To the historical context in the poem "Alguziani" (XV century)

Tesaev Zelimkhan Adamovich Researcher, Institute of Humanitarian Studies of the Academy of Sciences of the Chechen Republic; Postgraduate, Integrated Research Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences 364001, Russia, Chechenskaya Respublika, g. Groznyi, bul. M. A. Esambaeva, 13 amin.tesaev@gmail.com Other publications by this author

         The poem "Alguziani" was first published by N. Gamrekeli in 1885 ^{[1, p. 329]} and republished by M. G. Janashvili in 1897. According to the correspondence of 1898 ("Tsnobis Purceli", No. 555), the published poem was a tenth part of the full version (book) with the title "The Book of Alguziani", or "Alguzon-Rusiani, Charajon, Tchakhilioni" ^{[2, p. 687]}, which during the revision was discovered by the priest I. Rusishvili and I. Bakutov in the Nuzala church and was kept in the house of Rusishvili until its loss ^{[2, pp. 686-687; 3, p. 46]}. The text of the poem (the published part) is a poetic narrative about Alguz and his conquest of the "four kingdoms". The personalities of Alguz, his wife Esther (Eter), brothers Kurtagon and Sidamon, son Charkhilan, "vekili" Saragon, Pon, Bibor, Uldan, Sokur, Ikrom and Malkhaz are mentioned; Chechen tsar Cairo Khan, Kalmyk Khan Amakhuni, Amosar tsar Aliskanter, etc. As G. Baev notes, some of the listed heroes "are mentioned in folk legends and historical chronicles" ^{[4, pp. 22-23]}.

         The content of the poem has been analyzed at various times by a number of researchers, including M. Janashvili, L. Lopatinsky, V. Miller, K. Kekelidze, N. Dzhusoity, S. Khakhanov, G. Baev, and others. V. F. Miller immediately after the reissue of the poem M.G. Janashvili subjected this work to serious criticism. The researcher attributed it to the field of "historical fairy tales" and, in the absence of information explaining the events described in the work, endowed it with the epithets "mysterious Georgian" and "quasi-historical" poem, adding that it "... is interesting in content and even more so because it raises many historical and literary questions, the answer to which, with the current state of studying old Georgian literature, it seems difficult" ^{[1, p. 329]}.

         V. Miller raises the question of the nationality of the author ("a descendant of some very dubious ancestors"), assuming his origin from a "sovereign family", and immediately puts forward his version: "The following further verses seem to give an answer to this: “That the oats had a king… He was called Bakatar..."" – meaning Ossetians ^{[1, p. 331]}. And further: "And since this Bakatar was the father of the author of the poem ... it turns out that the strange conclusion is that the son, to prove the existence and royal dignity of his famous father, refers to some foreign sources… Obviously, the naive inability of the author to back up the authenticity of his fiction with authorities is evident in all this statement." Finally, the academician notes that the author of the poem, "acting in the interests of Ossetians ... in all probability, belongs to this people himself" and by profession "some well-born scribe who raised his family to the Ossetian Bagratids" ^{[1, p. 331]}.

         The last conclusions of V. F. Miller turned out to be very far–sighted. K. S. Kekelidze, the author of famous works on the history of Georgian literature, came to the conclusion that the poem "Alguziani" was written by a noble Ossetian, a descendant of Alguz – I. Gabaraev–Yalguzidze (1775-1830) ^{[3, pp. 43, 46, 47; 5, p. 134]}. If we take the opinion of K. Kekelidze as a basis, then we cannot leave aside, firstly, the fact that one of I. Yalguzidze's students stayed in Nuzala ^{[3, p. 43]} and, secondly, that "I. Yalguzidze rewrote “The Knight in the Tiger Skin” Shota Rustaveli" and worked as an "official-scribe" ^{[5, p. 132]}. The latter fact is noteworthy in that the poem about Alguz is distinguished by imitation of the mentioned work of Rustaveli "and begins, on the model of the latter, with the glorification of God", and the outline of the poem, "in addition to the quasi historical basis, is borrowed from Rustaveli" ^{[6, p. 54]}.

