"May 4th Movement" of 1919 in speeches of Chinese Communist Party's leaders

Skosyrev Vladimir Alekseevich ORCID: 0000-0001-6787-1773 Research Fellow, Institute of China and Modern Asia of the Russian Academy of Sciences 117997, Russia, Moscow, Nakhimovsky Ave., 32 mr.skosyrev@gmail.com Other publications by this author

Introduction

The "May 4 Movement" of 1919 is a significant event in the history of China of the XX century. It is filled with various meanings. This is a protest against "national traitors" and encroachments on China's sovereignty. This is a speech for the values of science and democracy. This is a revolt of Chinese students and youth. This is a denial of "old dogmas" and traditional culture. This is the rise of new ideological teachings, the flowering of intellectual life and discussions about the fate of the country.

Subsequently, various political forces in China considered the "May 4 Movement" as a starting point for spreading their own ideology. The PDA is no exception. Mao Zedong wrote that the "Movement" became one of the factors of the establishment of the Chinese Communist Party in 1921, gave impetus to the "new democratic revolution" and created prerequisites for the unification of the young intelligentsia with the working-peasant masses ^[1]. Meanwhile, the "spirit of the May 4 Movement" was also appealed to by the participants of the demonstrations in April 1976, protesting students in Tiananmen Square in 1989, the drafters of Charter 08 calling for political reforms in 2008, protesting Hong Kongers in 2014 and 2019. Western politicians and publicists turn to the "Movement", reproaching the current leadership of the CPC for departing from the values of democracy and freedom of speech. Today, the events of 1919 are also used by Taiwanese politicians to form an island identity.

The "May 4 Movement" has been well studied by Soviet and Russian sinologists. The topic is still of interest to researchers. This is due not only to the great influence of the events of May 1919 on the history of the country of the XX century, but also their symbolic significance for the ideological life of modern China. Recent works in Russian include articles by N.L. Mamayeva ^[2] on the causes and consequences of the "Movement", R.R. Hajiyev ^[3] on its foreign policy aspects, Zhang Fugui on the cultural factor ^[4]. The question of the significance of the "May 4 Movement" for the modern ideology of the PRC is touched upon in the works of A.N. Karneev ^{[5, 6]}.

The problems of the "May 4 Movement" continue to be developed in Western historiography. Of interest is E. Forster's monograph ^[7] on how Chinese politicians, theorists, and then Western researchers created, in fact, artificial "narratives" about the "May 4 Movement" and the "Movement for a New Culture". Research interest in the events of 1919 was aroused by their centennial anniversary. So, in 2019, the journals Chinese Studies in History and Twentieth-Century China published thematic issues on various aspects of the "Movement" ^{[8, 9]}. E. Wang's article describing modern Chinese historiography on the subject of "Movement" ^[10] is useful for researchers. The issues of socio-economic prerequisites for the beginning of the "Movement" and its significance for modern China are raised in the work of M.T. Menzel ^[11]. An original attempt to trace the impact of the "Movement" on the worldview of major Chinese scientists Zhu Kezhen and Fang Lizhi is made in the study of Wang Zuue ^[12]. Recent works include an article by M. Fraser ^[13] on how the May 1919 demonstrations set the model for future protests in China and Asia.

Meanwhile, in domestic Sinology, the problem of what meanings the current leadership of the People's Republic of China fills with the "May 4 Movement" has not been sufficiently worked out. This topic is covered in Western journalism (see, for example, Bandurski D. The May 4th Movement: How China buried ‘Mr Democracy'. // Hong Kong Free Press, 2019, May 4. [Electronic resource]. URL: https://hongkongfp.com/2019/05/04/may-fourth-movement-china-buried-mr-democracy/; Pankaj E. The May Fourth Movement in Xi Jinping’s China. // The Diplomat, 2023, May 09. [electronic resource]. URL: https://thediplomat.com/2023/05/the-may-fourth-movement-in-xi-jinpings-china/). However, it rarely presents the evolution of the official Chinese interpretation of the events of 1919. As a result, some moments are declared characteristic exclusively of the Xi Jinping era, although in fact they were previously present in the official interpretation of the history of the CPC. The problem under consideration is raised in Chinese historiography. But research in the PRC is limited by censorship. For example, instead of Zhao Ziyang's speech on the occasion of the 70th anniversary of the beginning of the "Movement", delivered at the time of the political crisis of 1989, the articles deal with the content of Jiang Zemin's speech of 1990 ^{[14, p. 64]}.

