The Crimean War and the Eastern Question in the view of Catholic Americans in the middle of the XIX century (based on the materials of the Boston Pilot)

Ilyichev Anton Vladimirovich Junior researcher, Museum of the Heroic Defense and Liberation of Sevastopol 299020, Russia, Sevastopol, General Ostryakov Ave., 250-V, sq. 11 ilichev-toni@mail.ru Other publications by this author

Introduction.

The Crimean War has a long history of study, which is associated with a whole set of problems and prejudices that could not be overcome today. For many years, this fateful conflict for the political and military space of Europe remained in the shadow of the more "famous" Civil War in the United States. Researcher Ya. Bektas rightly noted that the Crimean War became a testing ground where inherently innovative political and military tools were tested ^[7]. One of such means, which are actively used today, can be called information warfare.

The purpose of the study is to analyze the views of Catholic Americans on the events of the mid-19th century, as a result of America's information policy to counter British expansionism in the 19th century. The subject of the study are the issues of the Boston Pilot magazine, which feature articles on the Eastern question and the Crimean War. The lower chronological frame is due to the fact that the events of 1849 ("Spring of the Peoples") served as a prologue to the crisis in the East. The object of the study is the information policy of America, aimed at forming a narrative about the Eastern question and the Crimean War among the American Catholic population, following the American foreign policy course of the XIX century.

The study of British mass media during the Crimean War and their role in unleashing the conflict was carried out by three Western researchers in the study Behind the Myth: The Representation of the Crimean War in Nineteenth-century British Newspapers, Government Archives & Contemporary Records", Catalina Shrek in the work "Evaluation of Russia's and the Sublime Porte's Great Power Status in David Urquhart's Publicistic Work", Stephanie Markowitz in the article "Rushing into Print: "Participatory Journalism" during the Crimean War", Anthony Cross "The Crimean War and the Caricature War" and Cynthia Dereley in the monograph "A War Culture in Action: A Study of the Literature of the Crimean War Period".

The American press in the middle of the XIX century did not attract such close attention from researchers, unlike the period of the second half of the XIX century – the beginning of the XX century. Among the authors who dealt with this issue, we can mention Joseph Vecherzhak, who in his study "The Polish insurrection of 1830-1831 in the American press" studied the question of the representation of the events of the Polish Uprising of 1830-31 in the American press, Keyon McMahon and her essay "Ireland and the Birth of the Irish-American Press, 1842-61" focused on the question of becoming The Irish-American press, as well as the article by Brandon Christens "The Crimean War: When America and Russia Were Friends". These studies only briefly touched upon the subject of coverage of the events of the Eastern question and the Crimean War in the American press. So, Brandon Christens points to the division of the American media on this issue into anti-Russian and pro-Russian publications.

The research methodology is based on systemic, geopolitical and civilizational approaches. Both general scientific research methods (analysis, synthesis, comparison) were used in the work so it is specialized. The specialized ones include qualitative content analysis, historical-cultural and historical-comparative methods. 

The main part.

At the beginning of the XIX century, the victory over Napoleon I allowed Britain to secure its hegemony in the European space, both from the sea and land ^{[64, p. 308]}. The defeat of France allowed the country's elites to focus on the implementation of a project to create a global economic system based on the principles of free trade. This opened a wide window of opportunities for the British to mass-sell their products ^{[64, p. 308]}. The protectionism of Nicholas I, as well as the threat of the expansion of the Russian Empire into the Mediterranean and the further advancement of Russia in Central Asia, led to the promotion of an anti-Russian (Russophobic) agenda within British society since 1817 ^{[64, pp. 309-311]}. For more information about Russophobia in the British media of this period, see the publication "The Information War of Great Britain against the Russian Empire during the Eastern Crisis and the Crimean War" ^[5].

In this vein, the views of society and the positions of the media of another English–speaking country, which was rapidly strengthening its position in the international arena, the United States, are interesting. Russian-American relations in the first half of the XIX century were mostly friendly in nature. The United States and the Russian Empire formed an unspoken coalition to oppose British expansionism in the world. This statement is also confirmed by the position of America in relation to the Crimean war. The trade turnover between the countries during the war not only did not decrease, but also reached record values of 1.975039 million rubles ^[4]. Through ports in the Far East, American ships supplied Russia with food, gunpowder and goods necessary for the life of the population ^[4]. More than 40 American volunteer doctors arrived in Russia to help the wounded in the Crimea and the northern theater of operations ^[2]. In addition, a number of agreements on the production of revolvers and rifles for the Russian army were signed between the Russian military industry and the American gunsmith S. Colt ^{[3, pp. 96-114]}.