         Of course, the poem is a combination of legends and written sources (this is obvious from its content and the terms given in it), equipped with a poetic exposition, as well as, absolutely obviously, a subjective attempt to elevate the role of the main character – Alguz – in the context of the historical events of the era in question. The excessive artistry of the narrative also does not remain without the remark of V. Miller, who points out how "... buildings in the Non kingdom are described in fantastic features" (which convinces that the compiler himself has never been in their possessions) and "... listens to the poems of the "rhetoricians from the city of Athana" (Athens) glorifying him". The academician shrewdly notes that Aslan Gamrekeli, mentioned in the poem, is "the mythical ancestor of the first publisher of the poem N. Gamrekeli" ^{[1, p. 334]}. This assumption was justified the following year, when it turned out that I. Rusishvili's son, Alexander, had written out to the deceased Gamrekeli "from this book about the Gamrekelovs' heroics" ^{[2, p. 687]}. V. Miller believed that the content of the poem was "chaotic, inconsistent with our historical information, the idea of some political events that took place once, at an indefinite time, in some, but again not quite definable regions of the Caucasus," noting "some unknown Amosar and Milankara kingdoms" ^{[1, p. 330]}. The inevitable conclusion of the researcher was the statement that the poem gives "the impression of some kind of artificial and seemingly tendentious composition, in which the book element strongly suppresses some folk traditions" ^{[1, p. 336]}. Thus, the relevance of the study of unknown historical information, presented to some extent in the "Alguziani", was indicated as early as 1897.

M.G. Dzhanashvili dates the reign of Alguz to the VIII century ^{[7, p. 192]}. But it is impossible to agree with this. There are a number of signs that allow us to give an approximate dating of the events described in the poem. L. Lopatinsky believes that the poem "could not have appeared earlier than 1400 and later than 1453, when Constantinople fell", since the Turks are not mentioned in the text ^{[1, p. 336]}. S. Khakhanov refers it to the end of the XIV – beginning of the XV centuries; at the same time, he refers the manuscripts of the poem to the XVII–XVIII centuries ^{[6, p. 53]}.

The mention in the text in one row of Franks, Khazars and Wallachians as contemporaries of Bakatar, familiar with the state of affairs "at the Oats" ^{[7, p. 93]}, points, of course, to the XV century. Firstly, the Franks (Italians) were present in the Caucasus before the fall of their regional center – Kafa – in 1475 ^{[8, p. 16]}. L. Lopatinsky points to a number of signs in the images, details and characteristics of the heroes, allowing us to note the medieval Roman – Genoese (Franks) influence on the author of the poem ^{[9, p. 197]}. Secondly, the same Europeans called Crimea (the center of the Khanate of the same name) until the end of the existence of local colonies, whose sovereignty just took place at the end of the 1st half. XV century, Khazaria ^{[10, p. 6, 7, 11, 13, 18]}. Finally, thirdly, the Wallachians really reached the peak of power under Stefan III, who ruled for 47 years (1457-1504) ^{[11, pp. 30, 46, 54, 60-63]}. The statement about the praise of Alguzon by the rhetoricians of Athens ^{[7, p. 140, 141]} suggests that the events took place no later than 1458, when the city fell under the onslaught of the Turks ^{[12, p. 295]}.

In the text, together with "Mongolia" on the plain of the Pre-Caucasus (i.e., the ulus of Jochi, which arose in the XIII century), Kalmyks are called, whose name is identical with the "nones" of the same poem ^{[7, p. 114]}. Apparently, the Kalmyks were mentioned for the first time in written sources in 1397/98 by Sheref-ad-Din Yazdi (as the people of the Golden Horde), however, the history of the origin of the term relates to the 1st half of the same century and is associated with the rule of Khan Uzbek ^{[13, p. 187; 14, p. 56]}, in which Islam becomes the state religion. The non-Kalmyks of the poem exclaim "hila hila" that M. Janashvili himself interprets it as "Muslim God, God" ^{[7, pp. 102, 102]}. In the same context, the term "nonnas" (the same Kalmyks of the poem) should be considered, denoting the Noyons – "the upper class among the Kalmyks" ^{[1, p. 336; 4, p. 30]}. Finally, Alguz, who "sat" on the "golden throne of the Mongols", received the "crown of the four peoples" ^{[7, p. 137, 139]}, which again indicates four regions-the ulus of the Horde (Khorezm, Sarai, Crimea and Desht), which stood out in the same XIV century ^{[15, p. 163]}.