To fill in the gaps noted, this article analyzes five speeches by CPC leaders on the occasion of the round anniversary of the "May 4 Movement". The time frame of the study is 1979-2019. The goal is to identify common and special moments for each speech, to trace changes in accents. The author identifies 5 semantic blocks common to all speeches, the content of which changes over time. This is an attitude to tradition, an assessment of the CPC's past mistakes and the role of Mao Zedong, the "spirit of the May 4 Movement", development attitudes and youth policy. Changes in the content of these blocks are a cross-section of the transformation of the ideology of the PRC as a whole. Their analysis allows us to draw separate conclusions about the direction of its evolution.

Structure of speeches

The structure of the speeches of the CPC leaders on the occasion of the round anniversary of the beginning of the "May 4 Movement" is built in a similar way.

First of all, they talk about the historical context of the events. It is noted that the "Movement" arose in conditions when China was weak and was subjected to national humiliation. It is characterized as "patriotic", "anti-imperialist" and "anti-feudal".

The article describes the ideological changes that led to the events of May 4, 1919. There was a "liberation of consciousness" and a transition from the "old democratic revolution" to the "new" one. The "advanced elements" began to look for the "right way to save" China and eventually chose Marxism. The further foundation of the CPC in 1921 is associated with the "Movement".

Then the party leaders turn to the "spirit of the May 4 Movement" and talk about the values of patriotism, progress, democracy and science. At the same time, it is emphasized that the CPC was the only force capable of following the "spirit of the Movement", changing the face of Old China and starting a national revival. Following this, it is emphasized that the Communist Party is still faithful to the goals of the "Movement", and the tasks facing it are outlined.

May 4 is considered a youth holiday in China. Therefore, in their speeches, Chinese leaders also talk about the crucial role of the younger generation and students at the beginning of the "Movement" and give guidelines for current work with young people. As a rule, speeches contain calls for the younger generation to rally around the party leadership and realize the goals of state development.

Hua Guofeng's 1979 Speech: The Transition to Socialist Modernization

The Chairman of the CPC, Hua Guofeng gave a speech on the occasion of the 60th anniversary of the "may 4th Movement" a few months after the 3rd Plenum of the CPC Central Committee of the 11th convocation (?1979-05-03?// [Electronic resource]. URL: http://www.huaguofeng.org/nianpu_xq.php?cid=5&id=264). At it, the country's leadership embarked on a policy of reform and openness. Hua Guofeng himself, who was a follower of the Maoist course, was de facto removed from power by Deng Xiaoping by that time. Nevertheless, his speech reflects the turning point of the era and generally outlines the new attitudes of the country's leadership.

Hua Guofeng noted that the "Movement" was a struggle to change the face of Old China. It was pointed out that it was necessary to constantly maintain the "revolutionary spirit" associated with this struggle. The CCP was credited with overthrowing imperialism and feudalism and transforming the country into a "socialist New China". It was claimed that Old China had left only "extreme poverty and backwardness." The Communist Party was tasked with destroying "remnants of the old system" and overcoming "old ways of thinking and customs incompatible with socialism."

It was mentioned that on the revolutionary path under the leadership of the CPC, the Chinese people faced setbacks. However, in general, "it was a process of transition from one victory to another." Hua Guofeng noted that Mao Zedong "creatively combined universal Marxist truth with Chinese practice and solved many problems." It was argued that in the future the Communist Party will face new issues, and they should also be solved based on Marxism-Leninism and the ideas of Mao Zedong. At the same time, it was emphasized that the theory should not be treated dogmatically. It was necessary to "proceed from reality, liberate consciousness, explore a new environment."

Thus, Mao Zedong was given a positive assessment. At the same time, the importance of creative perception of his ideas was indicated. This approach made it possible to justify the departure from the Maoist course and the transition to a pragmatic policy. This ideological twist was finally recorded in 1981 after the adoption of the "Decisions on some issues of the history of the CCP since the founding of the PRC" ( // [Electronic resource]. URL: http://www.gov.cn/test/2008-06/23/content_1024934.htm). The document assessed Mao Zedong's revolutionary activities and his mistakes after the founding of the New China. The key components of his ideas were recognized as the preservation of independence, the search for truth in facts and a course towards the masses.