  The Boston Pilot, the oldest American Catholic newspaper, which was founded in 1829 by the American Catholic Bishop B. J. Fenwick, was chosen for consideration in the framework of this publication ^[65]. The main audience of the publication were the Irish. Since 1821, a massive process of Irish immigration to the United States began, which received a significant boost after the potato riot of 1848-1849. By 1860, the Irish accounted for 31.5% of the number of first-generation migrants. The Irish Diaspora numbered 1 million 611 thousand people, which was 5.1 percent of the total population of the United States. The population of New York at that time consisted of ? of the Irish ^[1].

The newspaper focused on covering issues related to theology, history, culture of the Irish, Americans and Europeans. Events in the world were also covered on the pages of the Boston Pilot. It is appropriate to begin consideration of the newspaper's issues with the issue for April 7, 1849. This choice is not accidental, since coverage of the events of the Hungarian Revolution begins with this issue. Historian I. Miserov in his monograph rightly noted that the Hungarian Revolution, as part of the "Spring of the Peoples", became the prologue to the beginning of the Eastern (Crimean) War ^[6].

The national liberation struggle of the Magyars against oppression by the Austrians could not fail to find a wide response among the Irish against the background of the de facto British occupation of Ireland. On April 7, 1849, the newspaper "Boston Pilot" in the column "Aspects of Europe" was published with the following content:

"Russia is preparing to plunge into turmoil. She has already joined Austria's struggle against the Hungarian Magyars, and it is rumored that her Cossacks are preparing to march to Italy to return this peninsula to its old oath."^[8]

The tone of the publication already directly indicates which side the sympathies of the Irish population of the United States are on. We can be even more convinced of this in the issue for May 19, 1849, where the events taking place are called "the struggle for freedom" and it is stated: "Magyars will never be slaves." Britain and France are accused in this issue of not preventing "murder and destruction in Hungary" ^[9]. A negative attitude towards Russia begins to manifest itself openly in the issues for June 2, August 18 and August 25, 1849. The protectionism of Nicholas I and his desire to follow the Vienna system of international relations, was clothed by the authors of the newspaper in the form of national oppression. The coalition of Austria and Russia is called the "coalition of tyrants" ^[10], Emperor Nicholas I is a "tyrant and a mad despot", and Russian troops are called "northern barbarians" ^[11],[12].

In the issue of October 27, 1849, the Eastern question is touched upon for the first time. The author of the newspaper writes:

"The Eastern question is very combustible. Russia's attraction to Turkey is inexorable and traditional, and whenever there is an opportunity to seize Constantinople, the tsar raises a fuss about this issue in Europe" ^[13].

This theme continues in the issues for December 1, 1849, January 19, 1850 and June 22, 1850. In them, the upcoming conflagration of the Eastern question is linked to Russia's aspirations to unleash a war in Europe ^{[14],[15],[16]}.

For the Catholic newspaper "Boston Pilot" paid little attention to the consideration of the dispute about holy places. In the issue of March 13, 1852, the actions of French diplomacy were declared a "triumph", and the rights of Catholics to holy places in Palestine and Jerusalem were called "indisputable" ^[17]. Let us pay attention to the publication of January 8 , 1853 with the following content:

"A few months ago, we briefly outlined what direction the negotiations took after they began last spring, as well as that vile firman (Approx. The edict issued by the Ottoman ruler) of the insignificant Ottoman government, which is in the power of Russia, canceled all the concessions that French diplomacy managed to achieve, which once again confirmed the usurpation of the holy places by the Greeks, for which Catholics shed their blood for years when the Byzantine schismatics fled from the face of the infidel enemy."

The newspaper returns to active coverage of the Russian-Turkish contradictions in the issues for June-July 1853:

"The situation in Turkey is still difficult and even critical. Prince Menshikov's ultimatum, which went beyond the dispute over holy places, was rejected by the Port....Russia must moderate its demands or war is inevitable ^[18]."

"The repeated refusal of the Port to fulfill the ultimatum of Prince Menshikov raises concerns. I managed to learn from reliable sources that the preparations in both Russia and Turkey are swift and thorough, it is expected that there will be no full-fledged war, but the Russian emperor will hold a demonstration on the Danube border" ^[19].