         The unpublished part of "Alguziani" reported about the campaign organized by the Russian tsar John against Alguz (after his "conquest" of the Caucasus), the defeat of the latter and the capture of his son, whose children – Rostom, Bejan and Ivan – began to be called Rusishvili upon arrival in the Caucasus. An 1898 newspaper article claimed that this "John" was Ivan IV the Terrible ^{[2, pp. 687-688]}. However, in the context of our analysis, he should be identified with Ivan III (pr. 1462-1505), under whom Nurdevlet Girey, who had deep contacts in the Caucasus, made a successful campaign to the rear of Khan Akhmat while the latter was standing on the Ugra River ^{[16, p. 132]}.

         The central figure in the poem is Alguz, one of the sons of "Augustus–Caesar, the Greek", from the family of "David, son of Jesse, father of Solomon, king of the Jews" ^{[7, pp. 92, 95]}. V. B. Pfaff cites an Ossetian legend according to which a certain Os-Bagatar had seven (according to others data – nine) sons, among whom the only child born of a concubine was Agus. In this regard, the emergence of "Alguziani" could indeed be motivated by a desire to protect the social status of the surname, apparently against the background of complaints and reproaches. Anyway, among the other sons of Os-Bagatar are named: Sidemon, Tsarazon, Kussagon, Dzakhil and Tetlo (the name of the latter is not known to V. Pfaff). The named 7 tribes correspond to the seven genera of the Valajir Ossetians. In the church in Recom, V. Pfaff found objects attributed to Os-Bagatar and dated by him to the XIV century ^{[17, pp. 58-59, 74]}. 

V. Pfaff mentions an inscription that was allegedly on the church in Nuzala. It already mentioned nine brothers "Chardzhuidze-Dsharhilan", including Bagatar-Os and David-Soslan, who allegedly fought with the four kingdoms (like Alguz), as well as Fidaros, Jadaros, Sakura and George (the rest of the brothers became monks). Further in the text it is stated that Bagatar kidnapped the sister of the Kartalinsky tsar, was drowned, and his army dispersed ^{[17, p. 60]}. Firstly, it is impossible not to find parallels between Bagatar, the abductor of the daughter of Tsar Kartveli (a fighter against the four kingdoms) and Alguz, who abducted the daughter of "Caesar Khan" ^{[7, pp. 95, 97]} and fought with Circassia, Chechnya, Nonnom-Mongolia and the kingdom of Amosar-Abkhazia ^{[7, pp. 99, 115, 123, 125, 171, 185, 193]}. Note that the highlanders of Georgia called Queen Tamara by the title "Caesar" ^{[18, p. 13]}, this further confirms us in the probable identity of the Georgian king with "Caesar Khan", since Georgia is not mentioned in the text of the poem. In addition, the daughter of "Kesar Khan" is called Eter, or Esther ^{[7, p. 193-194]}, revealing a parallel with the Georgian folk poem about "the beauty of Eteri" ^{[6, p. 55]}. Secondly, V. Pfaff points out that Jadaros was the father of David-Soslan, and not his brother. Thirdly, the researcher quite categorically states (giving his arguments) that "the Nuzala inscription never existed and could not even exist", and also "contradicts all historical data". The main source of the "writer" of the inscription is called folk legends about "Osibagatar". "The purpose for which the inscription was composed," concludes V. Pfaff, "obviously was to bring the offspring of Osibagatar closer to the offspring of David–Exiled. But this deception failed" ^{[17, pp. 61, 62]}. V. Miller also calls this monument a "suspicious" and "strange inscription" ^{[1, pp. 328, 331]}. Note, however, that the names Bakatar (Os-Bagatar?), Sakhir (Sakura?) are found on the Zelenchuk stone. and Anbal ^{[19, pp. 110, 116]}.