Hua Guofeng associated the "spirit of the Movement" with patriotism, the struggle for a "new culture", the progress and prosperity of the country. The value of science and democracy was also noted. At the same time, it was emphasized that they cannot be talked about in isolation from socialism. It was only thanks to him that the people became the "rightful owner" of the country and the material basis for the development of culture and science was laid. The speech also contains guidelines for the development of intra-party democracy, the maintenance of democratic centralism, balancing the relationship between democracy and centralization, democracy and law, freedom and discipline.

The speech recorded the crucial nature of the current moment. It was noted that China has moved to a new stage of development based on socialist modernization. At the same time, there are no specific development goals in the text. They will be developed later in the second half of the 1980s.

The speech called on young people to "stand in the vanguard of the era", inherit and develop "the glorious traditions of the May 4 Movement", "become an assault squad of the new Great Campaign", rally around the Central Committee of the party and contribute to the modernization of the country. In general, little attention was paid to youth policy in the speech. Although it was during this period that its revision took place, primarily in the field of education — pedagogical science was restored, Chinese universities were brought out of the crisis.

In general, Hua Guofeng's speech is balanced in structure and content. Equal attention is paid to thematic blocks.

Zhao Ziyang's 1989 Speech: A Moment of Political and Ideological Crisis

General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee Zhao Ziyang on the occasion of the 70th anniversary of the "may 4th Movement" took place in the beginning of the protests in Tiananmen square in Beijing ( // [Electronic resource]. URL: http://www.tiananmenduizhi.com/2012/05/blog-post.html). The political crisis was caused, among other things, by the ideological trends of the late 1980s. There were episodes of public discussion and criticism of the official ideology. Educated Chinese talked about political liberalization. Some even openly criticized the CCP's one-party rule. The general atmosphere of that time was reflected in the speech of Zhao Ziyang, the leader who, after suppressing the riots, was accused by the party of supporting them.

The speech provided a standard description of the historical context of the emergence of the "Movement". There are no changes in the assessment of Old China. The primary task of the CPC was called the scrapping of the "old system", which is opposed to the new socialist one.

The previous mistakes of the CPC and the era of Mao Zedong's rule were described in a completely different spirit. Zhao Ziyang noted the presence of not only failures, but also major mistakes. In general, such an indication of the mistakes of the Communist Party was not an innovation and followed the spirit of the "Decisions on some issues of history ..." of 1981. Meanwhile, the 1989 speech contains additions that are not characteristic of party discourse.

This is a general assessment of the period 1949-1976. It was argued that from the breakdown of the old system, the Communist Party had to move on to the creation of a new one. However, significant progress in this, from Zhao's point of view, has not been achieved: "In the past, we have not been able to fully consciously and effectively implement this transition. Ten years of turmoil of the "cultural revolution" is even more a complete violation of the requirements of history." The transition to the "right path of development" began only in 1978 with the promotion of political and economic reforms. Thus, the speech emphasized the gap between the reform era and the preceding Maoist period.

The "Spirit of the May 4 Movement" in the speech is associated with patriotism, democracy and science. Zhao Ziyang called for filling them with new content, bringing them to a higher level and thereby overcoming backwardness and eliminating poverty. The emphasis is on the eradication of undemocratic and unscientific habits from the life of society and the consciousness of the people.

Science and democracy in the speech of 1989 occupy a higher status compared to the text of 1979. In Hua Guofeng's speech, it was noted that they cannot be talked about in isolation from socialism. That is, socialism was positioned as a starting point for the existence of democracy and science. Zhao Ziyang also emphasized: "Without democracy and science, there is no socialism and socialist modernization." Democracy and science in this formulation turned into criteria for assessing the progressiveness of a socialist society. It was implied that they were not necessarily his attributes. The task was to study and develop them in the process of further modernization.

Such a shift in emphasis indicates that against the background of the political crisis in the official ideological space of the People's Republic of China, external criteria for evaluating (in this case, democracy and science) the party discourse and the essence of the socialist system began to be used. The same process took place in the Soviet Union during the period of perestroika, when it became possible to publicly discuss and question party ideology from the standpoint of "objective scientific knowledge" ^{[15, pp. 574-577]}. In the USSR, the development of this trend eventually led to the deconstruction of the ideological system. In China, a similar process was stopped after the suppression of riots.