"The Eastern question is far from over. The British and French flotillas have left Malta and the Straws and are heading towards the Dardanelles. While Russia is preparing to send troops to the Danube Principalities, the Porte rejected the last ultimatum and if foreign diplomats fail to contain the barbarians from the North, peace in Europe will be disrupted, and further consequences are difficult to predict."^[20]

"The Russian Rubicon has been crossed, and now a large horde that has been kept on a leash for many years hangs over what they consider a weakened empire. The tsar appealed to the fanaticism of his people, a document that can no longer be called illogical, since he is not even a contender for any argument, except for the one that the wolf presents to the sheep" ^[21].

            The issues of the Boston Pilot for August 27 and October 8, 1853, inform readers about the suspended state of the conflict. According to the authors, preparations for war are underway, but the war itself has not yet begun and there are even options for a peaceful resolution of the conflict ^[22],[23]. Already on October 29, 1853, the Boston Pilot reports that although the Sultan has not yet signed a decree declaring war, the Porte has already voted for it, and Great Britain and France have assured Turkey that they are ready to support the territorial integrity of the country ^[24].

            From the fragments presented above, we can see how far the American media lagged behind the events taking place due to imperfections in the development of information channels of that time. On October 29, 1853, we can talk not only about the declaration of war by the Ottoman Empire, but also about the first successful steps taken by the Port in the military field (the battle at the fortress of Isakchi, the attack on the post of St. Nicholas). The authors of the journals hoped that the conflict would not be protracted. So, in the issue for November 5, 1853, the opinion of a columnist of The London Post is given that "Russia has already lost morally and soon it will happen physically" ^[25].

            A large block about the events in the East was published in the November 19, 1853 issue of the Boston Pilot, which was divided into two columns about Omar Pasha and directly about the events in the east. In the first case, there is a reprint of the material "The Journal des Debats" with a brief description of the biography of the Ottoman commander of the Rumelian army and his assessment as a commander. In the column entitled "The East", the reasons for the interest of Great Britain, France, Austria and the Russian Empire in the war are given. Within the framework of the study, the change in the position of the newspaper is noteworthy. The author of the column considers the main threat not Russia, but the "Reds". They mean revolutionaries responsible for the revolutions of 1848-1849, who spoke with the ideas of universal European equality, unity, and national liberation.^[1] In this material, Russia and Turkey both appear as enemies of the church. However, as the author writes, the greatest threat to Christianity is the "red conspiracy". In this context, there is further mention that Turkey is flirting with the "reds" (support for L. Kossuth, the leader of the Hungarian revolution during the uprising of 1848-1849), and also adopted the idea of solidarity of nations. In this context, Russia appears as the main fighter against the "red threat", which means that it must be allowed to absorb Turkey ^[26].

            The last reference to the topic of events in the East on the pages of the Boston Pilot in 1853, occurred in the issue for December 17, 1853. As part of the material "The war in the East", the author notes the withdrawal of the Ottoman troops to the side of the Danube controlled by them, instead of a further offensive on Bucharest. In general, it is noted that no active actions are planned by either Turkey or Russia until the end of winter. As the author notes, "the Russian side realized that Turkey is not so weak." The forecast about Sevastopol as the target of a possible campaign of Great Britain and France against Russia, as well as the possible outcome of the war between them, is noteworthy. The author assumes not only the fall of Sevastopol and Odessa, and as a result, Russia's loss of control over the Black Sea, but also the capture of Kronstadt and St. Petersburg ^[26].  

            Further development of the ideas voiced in the issue for November 19, 1853, we can observe in the issue for January 14, 1854:

            "We want to draw readers' attention to one thing. All the red republican, atheist and socialist magazines in Europe and America, including Punch, side with Turkey and insist that Russia must be defeated, and when this does not happen, they raise a wave of indignation about it. They tell us that Russia's policy is a policy of despotism, while Turkey is fighting for its freedom. All this is nonsense, of course. Both regimes are despotic, but the Turks are worse.... The reason why the Republican Reds love Turkey is because it's the last chance for Kossuth, Mazzinni and company)..... The world has never seen more terrible despots than the red Republicans.... If you need to choose from two evils, then let it be the least. Russia, yes, Russia is preferable to the Reds" ^[27].

The publications for January-February 1854 represent a continuation of the above-mentioned course of narration. The authors denounce the red movements, point out that the Irish should refrain from participating in the conflict, and also give brief extracts from European newspapers about the main events in the east ^{[28],[29],[30],[31],[32]}.

