Carnival and Laughter in the Traditional Life Cycle Rites of the Peoples of the Middle Volga Region: in Search of a Positive Future

Lepeshkina Larisa ORCID: 0000-0001-8989-5987 PhD in History Associate professor, Department of Social Technologies and Humanities, Volga Region State University of Service 445017, Russia, Samarskaya oblast', g. Tol'yatti, ul. Gagarina, 4, kab. E-310 lara_yura@list.ru Other publications by this author

Starting from the XVI century. folk culture in the Middle Volga region began to attract the attention of various researchers: first foreign diplomats, travelers, and then from the second half of the XVIII century. and domestic scientists. First of all, religious beliefs, everyday life, customs and traditions of the local population aroused interest. But the question of the presence of carnival-laughing forms in the rituals of the life cycle (maternity, initiatory, wedding and funeral-memorial) of the peoples of the region (mainly Russians, Tatars, Chuvash, Mordvins, Germans) has never been specifically considered in the local history literature of the pre-revolutionary, Soviet and modern periods. Apparently, this is due to the well-established idea of such rites as transitional, associated with the processes of symbolization of critical situations of birth, adulthood, marriage and death, imbued with seriousness and not allowing by nature any ridicule. At the same time, the traditional rituals of the life cycle, being part of folk culture, have preserved the unique layers of folk laughter with its skepticism, freedom, carnivality and contempt for everything fussy, perishable and vicious.

The relevance of studying the proposed topic of the article is dictated by a set of circumstances. Firstly, the traditional rituals of the life cycle still represent an inexhaustible source of information about the cultures of the past, necessary for the knowledge of ethnogenetic connections and mechanisms for the preservation of spiritual and moral values. Secondly, the rituals of the life cycle have a powerful psychotherapeutic effect, the possibilities of which should be taken into account not only in projects to maintain ethnic and cultural identity in the Middle Volga region, but also in the field of psychiatry. Thirdly, the analysis of carnival-laughing forms in the rituals of the life cycle of the population of the region explains the essence of the mentioned psychotherapeutic effect.

On this basis, the purpose of the article can be defined as the identification of carnival-laughing forms in the traditional rituals of the life cycle of the peoples of the Middle Volga region before 1917, the establishment of their psychotherapeutic effect on people's consciousness. Its achievement was facilitated by the use of systematic and culturological approaches. The systematic approach allowed us to establish the qualities of the rituals of the life cycle that ensure the stability of the studied cultural phenomenon over time. Carnival and laughing forms played an important role in maintaining such stability, dramatizing and at the same time enriching the meaning of the rituals. Thanks to the culturological approach, it was possible to show the importance of carnival-laughing forms for the development of ritual practices. The selected approaches to the study predetermined its novelty: for the first time, the traditional rituals of the life cycle of the peoples of the Middle Volga region are considered as a focus of carnival-laughing forms that help overcome fears of an unknown future and create an atmosphere of optimism.

Theoretically, the article is based on the works of M. M. Bakhtin, D. S. Likhachev, A.M. Panchenko and S. S. Averintsev ^{[7; 14; 1]}, who psychologically subtly described the "carnival-laughing world" of the European Middle Ages, Renaissance and Ancient Russia. It is noteworthy that for these researchers, laughter serves as a means of getting rid of all kinds of fears: mystical before otherworldly forces, real before earthly enemies, temptations and their own feelings. In particular, M. M. Bakhtin emphasized that "grotesque images of folk culture are absolutely fearless and attach everyone to their fearlessness ..... Everything that was scary and frightening in the ordinary world turns into funny "funny bogeymen" in the carnival world. Fear is an extreme expression of one–sided and stupid seriousness, overcome by laughter... Only in an extremely fearless world is the ultimate freedom that is characteristic of the grotesque possible" ^{[7, pp. 23-24]}.

Laughter in popular culture was intended to relieve psychological tension, eliminate fears. Through him, the denunciation of all evil took place, the creation of a world free from injustice and social inequality ^{[14, p. 38]}.

The use of the phrase "carnival-laughing forms" in this article is explained by the fact that in M. M. Bakhtin's study of folk laughter culture, such forms are described in detail ^{[7, p. 9]}. This allows them to be identified as the bearer of the "single laughing aspect of the world", in which ritual spectacles, parody compositions, familiar-areal speech are closely intertwined. They, with all the variety of expression, are based on an ironic attitude to everything (earthly and otherworldly, holy and sinful) in the name of the search for truth, the hidden sides of being.