It should be noted the frequent mention of the term "democracy" in Zhao Ziyang's speech throughout the text — 24 times without taking into account the phrase "democratic revolution" (mentions of "democratic revolution" are associated with the description of the past; the use of the word outside this context, as a rule, refers to current attitudes on the development of the political system). In the 1979 speech, the word "democracy" appeared 10 times, mostly in one thematic paragraph. In the 1999 speech, the word was mentioned 6 times. In 2009 — only 2 times, and in the context of past events. In 2019, "democracy" was mentioned only 1 time when describing the events of a century ago.

In the 1989 speech, compared with the 1979 speech, more attention was paid to the CCP's guidelines for the development of the country. Zhao Ziyang's speech outlined the tasks of "the revival of the Chinese nation" (), the implementation of the "four modernizations", the development of production forces, the reform of the economic and political system, science and education. The goals of developing a "commodity economy with a plan", socialist democracy, scientific and socialist spiritual culture with Marxism as the basis were put forward.

The concept of the "initial stage of socialism" put forward at the XIII Congress of 1987 was indirectly mentioned. According to it, socialism in China was undeveloped. It took a long time to complete its construction. Zhao notes: "The task of lifting up the Chinese people has not yet been fully completed. In the global dimension of the total state power in economic, cultural, scientific and social development, China will rise to its feet only after the intense struggle of several generations and the implementation of socialist modernization." The main goal was called "building a rich, strong, democratic, civilized socialist state."

At the same time, Zhao Ziyang stressed that modernization should be carried out in stable, not chaotic conditions. For this, the transition of the political system to an "orderly legal path" and "the construction of a new system of socialist democracy" were necessary. At the same time, it was noted that only the CPC is able to ensure the development of the country. It was emphasized that the essence of the party remains unchanged, despite the changes taking place in society.

The last paragraphs of the text are dedicated to youth. It was talked about its role in the production of new knowledge and the future development of the country. Zhao Ziyang urged the younger generation to realize their own potential and work on themselves in the process of modernizing society. At the same time, it was noted that the "democratic spirit" implies combining the role of the individual with the efforts of the collective, and the "scientific spirit" — the realization of beautiful ideals.

So, Zhao Ziyang's speech is distinguished by the frequent mention of democracy and science, which act as the main criterion for the progressiveness of a socialist society. Also noteworthy is the negative assessment of the Maoist period and its opposition to the era of reform and openness.

Hu Jintao's 1999 speech: Emphasis on patriotism and continuity of historical development

In 1999, on the occasion of the round anniversary of the beginning of the "may 4th Movement" was made by the Vice President of China Hu Jintao ( // [Electronic resource]. URL: https://news.sina.com.cn/china/9905/050505.html). We are talking about a period of rapid economic growth. At the same time, it is a stage of searching for new sources of legitimacy of the Communist Party. Two years earlier, Deng Xiaoping, who was the most authoritative figure in Chinese politics, died. The current leader of the CPC, Jiang Zemin, and his future successor, Hu Jintao, needed to justify a new scheme for transferring power from one "generation" of leaders to another. At the same time, the Communist Party faced traditionalist opposition ^{[16, p. 281]} in the face of followers of the Falun Gong movement.

The text of the 1999 speech is distinguished by a detailed description of the historical context of the origin of the "May 4 Movement". It tells about the transformation of China into a semi-colonial and semi-feudal society after the outbreak of the Opium Wars in 1840. It talks about unsuccessful attempts to resist national oppression. The episodes that directly led to the rise of the patriotic movement are noted: first, the adoption by the Yuan Shikai government of Tokyo's 21 demands, and then the decision of the Paris Peace Conference to transfer the former German possessions to Japan in the prov. Shandong. The events of May 4, 1919 are described in more detail compared to previous speeches.

The text preserves the thesis that the "Movement" dealt a blow to "old etiquette, morality, thinking and culture" and opened the way for the spread of a new ideology. At the same time, Hu Jintao noted that it was based on the "relentless great patriotic spirit", thanks to which China has developed and progressed for thousands of years. Thus, in the speech of 1999 there is no longer a complete denial of tradition.