In the issue of March 4, 1854, the Boston Pilot reports on the reasons for the brewing war between Russia and Western countries:

"Turkey's assistance is provided not for the purpose of saving it, but in order to prevent Russia from establishing the center of its empire where the interests of European powers come under attack..."^[33]

Throughout March 1854, the Boston Pilot reported on the active preparation of Great Britain and France for war with Russia ^{[33],[34],[35]}. On the pages of the issue dated April 15, 1854, the results of the debates in the House of Commons concerning American neutrality in the Eastern question are given. Thus, the British politician T.M. Gibson took the initiative to refrain from searching ships under a neutral flag for enemy property, as well as to conclude agreements with the United States and other foreign states that a neutral flag means the neutrality of cargo ^[36]. The proposal was met with an evasive response from J. Russell said that making such a decision would be fraught with many difficulties, and also requires consultations with the French allies ^[36]. The issues for April 22 and 29 report the official declaration of war between Russia and the allies, as well as the redeployment of forces ^[37],[38]. The newspaper also reports on the growing sympathy for Russia on the part of Americans ^[38].

In the issue for May 6, 1854, the author in the material "A religions war" noted one of the main problems that is characteristic not only of the Nikolaev system, but also of the modern Russian state:

"There are no newspapers in Russia in which it was possible to explain their policies and defend their interests. But in France and the UK, newspapers have taken over all state affairs; as a result, the whole world believes in their version of the conflict with Russia, which appears as an arrogant, unfair and outrageous invasion of an independent and sovereign Turkish state by a powerful neighbor. And the whole Christian world, following the false prophet, became involved in a new crusade against the Force that, according to the Boston Pilot, is fighting for the protection of Christians" ^[39].

In the issues for May 13, 1854 and June 10, 1854, the Boston Pilot reports on proposals to Great Britain regarding the formation of Polish, Spanish and Portuguese volunteer armies to support the allied coalition ^[40],[41]. Many further publications of the Boston Pilot are a brief overview of events from the fronts of the Eastern War, including by citing reports from European newspapers (British and French). Let's focus on those numbers in which there is an author's analysis and assessment of the events of the Crimean War. So, in the issue for July 1, 1854, in addition to describing the fortress of Silistria and the composition of its garrison, the author suggests that the siege of Silistria may be only an attempt by Russia to divert attention from Sevastopol ^[42]. In the issue for August 26, 1854, the author's description of the events and assessments of the attempts of the Rumelian army to cross the Danube are given:

"The Turks... can declare their victory; but these were actions devoid of meaning. It is obvious that the Russians were abandoning their positions, and it is not possible to call a good commander who, when crossing a 700-yard-wide river for two hectares of land, lost 1,000 people, given that the next day this territory could be occupied without a single shot being fired ^[43].

The Boston Pilot reports on the problem of obtaining reliable information from the fronts of the Eastern War on September 2, 1854:

"We are very sorry that we cannot provide readers with reliable information about the current state of the war. We could write voluminous articles that confuse both ourselves and others, but this is not our path. The truth is that no one except the acting actors knows what is going on… Austria's intentions are still unknown, and its policy is independent. The whole world is waiting for what decision she will make and what the outcome of the war will be. This causes bile and bitterness among the radicals, who are used to calling her a bankrupt and a slave of Russia. What poor fools and liars these reds are" ^[44]

In the issue for October 14, 1854, the Boston Pilot reports on the curious nature of the events taking place in the Crimea. Thus, one of the newspaper's authors notes that the key role in the "seizure" of Crimea was played by the actions of General De Lacy, an Irishman in the Russian military service. His nephew, Cornet Delacy Pierce, as part of the Russian army, went through the entire campaign in Turkey in 1838-39, up to the walls of Adrianapole. And now, a representative of the same family, General De Lacy (De Lacy) Evans "recaptures Crimea from the Russians" ^[45].