When identifying carnival-laughing forms in the traditional rituals of the life cycle, it is necessary to take into account the peculiarities of the "worlds" in which most of the population of the Middle Volga region lived before 1917. To determine these features, it is advisable to refer to the characteristic of a medieval man proposed by M. A. Barg ^{[6, p. 141]}, with whom a resident of the region can be compared in his worldview. He lived not in a double, but in a triple dimension, guided by good thoughts about the joys of the afterlife, afraid of the witchcraft world – the "charms" and "wrath" of Shaitan, evil spirits and deceased ancestors, and obeying the daily hustle and bustle.

It was fears of the wizarding world and threats to real life that were at the heart of folk carnivals and games that suppressed the influence of otherworldly forces and ridiculed human vices. But, as our experience of studying the everyday culture of the peoples of the Middle Volga region testifies, carnival-laughing forms in the traditional rituals of the life cycle were intended mainly to overcome fears of the future, since the rituals we studied were "transitional" and outlined the boundaries of human existence, frightening with their unknown. To confirm this, we should refer to the example of L. S. Vygotsky, associated with casting lots, which artificially changes the attitude to a stressful critical situation. Such a tool eliminates passive behavior and forces to make a choice, i.e. a person, finding himself in the place of Buridan's donkey, "resorts to the help of artificially introduced auxiliary motives or stimuli" and masters the situation ^{[9, p. 67]}. By analogy with casting lots, the same can be said about the use of rituals in traditional societies. And the presence of carnival-laughing forms in these rituals accelerated the process of mastering a critical situation, eliminating stress and anxiety for the future.

In addition, taking B. Malinovsky's point of view on the positive impact of rituals as magical techniques on the resolution of difficult situations ^{[16, p. 89]}, it can be assumed that carnival-laughing forms in the rituals of the life cycle strengthened faith in a favorable future. The suggested assumption is put forward on the basis that when analyzing the traditional ritual of the peoples of the Middle Volga region, the following variants of these forms were clearly manifested in it: "noisy performance", "antics", "censure" and "imitation", which were most widely spread in the region and embodied the desire for a happy tomorrow. This typology of variants is rather conditional, each of them requires explanation, since in a number of rituals they were used together.

The purpose of the "noisy performance" was to appease Shaitan, the spirit of death, the evil dead and other otherworldly beings, so as not to interfere with building a prosperous future. In addition, this form of ostentatious fun contributed to the inclusion of the "main character" of the rituals in a social group and his collective acceptance in it.

Here are a number of examples demonstrating carnival-laughing forms through "noisy performances". At the birth of a dead child, the Chuvash performed the "baushki" (midwives) rite of releasing the soul – "chun kyrdes", aimed at receiving mercy from otherworldly forces. For this, as a rule, a frying pan was used. The first baushka shouted three times into the frying pan: "God! You give the soul to the child!". The second one was loudly calling for help from Shaitan. The third tried to attract good and evil spirits with a loaf of bread so that they would give the soul to the child. This noisy performance ended with a joint meal of baushek ^{[11, l. 18]}.

The Tatar midwife, in the case of a stillborn child, began to knock on the pan. It was believed that this contributed to the return of the soul to the inanimate infant ^{[20, p. 89]}.

The Chuvash and Tatar versions of the midwife's theatrical behavior were comparable to the role of a shaman who asked for the mercy of otherworldly forces with the help of a frying pan as the embodiment of a shamanic tambourine. In general, it is known from the history of the Turkic-speaking peoples that shamans searched for and returned lost souls in this way ^{[2, p. 147]}. Therefore, the main meaning of such a "noisy performance" with its carnivality was the victory of life over death.

An equally curious phenomenon in Tatar culture was the holding of a child protection ceremony a week after his birth. The girls invited in the evening to the house of the woman in labor began to have noisy fun in order to drive away the genies (spirits) capable of stealing a newborn, and in return to plant their own – hostile to everything human ^{[18, p. 174]}.

Another purpose was the ritual fun of young people at evening "gatherings" in winter – ridiculing human vices and closer communication between guys and girls. For example, in the Simbirsk province they settled in the so–called "cells" - in girls' huts ^{[8, p. 156]}.

The main initiators of games, jokes and frivolous songs were the guys who came. At these "gatherings" they chose their chosen "peg", who then turned into potential brides ^{[23; 24, L. 36-37]}.

In general, the youth "gatherings" simulated a situation of choosing the future, the presence in which aroused both curiosity and fear of "making a mistake" in their choice. Collective laughter eliminated the element of uncertainty, destroyed fears of the future and opened the way to a new stage of existence.