The speech provides a consistent description of the stages in the history of the CPC. "The first generation of collective leadership with Mao Zedong as the core" overthrew imperialism, feudalism and bureaucratic capitalism. With the founding of the PRC, it ended the era of national humiliation. Then the "first generation" carried out socialist transformations. It was noted that on this path it encountered difficulties and made serious mistakes. However, in general, major successes have been achieved: in 20-30 years it has been possible to build an independent and relatively holistic economy. The technological and material basis for the industrialization and modernization of the country has been laid.

This was followed by the achievements of the era of reforms and openness. They were credited with the "second generation" with Deng Xiaoping as the "core" and the "third generation" led by Jiang Zemin. It is noted that the production forces, the combined power of the state and the life of the people have reached a new level. "In general, the issue of providing food and clothing to 1.2 billion people has been resolved." The country returned Hong Kong and Macau. Beijing's international status has increased.

Thus, the 1999 speech emphasized the continuity of the historical development of the CPC. The existence of mistakes in the Maoist period was recognized. However, they were not emphasized. The concept of "generations" of leaders, in addition to forming an idea of the continuity of party policy, also ensured the legitimacy of Jiang Zemin's rule and the impending transfer of power to Hu Jintao in the absence of an authoritative figure in the leadership of the CPC.

Patriotism, progress, democracy and science were associated with the "spirit of the Movement". It was noted that patriotism is primarily a struggle for national independence, protection of state sovereignty and territorial integrity, opposition to "imperialist enslavement" and "feudal militaristic governments." Progress is a confrontation with all the factors of "decadence and decay" that prevented national independence and liberation. Democracy is the overthrow of the "old system of despotic dictatorship" and the liberation of the "broad masses of the people." Science is the Chinese people's search for a path of development that allowed them to escape the oppressed situation.

It is noteworthy that the main attention here is de facto paid to patriotism and the desire of the participants of the "May 4 Movement" to end the era of historical humiliations. The "Spirit of the Movement" is turned into the past. Unlike Zhao Ziyang's speech, democracy and science do not appear as criteria for assessing the progressiveness of the party at the present stage. At the same time, it was noted that many of the goals of the "Movement" have already been achieved. This meant that not all the tools of its participants are applicable to modern conditions when society faces other tasks.

The patriotic content was also acquired by the development guidelines. In Hu Jintao's speech, the main goal is "the great revival of the Chinese nation" ("The Great rebirth of the Chinese nation"). This phrase and the phrase "the rebirth of the Chinese nation" occur 7 times in the 1999 text. Hua Guofeng mentioned "national revival" 2 times, and Zhao Ziyang mentioned it 3 times.

The 1999 speech presented a plan to achieve the main development goals of the CPC. In the first decade, it was supposed to double the GDP of 2000 and form a full-fledged socialist market economy. By the centenary of the CPC in 2021 — to further develop the national economy and improve the "various systems". By the centenary of the founding of the People's Republic of China in 2049 — in general, complete modernization, build a rich, strong, democratic, civilized socialist state. By that time, the Chinese people should have achieved "universal welfare". These goals were subsequently clarified, but generally did not change.

The future in Hu Jintao's speech appears to be a period of great opportunities. At the same time, it was noted that the world is undergoing profound changes and China should be ready for new challenges. It was recognized that it still took a long time to complete industrialization. The development of multipolarity and economic globalization, scientific and technological breakthroughs, the emergence of a knowledge economy, and increased competition between powers were pointed out. The preservation of Cold War-era thinking and the desire of Western powers to Westernize and divide socialist and developing countries were recorded.

At the end of the speech, a standard block on the role of youth was given. It was emphasized that the modern young generation will see the national revival with their own eyes. Hu Jintao urged young people to adhere to ideals and serve the people, go to the masses, study diligently and show creativity, not to break away from reality and lead a selfless struggle.

Thus, in Hu Jintao's speech, there is a shift in emphasis on the historical context of the emergence of the "May 4 Movement". The idea is being conveyed that national humiliations have led to an increase in patriotic sentiments and, ultimately, the emergence of the CPC as the only force capable of making China a powerful power again. With the help of the concept of "generations" of the CPC leaders, the continuity of party policy was emphasized, the ultimate goal of which was the revival of the Chinese nation. Democracy and science at the same time acted as means on the way to the "great renaissance". They did not seem to be an end in themselves or criteria for assessing the progressiveness of a socialist society.