Russian Russian army in Crimea was defeated, the Russian fleet was burned, and Sevastopol was taken by storm on October 21, 1854, under the heading "Breaking News", "Boston Pilot" publishes information received from the crews of the steamships "Baltika" and "Europe" that the Russian army in Crimea was defeated, the Russian fleet was burned, and Sevastopol was stormed ^[46]. In the issue of October 28 , 1854 , the newspaper 's editorial board shares its assessment of these messages:

"We don't believe in these stories. We occasionally trust telegraphic messages, because they are fabricated by politicians and speculators, in order to earn money or political points....Meanwhile, Sevastopol has not yet been taken. All this euphoria in France and England is premature, and may soon be replaced by hysteria. Sevastopol does not look like a city that will surrender without a fight, which will cost England and France such a price that it will exceed the significance of Sevastopol itself"... We do not feel sympathy and do not support Russia, because it is an enemy of the church. If it had been a Catholic country, everything could have been different. In this case, its triumph would not threaten Europe. No one believes that the allies have come to fight for the independence of Turkey. Turkey is doomed, no matter who captures it. England and France are there to keep an eye on Russia and each other. Austria is watching all three..."^[47]

            On November 11, 1854, considering the main events in the world, the newspaper provided information about the use of 30 thousand carbines (fittings) by the Russian army in the Battle of Alma, smuggled to Russia via the American ship Austerlitz ^[48].

            On the pages of the Boston Pilot issues from November 18, 1854 to February 24, 1855, information from other European (English, French, Russian) periodicals and Irish is reprinted. They provide brief information about the course of the field battles and the siege of Sevastopol, the problems of the Allied army in the Crimea, separately highlight the Irish participants in the conflict. There is also an ardent nationalist position in the presented materials:

«….The invading islanders sat under the impregnable bastions of Sevastopol until the storm and snow finished off those who were spared bullets and bayonets, so much so that the six-month campaign left England without an army. At this hour, the Irish exodus will be avenged."^[49]

"Instead of the genius of Napoleon I, we have the imbecile Aberdeen..."T imes considers our troubles inexplicable. We can explain them. The wrath of God descended on Protestant Britain for its sins ^[50].

In the issue for March 3, 1855, a curious article is published under the heading "Opportunity for Ireland". Considering the problems that have arisen related to the state of the armed forces of Great Britain and the brewing internal crisis in Britain itself, the author reflects on whether the opportunity has come for the liberation of Ireland ^[51]. This theme was continued in the next issue, while the Eastern conflict acquires a completely new interpretation:

"The King has a mission. He is the retribution of the Lord for the merciless extermination. He was called to punish those who carried out the genocide. Protestant nobles who destroyed the peasantry and took advantage of its benefits should be punished by the Righteous Ruler of the universe, and the Tsar is the instrument of the Lord in this punishment" ^[52].

In the issue of March 17, 1855, the authors devoted a large block of text to the consideration of the palace in Peterhof, the Winter Palace, the court of Nicholas I and the emperor himself. The image of the latter turned out to be extremely contradictory. So, on the one hand, the author writes that all his actions are aimed at "suppressing freedom of speech and any manifestations of civil liberties in the country" ^[53]. And, on the other hand, gives the following statement: "His mind is of the highest order, with sleep–deprived activity and indomitable energy; he combines those qualities that made Napoleon a master of his time - this is the comprehensiveness of genius, with a practical knowledge of the smallest details" ^[53].

The result of the autumn-winter campaign of 1854-1855, the editorial office sums up on March 24, 1855.:

"Nothing has happened yet, but the whole world is full of rumors about what they could, should or were obliged to do. In fact, the situation is the same as before. Sevastopol is strong, if not even stronger than it was before the invasion. A general assault could fix the situation, but the chances of success are not as great as in November… Although 1855 has just begun, signs indicate that its completion will be marred by blood" ^[54].

The same issue also reports on the death of Emperor Nicholas I. Unlike European newspapers, the message does not contain the joy and euphoria that was present in English newspapers on this occasion.

The issue for June 2, 1855 reports on the problem of obtaining reliable information from the front line:

"In other columns you will find the latest news from the theaters of military operations. There's nothing really to say. In the newspapers you can find only endless speculation, speculation, mutual accusations and prophecies, but all this will not allow you to get reliable information about what is happening. All the publications dealing with news have already taken their side, and we receive information only from the newspaper of the allies who adhere to the views" ^[55].

This passage is followed by the author's strange statement that the continuation of the course of the previous emperor, the new ruler of Russia, directly contradicts the constitution of the country ^[55]. The absence of a constitution in the Russian Empire, up to 1906, raises questions about which document the author had in mind. Perhaps it meant the "State Charter" prepared by N.N. Novosiltsev during the reign of Alexander I, but this document was never signed and adopted. Further in the text, the author clarifies that this is an "unwritten constitution" ^[55], in which case the preceding statement loses its validity. The section on the constitution is followed by an analysis of the subsequent development of the conflict. The author is inclined to believe that the conflict will become protracted and will end with the liquidation of one of the parties.