There is nothing strange in V. Pfaff's conclusion. In addition to these remarks, attention should be paid to the name of the dynasty (V. Pfaff writes that it never existed), to which Bagatar and David – Charju[idze]-Dsharkhil[an] allegedly belonged. It also reveals a phonetic connection with the name of Dzakhil (son of Os-Bagatar) and Dcharkhilo (son of Alguz) ^{[7, p. 173; 17, p. 58-59, 74]}. If we arrange the information of all three sources (legends, "inscriptions" in Nuzala and poems), we get the following genealogical sequence: 1) Os-Bagatar, 2) Agus/Alguz, 3) Dzakhil/Dcharhilo. The probability of such a sequence is also supported by V. Miller's opinion about the "very close relationship" to the poem of the Nuzal Os-Bagatar ^{[1, p. 331]}. V. Pfaff refers this "Osibagatar" to the beginning of the XIV century (the "Nuzal inscription" is dated to 1320 ^{[4, p. 20; 6, p. 52-53]}) ^{[17, p. 59]}, however, V. Miller writes that "... the Georgian chronicle mentions ... another Bakatar, the leader of the Osses, who caused a lot of trouble to Georgia with his raids at the very end of the XIV century..." ^{[19, pp. 114-115]}. V. Miller lists the famous "Bagatars": 1) Os-Bakatar is a rival of Vakhtang Gorgasal (V. Miller considers the story about them a fiction, and V. Pfaff calls it a fairy tale) ^{[1, p. 332; 17, p. 62]}, 2) Bakatar from the Ahsarpakaian clan, a contemporary of Vakhtang II and David VI (1289-1310-ies.), – but believes that the Bagatar of the poem is the "unknown to history" king of the Ossetians ^{[1, p. 332]}.

         Another important detail that brings us closer to solving the historical riddle of "Alguziani" is the mention of the name of Kurtagon. After the conquest of the kingdom of "Amosar", Alguz appointed his brother, "Grand Duke Kurtagon", as the steward of affairs in this area ^{[7, pp. 171, 177]}. Ossetian researchers identify Kurtagon with Kurdtagon, or Kurdt (Kurt), – "the ancestor of the historical mountain clan of Ossetia inhabiting the Kurtatinsky gorge" ^{[4, p. 77]}. According to ethnographic data, the brothers Tag and Kurta – the founders of the Ossetian Tagaur and Kurtatian societies – acting "in concert" with the Circassians, lived and acted, apparently, in the XV century, and these societies "were formed mostly from fugitive Valajiris" ^{[17, p. 79]}. This allows us to identify Kurtagon/Kurta poems with Kussagon – Agus ' brother/Alguza is from Ossetian legends, which again points to the same century. Another detail is also interesting: the Alguz poems, like the brothers Tag ("Armenian prince") and Kurta of Ossetian legends, are called foreign natives – obviously from "Armenia". They – Taga and Kurta – appeared in the Ksurta (Valajir Society), and then came to the mountains of Ossetia ^{[7, pp. 95, 171; 17, pp. 58, 74, 80, 81]}. Taking into account the claims of Alguz to be descended from the family of David and the attempts of Ossetian legends to link Bagatar with the Bagratids (David-Exiled), it can be assumed that "Armenia" (the homeland of Tag and Kurt) and the homeland of Alguz ^{[7, p. 92; 17, p. 60, 62]} implies the Jewish origin of the Armenian Bagratid dynasty and its branches of the Georgian ruling dynasty ^{[7, pp. 190, 191]}. Let us add to the above that the name of Tag's son, Totik ^{[17, p. 80]}, is phonetically close to the name of Tetlo from the list of V. Pfaff.

         Another brother of Alguz and Kurtagon, mentioned in the poem, is Sidamon, who gave Alguz a letter notifying him of the birth of his son ^{[7, p. 173]}. He stands on a par with the heirs of Os-Bagatar, since he repeats exactly the name of one of the latter's sons (V. Pfaff). The poem also mentions "the Grand Vizier and Prince of the Nonce Bibor" ^{[7, p. 181]}, an employee of Alguz. The compilers of the collection of materials "Poem about Alguz..." at the mention of Sidamon rightly recall three Ossetians-the founders of Sidamon's surname: Rostoma, Bibila (identified by them with the Bibor of the poem) and Tsilosan, who, allegedly under the Emperor Justinian, became "the ancestors of the Eristavs of Ksan and Aragva" ^{[4, p. 76]}. V. Pfaff, however, as it was said, calls the story of the confrontation between Bagatar and Vakhtang Gorgasal in the V century a fairy tale, being equally skeptical and to the connection of the Bibilurs with the time of Justinian ^{[17, pp. 59, 62]}. In this regard, it is worth mentioning the "Monument of the Eristavs" (hereinafter – PE), compiled between 1405-1410 years ^{[20, pp. 103, 106]}.