Li Changchun's 2009 Speech: Developing an emphasis on Patriotism

The speech of the head of Chinese propaganda, Li Changchun, falls on the second term of Hu Jintao's tenure in power (9090 / / / // [ [Electronic resource]. URL: https://www.gov.cn/ldhd/2009-05/04/content_1304025.htm). This period of the PRC's history is marked by some liberalization of political life and the assumption of relative pluralism of opinions within the CPC. At the same time, Li Changchun himself is responsible for increasing censorship in the Chinese media and the Internet. In addition, in 2008-2009. China has experienced the external impact of the global economic crisis and internal upheavals: unrest in Tibet and Xinjiang. These events led to the growth of conservative tendencies, the strengthening of state security agencies and the propaganda apparatus ^[17].

In Li Changchun's speech, assessments of the historical context of the emergence of the "May 4 Movement" were given similar to the 1999 speech. The transformation of China into a semi-colonial and semi-feudal country from the Opium Wars was also noted. The "movement" was positioned as a turning point, after which a new stage of opposition to imperialism and feudalism began. Meanwhile, in the 2009 speech, much less attention was paid to the historical narrative — only 1 paragraph.

The ideology of the "Movement" was associated with the emancipation of consciousness, the struggle for a new culture, the rejection of "old" teachings and morals, doubt about the effectiveness of bourgeois ideas and the spread of Marxism. At the same time, the text contains a thesis about the inherent "patriotic spirit" of the Chinese nation and that "principled and worthy people" fought for its revival even before the Xinhai Revolution.

The next few paragraphs of the speech are devoted to the role of the CPC in the "great revival of the Chinese nation." It was emphasized that only thanks to the Communist Party, progressive changes took place in China, prosperity was achieved and a happy life of the people was ensured. The party history is summarized. First, a "new democratic revolution" was carried out and national independence was achieved. Then, after the founding of the PRC, the basic socialist system was built. Finally, since 1978, there has been a transition to "specifically Chinese socialism." There are no assessments of Mao Zedong's role in the text. There is no mention of past mistakes of the party.

Patriotism, progress, democracy and science are associated with the "spirit of the May 4 Movement". They talk about the struggle for independence, protection of sovereignty, opposition to feudalism and imperialism. In fact, nothing is said about the importance of democracy and science. It is only mentioned that the advanced youth raised their banners to find a way to save the country. Thus, the instrumental value of these concepts for national revival was confirmed.

The main strategic orientation of the Chinese leadership is given at the very beginning of the speech: to comprehensively build a "medium-income" society, to open new prospects for "specifically Chinese socialism", to carry out the "great revival of the Chinese nation". A new point was the mention of the task of improving the party's managerial abilities. Measures to strengthen discipline within the CPC, promote "intra—party democracy," improve personnel policy, and reform party organizations at the local level are an important trend in Chinese politics in the era of Hu Jintao.

The CPC's successes in improving the lives of the population and strengthening China's international standing were noted. Meanwhile, as in the two previous speeches, it was confirmed that the PRC is still at the "initial stage of socialism". The "key contradiction" between the ever-growing material and cultural needs of the people and insufficient social production remained unchanged. The negative impact of the global economic crisis was pointed out. They talked about possible difficulties and dangers on the future path.

Li Changchun's speech significantly expanded the block on the role of youth. A new moment was the appearance of an emphasis on the importance of ideological work with the younger generation. It was emphasized that it should inherit the "Spirit of the Movement", primarily patriotism. Young people were required to study and continue the work of the Communist Party, to come up with innovative ideas and thereby increase the overall power of the state, to follow the "core" ideals of socialism and the traditional values of the Chinese nation.

Thus, Li Changchun's speech repeats the main provisions of the 1999 speech. When presenting the "spirit of the May 4 Movement", the emphasis is on patriotism. The various stages of the history of the CPC are also united by a single goal of the "great national revival". Careful acceptance of the Chinese tradition has been preserved. More attention is paid to youth policy.