One of the most striking examples of a "noisy performance" was the festivities of a recruit with friends for two or three months. Young people preferred "gulba", refusing any work. The characteristic features of ostentatious festivities were the rejection of generally accepted everyday affairs, the desire for an idle world with its entertainment on horseback, mutual treats, jokes and "funny" songs ^{[5, pp. 63-64]}. It should be emphasized that it was in the recruiting ritual that carnival-laughing forms turned into an important attribute of the "transition" of a young man into the status of a male warrior ready to defend his Fatherland.

The most pronounced carnival-laughing forms were in the traditional wedding of the peoples of the Middle Volga region. The noisy wedding celebration was intended to deceive the evil spirits in order to avert its evil from the newlyweds. For example, at a Russian wedding in Saratov province, guests in the courtyard of the groom's house beat and threw pots, glorifying the bride. Already in the house, at the festive table, having begun to absorb watermelons, apples, cucumbers, pies, cabbage soup and booze, they were sentenced: "It is necessary to add salt, otherwise it is not salty" ^{[21, l. 138]}. There have been cases of ritual dances with a chicken decorated with multicolored patches ^{[19, pp. 96-97]}. This bird became a symbol of hope for a happy and long life of the newlyweds.

Similar "noisy performances" were arranged by Mordvins and Mari on the second day of the wedding. The Mordvinian Moksha called this day potikha shi ("funny day"), the features of which were dressing up in different characters and beating pots ^{[28, p. 40]}.

It should be emphasized that "noisy performances" as a variant of the manifestation of carnival-laughing forms were quite stable in the historical development of the rituals of the life cycle. This can be explained by their ability to eliminate superstitious fears of evil spirits and create an atmosphere of a prosperous future.

The next variant of the presence of carnival-laughing forms in the rituals of the life cycle of the peoples of the Middle Volga region was "antics". Firstly, it was resorted to for a clear designation of social roles in the family, secondly, for deceiving evil spirits, misleading them and, thirdly, for unwillingness to return to everyday routine.

An example of the first type of antics was the meeting of the young at the mordvins by the groom's parents. So, in the Simbirsk province, the father and mother dressed in the most worn clothes, their hair was disheveled, and the man's head was decorated with an inverted hat. From the shoulder of a friend's parent, he took off a straw whip and hit the newlyweds with it. This action, despite the ironic and slovenly appearance of the father and mother, was carried out to demonstrate to the young their subordinate position in the parental home ^{[17, p. 17]}.

With the second type of antics, the Volga Germans, during the celebration of the wedding in winter, arranged rides along the streets "for show" (zur Beschau). In the sleigh, which was harnessed by two white bulls, "fictitious" newlyweds were seated, smeared with soot and with crowns of straw. Skating was accompanied by music, songs and gun volleys to drive away evil spirits from the real newlyweds ^{[12, pp. 389-390]}.

The third type of antics was used at the Mari wedding. For example, in Cheboksary district of Kazan province, a drinking party was arranged in the groom's house with various antics and singing without words in mournful voices. This continued until the owner of the hut announced to everyone that he had run out of funds for the celebration. The guests left, and everyday life began in the groom's house ^{[4, l. 16]}. This example showed not only the expulsion of evil spirits from the wedding, but also expressed a desire to postpone the period of daily chores, which contrasted sharply with the previous fun.

Such a variant of ridicule as "censure" was characteristic of situations that exposed immoral behavior of people. In medieval European culture, you can find many vivid examples of censure through carnival-laughing forms. In particular, the French custom of sharivari (translated from the French "cat concert") ridiculed, among other things, those of unequal age or those caught in immoral acts of marriage ^[7].

In pre-revolutionary Russia, the censure of a woman for moral misconduct remained the most common phenomenon. Thus, the Russians of the Saratov province put a yoke on the neck of the mother of an unchaste bride, with which she was forced to walk through the streets of the village /village ^{[22, l. 16]}. The Chuvash did the same with the father of the guilty girl ^{[26, p. 263]}. Consequently, the shame of the bride and her parents was put on public display, causing laughter and condemnation from the village population.

The Volga Germans, in order to publicly ridicule an unchaste girl or a married woman, put up an effigy of old rags and rags at the gate of her house – Butzemann ("kurguzy") ^{[12, pp. 394-395]}. Although this often did not correspond to reality and forced an innocent young person to go to court, undergo an examination by a doctor or grandmother for the purpose of rehabilitation. But for a married woman, such an evil joke could end in tragedy in the form of murder by an angry husband. Therefore, censure, having a ridiculous form, always had a punishing meaning, expressed in the open "flagellation" of human vices.

The last variant of the manifestation of carnival-laughing forms in the rituals of the life cycle was "imitation". It was intended for the symbolic embodiment of the participants of the rites in a different age, social status or state of mind, which gave hope for strengthening their authority in the family, community and improving life in the future. Moreover, the belief in this reincarnation was quite serious, despite the theatricality of the ritual actions.