S.S. Kakabadze quite rightly rejects the identification of King Istviniana, who elevated Rostom to the rank of "Eristav of Tskhrasmia", with Justinian II, believing that "Istvinians are also some kind of king of Georgia." Moreover, "... since the end of the XIV century, some representatives of the royal family created separate side branches of the central royal dynasty" and "ruled over separate provinces of the Georgian kingdom" in the status of kings until the XVI century. However, we do not agree with the opinion of S. Kakabadze, who, dating from the end of the XIII – beginning of the XIV century, calls the appointment of Rostom (according to PE) a mistake and refers to the IX–X centuries ^{[20, pp. 107-108]}. We do not accept both dates on the grounds that, firstly, researchers have witnessed the latest inserts in the PE (including, apparently, the postscript of the Vakhtang commission of the VI beginning of the XVIII century, reflected in the later editions of the Kartlis Tskhovreba), and, secondly, since there is no information in the PE about the interval between the middle of the XIV century to the 90s of the same century, but the time of Eristav Ioane is described in the most detailed way (in the text the compiler raises the question of what he can tell about this person, as if fulfilling the order of a contemporary), his son, Timur Barlas, and breaks off in 1405. More Moreover, after the mention of kings Istviniana and David, 26 reigns were omitted. This once again confirms that the information concerning the period before the beginning of the reign of George VII is most likely a later insertion. Finally, F. D. Jordania notes that the PE consists of two parts, where the first (including the story about the Bibiluras) is "compiled according to legend" ^{[20, pp. 103-106, 108-109]}.

Returning to the very legend of the Bibiluri from PE: according to the text, as a result of the "turmoil in the Ovset country" and abundant bloodshed, the sons of the younger, loser brother – Rostom, Bibil and Tsitlosan – with their sons and servants came to Dvaleti (having received the surname Bibiluri), and from there – to Tskhrasma, and Rostom became the eristav of this region. Noting the phonetic proximity of the names Citlosan and Tsarazon (according to the list of V. Pfaff), we note that the word "Tshrazma" (the region and gorge in the upper reaches of the Ksani River) literally means "nine brothers" (sons of Os-Bagatar?) ^{[20, pp. 107, 110-112]}. Special attention is drawn to the campaign of Eristav Virshel against the Dvals in 1386, just before the invasion of Timur, and after: Eristav devastated the possession of the Bibilurs in Tla and gave battle in the gorge of Mna: "Then the heads and heroes of their country were killed by a large number of arrows: Sungu, Parejan, Amsajan, Bagatar and many others" ^{[20, pp. 117, 118, 121, 125]}. It seems to us that the mentioned Sungu, Parej[an], Amsaj[an] and Bagatar are Sakura, Fidar[os], Jadar[os] and Bagatar–Os (V. Pfaffa), and the latter - Bakatar, who lived "at the very end of the XIV century" – "the leader of the Osses" – V. Miller ^{[19, pp. 114-115]}.

Considering the content of the chronicle "The History of Gireikhan", we found that, according to the essay, during 1452-1459, the Crimean Gireys conquered the regions -the vilayats of Charkas (Circassia) and Chachan (possessions from the Terek to the Caspian Sea); during these events, the Ossetian leaders of Tag and Kurt acted "in concert" with the Circassians, fighting, including with Chechens ^{[21, pp. 56-60]}. This circumstance, in our opinion, leads to the unraveling of the "mystery" of the "united Circassian-Ossetian kingdom" mentioned in the poem, about which, as V. Miller writes, "we are learning for the first time", and the author of "Alguziani" "would find it difficult to determine the time of existence ... and outline its geographical limits" ^{[1, p. 333-334]}. Omitting all the details we have outlined in this article, we note that Kabardins who came from Crimea to Taman in the XIV century under the pressure of the Nogais, Kabardians, after some time under the leadership of Inal, the ancestor of the Kabardian princes, came to Kabarda (probably before 1427) ^{[17, pp. 71-73]}, and then, under the leadership of Gireev, by the middle of the XV century. – to Ossetia ^{[21, pp. 57-60]}. At the same time, the Ossetians acted as allies of the Kabardians: "... the Ossetians at first did not prevent the Kabardians from taking vacant seats and lived in friendship with them ... ... Inal even married the daughter of an Ossetian prince Ash. Both Asha and another Ossetian prince, named Shosha, participated in the campaigns of Inala. But the Ossetian prince, named Osdemir, was at enmity with Inal. At first he defeated the kegahs sent against him, but when Inal himself came, he fled to Abkhazia." The appearance of a Khetag in the Ossetian environment, who arrived from Kabarda, is attributed to the same time ^{[17, pp. 72, 77]}. The same applies to the middle of the XV century, where the personalities of Tag and Kurt appear, who fought with the Nakhchian tribes in alliance with the Kabardins ^{[21, p. 59]}. In this regard, the information of "Alguziani" about the struggle of Alguz with the "Chechen tsar Cairo Khan" is extremely interesting.