   Since June 1855, there has been an intensification of reports about what is happening in the Crimean theater of operations, which is associated with the intensification of siege work near Sevastopol. In the issue of July 14, 1855, the Boston Pilot reports on an unsuccessful attempt by the Allies to take over the city, which was called the "massacre". In general, the author of the column in this message expresses his condolences on the death of J. Campbell and other worthy officers and soldiers. In addition, information is provided about the disagreements that have arisen in the military leadership of the allies regarding further actions – the continuation of the siege or the destruction of the Russian army in a field battle ^[56].

The narrative of the Boston Pilot publications from August to September 1855, consists in broadcasting ideas about turning the situation in the war towards Russia in the near future, strengthening the resources and forces of the garrison of Sevastopol, with the assumption of the possible formation of an America–Russia alliance against Great Britain and France ^{[57],[58],[59],[60]}.

On October 6, 1855, the Boston Pilot reported the fall of Sevastopol ^[61]. In the issue already for October 13, 1855, analyzing what happened, the author of the column "Sebastopol" is inclined to assert that the capture of the city will not lead to a radical change in the situation, and the war will continue for several more years ^[62]. Considering that after the fall of Sevastopol, the intensity of fighting in all theaters decreased, until the end of 1855, the publications of the Boston Pilot about the war are only reports about what is happening in the camps of the allied and Russian army, as well as excerpts from the conjectures of European newspapers about the further development of events. In January and February 1856, reports of the war were completely reduced to a minimum.

March 15, 1856, "Boston Pilot", comes out with an interesting article entitled "Russia against English barbarism". This article perfectly demonstrates the socio-political agenda that arose in Europe during the period of the Eastern Question of the 1850s, its inconsistency and demonstrates the attitude of the Irish themselves to what is happening. That is why it would be appropriate to provide a full translation of it:   

"Before the war began, we were told frightening stories about Russian barbarians. British publications furiously attacked Emperor Nicholas I, calling him a monster of lawlessness, the ruler of a barbarian people mired in base vices, that his soldiers are stubborn brutes, that they drink engine oil by gallons and eat black bread with fat by pounds, that in other European countries they would not be soldiers, but cowards, that they are capable of only to slaughter old women and children, just as the British militia and German mercenaries did in Ireland in 98. Then the people were inflamed with hatred for Russia and had terrible ideas about it. They believed that the war was being waged in the name of defending civilization; and in the event of Russia's victory over Turkey, pictures were drawn of the devastating consequences of how hordes of Cossacks from Scythia descended on the plains of Germany and France, and the consequences seemed much more terrible than the results of the invasions of the hordes under Attila and Allorica. And the horror that reigned was such that all the old libraries were rummaged through in search of those travel books that were able to satisfy the appetite that had arisen; and in fact books were written on public life in Russia, in which we are told about debauchery among the nobility, frivolous behavior among women, ignorant and cruel lower strata.

Anyone who reads the work (message) of Dr. Sandwith will get a tolerable idea of what kind of barbarism reigns in Russia. This is an Englishman's story, which means that we need to take into account his prejudices, we are inclined to believe that he did not embellish the picture of what is happening too much. This gentleman was with General Williams, who led the defense of Kars, and shared all the dangers and hardships that he faced. He gives a detailed description of the siege, its horrors and consequences; but he also gives us an idea of what the barbarity of the Russians is. Russian Russian soldiers did not shoot him when General Williams went to the Russian camp under the flag of truce, in contrast to the fact that we were made to believe that they were capable of it; no, instead, he was taken with all respect and dignity directly to the Russian commander; and after he declared that he had arrived to discuss the surrender, that it would be carried out only after agreeing on certain points, what did the invader say? This noble and magnanimous-minded man, as Sandwith himself called him, replied to the English general: "You have won a name for yourself in history; posterity will be proud of your courage, fortitude and high qualities shown by you during this siege. You and your soldiers have covered yourselves with glory. I don't want to offend humanity by behaving unbecomingly for a general, I accept the conditions you ask for." Here is a sample of knightly honor worthy of Bayard (Approx. we are talking about Pierre Teraille de Bayard, a French knight from the time of the Italian Wars, who for his numerous exploits, bravery, generosity and noble deeds was called a "knight without fear and reproach") and would have honored the highest era of chivalry.

