate of Charles the Simple testifies that the legal status and prestige of the monastery under its founder was determined not by its connection with Rome, but by the patronage of the Carolingian dynasty.

The Herald, as a royal vassal and probably an official of the committee, acts as an agent of the secular aristocratic patronage of the religious institute. Odon, as the abbot of Aurillac, constructs the history of the foundation of the monastery as directly subordinate to Rome in order to free it from the power of the local secular elite — the heirs of the holy count ^{[36, pp. 215-217]}; ^{[26, pp. 41-44]}. Therefore, the Herald, as a mirror of aristocratic holiness in Odonov's life, not only leads the life of a monk in the world (especially indicative: VG. II.2-4. Col. 670-673), but also seems to anticipate the orientation of reformed monasticism towards Rome. At the same time, a trace of the Roman tradition is felt in the sacred topography of Aurillac even during the historical Herald: it is no coincidence that many of the miracles of the saint, retold by the hagiographer from the words of eyewitnesses, took place on the way to Rome. The first church of Aurillac was consecrated in honor of St. Clement, the Pope. The Basilica of Count Herald himself adds to this dedication an even more eloquent reference to Rome in the person of St. Petra. It was near the chapel of St. Peter that the saint himself would later be buried (VG. III. 11. Col. 697: Ad sinistram scilicet basilicae ipsius collacoverunt, juxta aram sancti Petri…). Thus, the sacred topography of Aurillac is not so clearly divided into aristocratic and monastic, as one might expect. The differences are obvious at the level of the question of the subordination of the monastery, but not at the level of the organization and symbolism of its space.

The sacred geography in Odonov's life is not limited to the monastery of the elite locus and the itineraries of the Italian pilgrimages of the saint. The text is full of references to private chapels and churches of the Herald, evenly scattered throughout his possessions. The Holy Count attends festive divine services in them, finds a kind of deserts, "the most reserved places" (secretiora loca), for pious solitude (VG. II. 26, 27, 32. Col. 685, 687-688) and spends the night on the way (VG. I. 41. Sol. 667: Semper in propriis mansitare capellis). This allows us to talk about a network of religious buildings on the territory of the Herald's possessions in the context of the hierarchy of space (a monastery with many relics — small chapels and churches of settlements), the center and periphery (Aurillac — remote corners of the count's possessions), movement and distances (it is through private chapels that the saint calculates a day on the road). Like the churches founded by the Count and his father in Aurillac, they show the importance of sacralizing space in demonstrating the status of local elites. Not the secular network of land holdings, settlements and fortifications comes to the fore in the life, but the religious dimension of the elite space: the personal piety of the count, the priority for him of religious centers in the space of private lands, the folding of the sacred topography and geography of the territory, anticipating the area of the subsequent spread of the cult of the saint.

Thus, the focus of the Vita Prolixior Prima was on the possessions of Herald, which were preserved in the collective memory due to the connection with key events in the biography of the protagonist or his miracles. Odon composes the life of an almost contemporary using a lively local tradition and with meticulous attention to specific details. As a result, the text reflects a remarkable knowledge of small toponyms, attention to their legal and administrative status as part of the territory under the administration or possession of the Herald. At the same time, Odon reinterprets the history of the foundation of the monastery and the very image of the saint. The figure of a noble layman is layered with features of monastic piety, and an aristocratic monastery under the patronage of the king turns into a monastery that initially depends directly on Rome. As a result, Vita Prolixior Prima combines two elitist perspectives in the perception of space: secular aristocracy (Count Gerald) and monastic Reform (Abbot Odon), which are especially intricately intertwined in the sacred geography of the text. The Castle of Herald in Aurillac, the only elite locus of the holy count prescribed in the text, appears as a fortified residence of an aristocrat, the economic center of the estate and seignorial possessions and, thanks to the foundation of the monastery and the concentration of relics there, the heart of the religious life of the territory. Individual geographical locations, which are important elite spaces in the Herald's system of organizing power, fall into the zone of silence due to the narrative tasks and ideological attitudes of the text.