         Immediately after the "conquest" of Circassia by Alguz, according to the poem, the "Chechen tsar" armed himself against him, who "persuaded the prince-tsar of the Nonts (i.e. Mongols – Z. T.) to his side... wanting to take away a beautiful maiden..." ^{[7, p. 99]}, i.e. Eter is the wife of Alguz. The Chechen and Kalmyk "tsars" came to the border of Circassia to fight with him, after which Alguz – the "Circassian tsar-prince" sitting "on the horse of the Black Sea" – gathered "Circassians and oats". The Mongols started the battle, leaving the Chechens in the rear. Alguz "cut his head in two... killed the king of the Kalmukhs" by the name of Amakhuni ^{[7, p. 101, 109, 111, 115, 117]}.

The "Khetazhi" of the Mongols call their king "agha khazhi" (Mr. Hadji), and the vizier of Alguz, a Christian, is called Ikrom (Arabic name, "honor, respect"). There are also Turkic concepts in the text – the greeting "salamati", the challenge "chick", the appeal "aha"; Circassian "khetazh" (vigilante, veteran); Islamic terms "vekil" (authorized), "haji" (Muslim who has made a pilgrimage), Muslim names and so on – all these words reflect familiarity the author of a poem with the Circassian and Mongol-Tatar world of the XIV–XV centuries, when Islam began to spread within the Golden Horde ^{[7, pp. 105, 111, 115; 10, pp. 20; 14, pp. 56-57]}. Together with all the above facts, attention is drawn, firstly, to the epithet "Circassian" (i.e. al-Charkasi - in Arabic interpretation) given to Alguz; secondly, the beginning of the war by the union of Mongols and Chechens; thirdly, the "murder" of the Mongol Khan, Amakhuni, by Alguz; fourthly, the statement about the subordination of the Black Sea coast to Alguz. All this reveals the most striking analogy with the personality of Gireikhan al-Charkasi (the hero of the chronicle "Tarikh Gireikhan"), whose biography to some extent reflects the military and political activities of Nurdevlet, the heir of Hadji Giray, the founder of the Crimean Khanate. In 1452, Hadji Giray defeated the khan of the Great Horde of Seit-Akhmat (literally: Lord-Akhmat), after which, according to the chronicle, the conquest of the "vilayat Chachan" (Chechnya) by Gireikhan, the ruler of the Crimea and Circassia, began, which ended by 1459. Moreover, the collision of Hadji Giray with Seyid-Akhmat was provoked by the latter's approach to the borders of the Crimea ^{[21, p. 55, 56]}.

Gireikhan al-Charkasi, like Alguz, has the epithet "Circassian", being, at the same time, the ruler of Circassia, covering a significant coast of the Black Sea. In addition, the name of the Mongolian khan – Amakhuni – is given in the poem in the form of a surname (compare with Bagrat [uni], Apakh[uni], etc.), with the basis of Amakh, in which there is probably a root metathesis from the original Ahma [t]. The aforementioned Seit-Akhmat was the son of Akhmat and the brother of Sheikh-Akhmat. Akhmat was also preceded by Seit-Akhmat I ^{[22, pp. 489-490]}. Thus, for a contemporary, the entire dynasty of Seit-Akhmat II represented the surname Akhmatuni ("Amakhuni" of the poem). This remark, together with the facts listed above, allows us to link the history of the Alguz poem with the Gireikhan "Tarikha Gireikhan".