Xi Jinping's 2019 Speech: Embracing Tradition through Patriotism and Focusing on working with Young People

On the occasion of the 100th anniversary of the beginning of the "May 4 Movement" in 2019, General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee Xi Jinping made a speech ^{[18, pp. 239-252]}. This makes the speech more weighty compared to previous speeches, the authors of which were not the direct and actual leaders of the Communist Party. By 2019, Xi Jinping had already concentrated considerable power in his hands, put forward his own ideas about "specifically Chinese socialism" and proclaimed a "new era". This period marks the beginning of the US-Chinese confrontation and the Chinese leadership's reassessment of further prospects for reforms within the country.

Xi Jinping's speech did not pay as much attention to the historical context of the events of May 4 as in the two previous speeches. It is emphasized that the "Movement" was aimed at saving the nation, which was in mortal danger." Standard formulations are given about the significance of events for the dissemination of "new culture" and "new knowledge". The ideology of the movement is still associated with the scrapping of "feudal thinking" and a blow to "old teachings, morals, ideas and culture."

The "spirit of the Movement" traditionally includes patriotism, progress, democracy and science. At the same time, it is emphasized that patriotism is its core. It should be noted that the most frequent mention in the speech of 2019 of the words "patriotism" (18 times) and "national revival" (19 times). In the text of 1979, the corresponding phrases occur 4 and 2 times, 1989 — 6 and 3, 1999 — 11 and 9, 2009 — 7 and 14.

Through patriotism, there is an acceptance of tradition. It is noted that he is the "core" of the national spirit and "has been flowing in the blood of the Chinese nation since ancient times." It is added that "only with the banner of patriotism raised high, the Chinese nation will be able to unleash great historical energy in the struggle for the transformation of China and the world."

Science is mentioned 3 times in the text, democracy — only 1. This is less than in previous performances (in 1979 7 and 10 times, in 1989 22 and 24, in 1999 9 and 6, in 2009 17 and 2). At the same time, it is emphasized that no one can prevent the Chinese people and nation from seeking truth and progress if they adhere to Marxism and preserve the CPC and the PRC. This confirms the thesis that the values of the "Movement" cannot exist independently of the socialist system or be used for its objective assessment "from the outside".

There is no exposition of the historical path of the CPC in the speech. It is only noted that the CPC opened the way, developed a theory, built a system, developed a culture of "specifically Chinese socialism" and ensured its performance in the "new era". There is no description and assessment of the Maoist period and the mistakes of the Communist Party. Xi Jinping quotes Mao Zedong only once that "the Chinese youth movement has a good revolutionary tradition, which consists in constant struggle." The speech, therefore, in principle does not emphasize the transition from the Maoist period to reforms and openness. The line of the historical narrative is built exclusively around the ultimate goal of the "great revival of the Chinese nation."

In the speech, the CCP's guidelines for the development of the country are mentioned several times: to accelerate the construction of a socialist modern state, to realize the "dream of the great revival of the Chinese nation." Two "centenary goals" of the struggle were noted: the construction of a "medium-income society" by 2021 and a rich, strong, democratic, civilized and harmonious modernized socialist state by 2049. Xi Jinping's foreign policy concepts are also touched upon: "One belt, one Road" and "Community of the common destiny of mankind". It should be noted that in the 2019 speech, we are talking not only about the transformation of China itself, but also about its role in transforming the world.

Xi Jinping's speech paid much more attention to youth and youth policy than in the speeches of his predecessors. This semantic block occupies the main part of the text — almost 80%. The word "youth" occurs in speech 146 times (in a speech in 1979 11 times, 1989 44, 1999 49, 2009 60).

First Xi Jinping calls on the younger generation:

— develop lofty ideals and firm beliefs. Integrate your "little self" with the "big self" of the motherland and the people. Maintain faith in Marxism, "specifically Chinese socialism" and "the great revival of the Chinese nation";

— fervently love the great motherland, the party and socialism;

— take responsibility for the mission of the "new era" and national revival. Bravely overcome difficulties, dangers and obstacles;

— to dare the hardest struggle. Be ready to perform large and complex tasks;

— study hard and hone your skills. To correlate the level of their own knowledge with the requirements of the era, to master Marxism and scientific culture. Contribute to the development of the country through innovation;

— to cultivate morality, to strengthen the socialist state not only materially, but also spiritually. To draw virtue from the traditional values of the Chinese nation. To resist mercantilism, hedonism, extreme individualism and historical nihilism.