But we know how the Russian soldiers behaved after entering Kars. Have they committed any atrocities against the locals? No, they entered in a disciplined manner, as if they were on review and treated the prisoners with all respect and dignity. Compare this with how the British sailors behaved in the Baltic, who barely lost control of the officers, began to rob houses, commit crimes, and not one was punished for it. Again, in Kerch, which, according to the statements of the Russians, whom we see no reason not to trust, was taken under the flag of truce when British sailors and marines caused destruction, similar to those in the Baltic, which the French barely suppressed. We do not hear about numerous poisonings in Russian cities, at least English travelers would not dare to tell about it, if it were. We do not hear about any large-scale riots in Russia like those that are happening in the UK. Comparing these two countries, we can say that if there is something similar to barbarism, it is less vicious than the savagery that reigns throughout England" ^[63].

Conclusion

The coverage of the events of the Eastern Question of the 1850s and the Crimean War by the Boston Pilot newspaper fully corresponded to the foreign policy course of America at that time. For the period from 1849 to 1853, the conflict is considered as another round of the Russian-Turkish confrontation, from which the materials of the publication followed the pan-European, Catholic discourse about holy places. At this time, you can find publications of the "Boston pilot" containing frank anti-Russian and anti-Orthodox statements. However, unlike the European media, the number of articles on the Eastern issue in the Boston Pilot is significantly lower. Such a passive interest in the main religious scandal of that time, on the part of the Catholic publication, causes dissonance at first glance. Such a policy can be explained by the general anti-British course of America of those years. Back in the early 19th century, an unspoken coalition was concluded between Russia and the United States aimed at opposing the "Pax Britannica". By the beginning of the dispute over the holy places, Britain's interest in an armed conflict with Russia becomes obvious to many independent observers and political elites of the major powers. The further escalation of the conflict, especially after the Battle of Sinope, the active preparation and redeployment of the armed forces of the Second Empire and the British Empire, testified to the transformation of the conflict from the Russian-Turkish confrontation into a "European war". Britain's victory in the military conflict with Russia could lead not only to the excessive weakening of the latter, but even to the disintegration of the Russian state. Such a scenario completely did not suit the American elites, because in this case the British could fully concentrate on regaining control over their former colonies.

In connection with such a high threat, the American government needed to help Russia at the same time, without openly entering the war and justifying it to its population. The solution was the policy of "formal" neutrality of the country in the conflict in US foreign policy.

Since that time, the materials of the Boston Pilot have been trying to encourage their readers to abstract from supporting one or another side of the conflict and not take direct part in the war. One of the tools of manipulation was the pedaling of the "red threat" theme. The newspaper's articles vividly described the threat posed by the "red revolutionaries" and how they stand behind the events taking place. Given the general course of the European media towards dehumanizing the image of Russia and constructing the image of Turkey as "victims of the aggression of the northern barbarians," the authors of the Boston Pilot needed another argument in favor of neutrality. It was based on religious confrontation. The Boston Pilot presented Turkey to its readers as a state that is not only not a victim, but also not an independent actor in the international arena, representing a British puppet. Turkey appears in the materials of the publication not only as a refuge of the "red threat", but also as an "enemy of Christianity". In this regard, the authors deftly weave the narrative of the "red revolutionaries" with the Catholic-Islamic confrontation. In this perspective, Russia appears as a lesser evil. It is worth noting that the newspaper does not call for supporting the Russian Empire, but insists on non-interference in the conflict of the Irish, allowing Russia to absorb Turkey.

The subsequent course of the Boston Pilot cannot be called pro-Russian, despite a number of statements and postulates in which open nationalist sentiments can be traced. The publication positions Russia as a kind of tool to counter the revolutionary threat in the world, as well as as a tool aimed at weakening England. That is why the newspaper focuses so much on the difficult socio-economic situation of the British Empire and the strong weakening of the British armed forces. In this regard, the anti-British sentiments of the American elites are fully correlated with the anti-British views of the Irish population. The Boston Pilot newspaper separately highlights that the weakening of Britain due to the war with Russia creates a window of opportunity for the de-occupation of Ireland. 

^[1] More details about this can be found in the monograph  Mizerov I. Spring of Peoples. Background and course of the Pan-European Revolution of 1848-1849. Our Tomorrow, 2022. 534 p.