         Further in the poem it is reported that after the death of Amakhuni, a messenger announced to Alguz that "the Chechen tsar Kairan ("enemy from all over the plain". – Z. T.) goes with the warriors." Interestingly, according to "Alguziani", the Chechen leader is able to incite the Mongol khan. And it is also claimed that he "fights for the sake of others and comes here as an enemy," i.e. he is an ally of the Mongols. The Chechen tsar "surrounded them with (his) army" and occupied the mountain heights, after which the battle began. "The Kairans (Chechens. – Z. T.) brought fear to the opponents... They struck down the Alguz army like quickly mown bread ... Here they killed a famous Pon praised with seven arrows… This case stunned Bibor... Pon-vekil, from the genus of Measles, died..." ^{[7, pp. 117, 119]}. During the battle, Kairan "rushed at Alguz", but was killed last in battle. Having lost their leader, the Chechens invite Alguz to a "meal of peace" and "return home." The widow of Kairan, Maria-Khatun, asks permission to bury her husband. An inscription was placed on the tombstone of the tsar: "The ashes of the great tsar, Kairan Djadjev, rest here. Praise!". After the conquest of Chechnya, Alguz leaves Bibor here as a vizier, ruler and collector of tribute ^{[7, p. 121, 123, 125, 127, 131, 133]}.

         In the poem, the Chechen leader called the Prince-Mtwara () and king-Mepe (); Kairana () and Cairo-Khan () ^{[7, p. 116, 118, 119, 122]}. The last form – Cairo Khan - is also used by G. Bayev ^{[4, p. 23]}. Cairo Khan has the nickname "Goth" (). Also in the text, the surname of Cairo Khan - Djajeva (), or Djejava () is called ^{[7, pp. 126, 130]}. Taking into account the obvious diversity of multilingual sources of the author of the poem, in this case, apparently, we are talking about the variants of the vocalization of the Arabic-language record of the same ethnonym "chachan". If this version is correct, then the sound of h was transmitted by the letter "jim" (?), which was adapted to h (?), apparently not earlier than the beginning of the XVII century - the time of the missionary activity of Bers–sheikh ^{[23, pp. 164-168]}. The handwritten Arabic "jajan" () implied "chachan" or "chachen" (depending on the pronunciation of alif), where the final h (depending on the writing style) could be incorrectly read as b ("jajev").

         It is very noteworthy that "Alguziani" places special emphasis on the personality of the Chechen tsar: he "instigates" the Kalmyk khan; defeats the "Alguz army" in the first battle; it is claimed that "great kings glorified" invited him, "fragrant", and the Mongols, "hearing about the death of Kairan", fell at the feet of Alguz ^{[7, p. 117, 119, 121, 127, 133]}. This suggests, firstly, that the struggle of the leader of the Ossetians with the Chechens played an important role and influenced the compiler of the poem or Ossetians, in general, and, secondly, the author was apparently more familiar with the history of the personality of Cairo Khan and his kingdom than with the distant state of nomads.

         The Chechen tsar Cairo Khan can be safely identified with the ruler of the "Simsim ulus" Gair Khan, or Kyr-bek, the authors of the chronicles of the same name "Zafar-nama", an ally of Tokhtamysh and an opponent of Timur Barlas, who resisted the latter during his campaign in the mountains of Chechnya in 1395-1396 ^{[13, p. 123, 183; 24, pp. 85-91]}. In our study, we also identify him with "Kahr (om)", or "Kagar (om)", the chronicle of "Tarikh Chachan" (in all its editions) – a contemporary of Khan Navruz, as well as with "Cairo-mek", who visited together with Altantsak (apparently, the Ossetian ruler from Urukh) and Urus Kostroma in 1360 by order of Khan Khizir ^{[25, pp. 64-66; 26, p. 83]}. According to ethnographic data (it is claimed that the information was extracted from a lost manuscript compiled in 1723), at the time of Timur's invasion, Cairo Khan was already a man of age, and Timur's battle in the area of the modern Khankal gorge was given by his son Khasi ^{[27, pp. 29, 34, 36]}. On this basis, taking into account the age of Cairo Khan, it must be assumed that under Cairo Khan "Alguziani" his son, Khasi, is actually hiding. In addition, according to the Tarikh Chachan, Cairo Khan had "Copts" (Egyptians) in his entourage ^{[26, p. 85, 91]}, which probably reflects ties with the Mamluks (who ruled the Caucasian or Jarkas-Circassian dynasty ^{[28, p. 282]}) due to the union The Golden Horde and Egypt, directed against Timur ^{[22, pp. 155, 159, 160]}, and the vassal relations of Cairo Khan with Tokhtamysh ^{[25, pp. 64-66]}. For example, another source, also of a narrative nature, speaks of the support that Khan "Takhtam" promised the Chechens in the fight against Timur ^{[29, pp. 59-60]}. Given the extensive connections of Cairo Khan with the Golden Horde Khans, it seems to us that the identification of Cairo Khan of the poem with the ruler of the "ulus Simsim" (or his son) is correct.