Following this, Xi Jinping talks about the youth policy of the CPC. It is emphasized that the party is responsible for the education and direction of the younger generation. It is necessary to listen to young people, take into account their lively thinking, new approaches and broad interests, and at the same time correct their subjective and idealistic ideas about the world. It is important to help young people in finding a job, creating innovative enterprises, love and friendship, helping the elderly, raising children, etc.

Examples of historical figures who made their major discoveries at a young age and who should be looked up to by Chinese youth are given. It lists not only important figures for the CPC (Marx, Engels, Lenin, Mao Zedong, Zhou Enlai, Deng Xiaoping), major scientists (Newton, Leibniz, Darwin, Einstein), participants in the Japanese Resistance War and the civil War against the Kuomintang, but also Chinese poets of antiquity and the Middle Ages: Jia Yi and Wang Bo.

So, in Xi Jinping's speech, the trend that has manifested itself since the late 1990s finds completion. More and more emphasis was placed on fueling nationalist sentiments. Other elements of the "spirit of the May 4 Movement", mainly democracy and science, receded into the background. As a result, the content of the 2019 speech turned out to be reduced to patriotism. This trend accompanied the transition from the denial of the Chinese tradition to its acceptance. A new aspect of Xi Jinping's speech was the emphasis mainly on the youth policy of the Communist Party.

Conclusion

The historical memory of the "May 4 Movement" is multifaceted. The events of May 1919 are associated, among other things, with the ambiguous themes of democracy, science, youth revolt and attitude to tradition for the modern CPC. Chinese leaders in their speeches emphasize the aspects of the "May 4 Movement" that are beneficial to them and avoid controversial issues.

For example, the speeches of 1999, 2009 and 2019 the trend the emphasis on Patriotic nature "Movement." This confirms the conclusion of a number of Russian sinologists that nationalism is becoming the core theme of the official interpretation of the history of the CPC ^{[19, p. 22]}.

At the same time, since the late 1990s, there has been a transition from the denial of the Chinese tradition to its acceptance. This trend has intensified under Xi Jinping. In his speeches, he talks about "confidence in culture", calls on party cadres to study not only the modern, but also the ancient history of China, often refers to Chinese classical sources ^{[18, p. 9,126]}.

The theme of the mistakes of the Maoist period gradually disappeared from the speeches of the CPC leaders on the occasion of the round anniversary of the "Movement". Xi Jinping in his speech did not mention at all the division of party history into stages before and after reforms. In general, this correlates with his attitude "two cannot be denied" (), according to which it is forbidden to refer to the post-reform period to refute the pre-reform period and vice versa ^{[18, p. 4]}.

In the analyzed speeches, the topic of science and democracy gradually faded into the background and eventually almost disappeared. Obviously, the Chinese leadership does not want to emphasize the values to which the participants of the 1989 protests appealed and which can be used to assess Chinese socialism from a position "outside" the official discourse.

In the studied texts, in general, the CPC's strategic guidelines for the development of the country until 2049 remained constant. At the same time, it is possible to note changes in tactical priorities, as well as the disappearance of the task of democratizing the political system in the last three speeches. In Xi Jinping's speech, there is an attitude towards Beijing's more active participation in the transformation of the international order.

The emphasis on youth policy made in the 2019 speech can also be traced in the recent propaganda materials of the CPC (see, for example, the [Electronic resource]. URL: http://www.qstheory.cn/dukan/qs/2022-12/01/c_1129173174.htm). The leadership of the People's Republic of China seeks to outline bright prospects for the future of the country for the younger generation. It is emphasized that everyone can realize himself as a scientist, entrepreneur or official and thereby contribute to the cause of "national revival". How effective such propaganda is is the subject of a separate study. In Chinese social networks, under propaganda videos addressed to young people, you can find skeptical comments indicating a gap between the elite and ordinary people. In addition to patriotic themes, there is a demand for social justice in public sentiment in China ^{[5, pp. 41-42]}. 

Table 1. Changes in the content of speeches by CPC leaders on the occasion of the round anniversary of the "May 4 Movement"