Imitation was often used in the wedding ceremonies of the region. So, the Russians of the Saratov province arranged "buffoonish" auctions of the friends and the bride's young brother about her redemption by the groom. The boy said, "Buy my goods first, then take them." The friend took out half a bottle of wine from his pocket, poured it into a glass and brought it to the boy. The bride's brother refused wine, saying, "My sister is worth gold, not wine." A friend put silver coins in a glass of wine, 50-60 kopecks, to which the boy shouted "Not enough!". Then the brother still drank wine, and took the money for himself ^{[21, l. 156]}. In these playful negotiations, attention is drawn to the seriousness of the behavior of the boy, who sought to imitate an adult and not miss his benefits when "selling" a betrothed sister. In addition, the bride herself gained great value if her brother did not make concessions to the groom's retinue for a long time.

In various types of initiations, rituals of initiation into the owners of supernatural abilities and skills, i.e. into healers and sorcerers, are of interest. Often, the acquisition of "secret" knowledge occurred through attempts to imitate their bearers.

Ethnographer N. E. Mazalova identified several types of obtaining "secret" knowledge: special initiation through association with evil spirits; accumulation during life of a large number of magical practices and their active application in society; possession of several conspiracies or magical practices for use exclusively in his family and rarely among the nearest neighbors ^{[15, p. 35]}. In mythological thinking, initiation into "secret" knowledge was associated with the collision of a person with a fantastic animal or spirit in such sacred places as a bathhouse, a crossroads, a forest ^{[13, pp. 11-12]}. The actual confirmation of such initiation cannot be found in historical sources, but when referring to folklore, it becomes obvious how great was the belief in supernatural initiation into sorcerers or healers.

Fairy tales of the Samara Region, collected by D. N. Sadovnikov, testify to the curiosity and voluntary desire of people to collude with evil spirits by imitating her in order to inspire fear or spiritually subjugate the population of the village. In addition, fairy-tale stories about the fantastic transformation of a person into a witch doctor or sorcerer are characterized by a grotesque depiction of this process itself: "One miller was very lucky: he sold his soul to a Water soul for a period and he has been able to do everything since then" or "Near Vasil ... two farmasons swam in a boat, ... a stone was taken out from the bottom, thrown ashore, he turns into a naked man; they throw another one, he turns into a woman, and let's dance with each other. One of them liked it. “Teach me!”he says. “Please! Come to us!” They began to teach him; he began to understand" ^{[27, pp. 227-228, 377]}.

In funeral and memorial rituals, imitation often became an integral part of the knowledge of the afterlife, even if this process was comic in nature. In the pre-revolutionary traditions of the Finno-Ugric peoples of the Middle Volga region, an invitation to the wake of the "deputy" of the deceased attracts attention. This guest imitated the deceased in everything, putting on his things and copying his gestures ^{[3, p. 208]}. The mummified "deputy" received plentiful treats at the memorial table from the widow and children of the deceased. After the meal, ritual dances began, during which the guest shared his impressions about his safe stay in the afterlife. At the end of the wake, the "deputy" took off the clothes of the deceased, said goodbye to everyone present, hinting at the need to return to the next world, and quietly left the house. Sometimes a guest, together with other participants of the wake, went to the cemetery, where the clothes of the deceased were left on the grave ^{[25, l. 44]}.

The examples given indicate that the presence of carnival-laughing forms in the rituals of the life cycle of the peoples of the Middle Volga region allowed creating a special game world for ridiculing the otherworldly and potentially dangerous. The participants of these rituals-games banished their fear of evil spirits and the hostile influence of living people, as well as the unknown associated with them. According to the apt remark of the German philosopher H.-G. Gadamer, game techniques with their carnivality and the desire to ridicule everything terrible and frightening assumed "liberation, return to true being", revealing "what is" ^{[10, p. 159]}. In fact, laughing at something brought a person closer to a more complete understanding of the significance of the events that happened to him and the value of his life as a whole, which was an important step for constructing an image of a positive future.

In addition, as examples from regional rituals show, carnival-laughing forms reflected the spiritual and moral guidelines of people: the desire for happiness, health, chastity, respect for elders, the victory of life over death and good over evil. The playful nature of the rituals exposed these landmarks, pushing them to choose a further life path.

Thus, one of the purposes of the traditional rituals of the life cycle was "resistance" through carnival-laughing forms to those negative phenomena that could ostensibly or really threaten a person. In this case, there was not only overcoming critical situations at the time of their onset, but also preparation at the psychological level for an unknown future.