         Summarizing the data presented in the article, we come to the conclusion that the events described, at least in the first part of the poem "Alguziani", reflect the picture of the 40-50s of the XV century. At the same time, the basis for the image of Alguz – a real historical figure – was not his actual achievements, but the activities of the leaders of the allies-the overlords of the Ossetians, which, apparently, were Kabardins. It is obvious that Alguz is credited with the victories of Hadji Giray, Nurdevlet (Giray) and Gireikhan - the hero of the chronicle "Tarikh Gireikhan", as well as the cumulative achievements of the "nine brothers" – Ossetian heroes of the late XIV – XV century, who played a different role in the history of Ossetians. We also believe that these "brothers" – the "sons" of Os-Bagatar – were Taga, Kurta (Kurtagon of the poem and Kussagon of V. Pfaff), Tsarazon (Citlosan PE; Saragon of the poem), Sakur (Sungu PE; Sokur – "blind" from Arabic), Agus (Alguz of the poem), Sidamon, Rostom, Bibil (Bibor of the poem), Tetlo (Totik – son of Tag?), as well as Dzakhil (Dcharhil of the poem; son of Alguz), who apparently lived in the specified period (XIV–XV centuries.), but mistakenly attributed to the VI, then to the XIII century, then to the beginning of the next century. It should be noted that M. G. Dzhanashvili himself identified the heroes of the poem with the names known from the Georgian chronicles ^{[7, pp. 193-194]}.

Since the battle with the Kalmyk king Amakhuni (Seit-Akhmat II) and the Chechen tsar Cairo Khan (correctly – with Khasi, the son of Cairo Khan) until the conquest of "Chechnya" and the appointment of Bibor as a local vizier and ruler, the activity of Alguz Circassian repeats the fate of Hadji Giray, and then - "Gireikhan al–Charkasi" in 1452-1459, attributing the merits of the latter. Subsequent events with the mention of the war in Abkhazia (Amosari), the term "seraskir" and a certain Mirza Khan ^{[7, pp. 147, 148]} seem to indicate events related to Turkish expansion (in 1461, the Turks occupied Trebizond and approached Georgia ^{[30, pp. 682-683]}), which led to the occupation of the Crimea and the Black Sea coast in 1475. As for the unpublished part of the poem – the defeat of Alguz by the Russian tsar John – it probably points to the events of 1480 (the devastation of the Mongol rear by Nurdevlet on the orders of Ivan III). The latter circumstance is explained by the statement of the poem about the "dominion" of Alguz over the capital city of the Mongols after the "death" of King Amakhuni (1452) ^{[7, pp. 137, 139]}.

         Ignoring Georgia, despite the mention of Gamrekeli's surname, is probably due, firstly, to the hostile attitude (as it was indicated, the author's inspirer, Bagatar, died in a battle with Eristav Virshel in 1386) of Ossetians who fought with feudal Georgia and, secondly, to the mention of the personality of Kesar Khan, whom we identify with Georgian kings-"Caesars" (in the tradition of the highlanders).

         Regardless of whether the author of the poem is I. Yalguzidze or not, there is a clear historical content in the text, extracted, apparently, from Turkic-speaking, Georgian-speaking and Latin manuscripts, supplemented with significant ethnographic material and expressed in poetic form with imitation of the "Knight in Tiger Skin" by Shota Rustaveli. At the same time, probably, the motive for writing the work was a detail indicating the secondary (born of a concubine) status of the Alguz in the family or genus, as well as the desire to approve the provision on the involvement of the "Bagatars" in the genus Bagratids, considered descendants of the prophet David.

Thus, the poem "Alguziani" is a tendentious monument of a late medieval poem dedicated to a distant ancestor, whose historical role is not only exaggerated, but also expanded due to the achievements attributed to the main character of his historical allies-suzerains, as well as other Ossetian leaders of the XIV–XV centuries. At the same time, it reveals a clear historical skeleton based on written sources and supported by legends describing, in our opinion, the actual events of the mid – second half of the XV century. The latter circumstance, after our analysis and identification of the historical context-the basis of the poem, makes this work a historical source of great interest, at least for Ossetian and Chechen researchers.