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Conflict Studies / nota bene
Reference:

Chinese approach to democracy: the evolution of democratic values in China

Chzhan Zhui

Master's Degree, Department of International Journalism, St. Petersburg State University

199004, Russia, Saint Petersburg, Saint Petersburg, 1st line Vasilievsky ostorov str., 26

rui.zhang@inbox.ru
Bykov Aleksei Yurievich

PhD in Politics

Associate Professor, International Journalism, St. Petersburg State University

199004, Russia, Saint Petersburg, Saint Petersburg, St. 1st line of Vasilievsky Island, 26

a.y.bykov@spbu.ru

DOI:

10.7256/2454-0617.2023.2.40973

EDN:

CWAXPX

Received:

09-06-2023


Published:

16-06-2023


Abstract: The evolution of democratic values in China has been a complex and multifaceted process that has undergone significant changes throughout history. From ancient times to the present, the interpretation and implementation of democratic principles have been influenced by various social, cultural, and political factors. The concept of democracy in China has evolved through different stages, including ancient China, feudal China, and the development of China's political system under the People's Republic. Throughout these stages, democratic values have been shaped by Confucian principles, the influence of Western ideas, the Chinese Communist Party's ideology, and the need to adapt democratic systems to China's unique circumstances. By conducting a conceptual content analysis of theoretical works and normative documents, comparative analysis and historical analysis, this study reveals that cultural values and norms shape the interpretation and implementation of democracy, while democratic systems influence and transform cultural dynamics within societies. The historical retrospective of China's democratic values offers a unique perspective, highlighting the evolution of democracy in a specific cultural and political context. The Chinese approach to democracy has emphasized people's participation, consultative democracy, grassroots democracy, and the combination of socialist principles with market reforms. China's ongoing efforts to improve governance, rule of law, transparency, and public participation reflect its commitment to further develop its democratic values in the context of its own historical and cultural framework. The findings emphasize the intricate relationship between culture and democracy and call for a comprehensive understanding of democratic values in different cultural and institutional frameworks.


Keywords:

Chinese approach, democracy, democratic values, culture, political system, Chinese Communist Party, People's Republic of China, Minben, collective decision-making, economic development

This article is automatically translated.

The concept of democracy is not understood and practiced in the same way everywhere. There are significant differences in how nations define democracy and approach it, reflecting cultural, historical and political contexts. These differences stem from the unique social and institutional framework within which democracy functions. For example, some countries prioritize direct democracy, where citizens play a more direct role in decision-making through referendums or municipal assemblies, while others emphasize representative democracy, where elected officials make decisions on behalf of the people. The extent to which democracy manifests itself can vary, ranging from political democracy, which focuses exclusively on electoral processes, to more comprehensive forms covering social, economic and cultural aspects. Cultural values and norms also shape the understanding of democracy, as different societies pay special attention to various aspects, such as equality, individualism, community participation or collective decision-making. Moreover, the historical and geopolitical context of each country plays an important role in shaping their approach to democracy.

The article reviews various approaches to democracy and the evolution of democratic values in China based on comparative and historical analysis, as well as institutional approach and conceptual content analysis of theoretical works and normative documents. The institutional approach helps to study formal institutions and mechanisms, which helps to identify the key components and processes that ensure or hinder democratic governance. Conceptual content analysis of theoretical works and normative documents provides a deeper understanding of the theoretical foundations that form democratic thought, and helps to analyze the evolution of democratic concepts over time. Comparative analysis allows you to compare and contrast different democratic systems in different countries or regions. Historical analysis helps to contextualize modern democratic systems by exploring their historical roots and the problems they have overcome. Using these methodologies, the study aims to provide a comprehensive understanding of democracy and its application. The scientific novelty of the article is the study of the relationship between culture, democracy and values, as well as the historical development of democratic thought in China. It highlights the unique cultural and historical context of China and how it has influenced the interpretation and implementation of democratic principles. The article also discusses the evolution of democratic values in China in different periods, demonstrating the development and changes in democratic thought.

Mutual influence of culture and democracy

In the theoretical discourse devoted to the understanding of democracy, D. E. Campbell considers democracy as a multilevel system of self-government. He focuses on the idea that democracy is not limited to formal election and decision-making processes at the national level, but extends to various levels of society, including local communities, organizations and even individual self-government. D. E. Campbell argues that a truly democratic society is characterized by active involvement of citizens and meaningful participation in decision-making processes not only at the national level, but also in the daily affairs of communities and institutions [1; pp. 169-180].

J. Keen offers an insightful interpretation of democracy as a process of power distribution, shedding light on the complex relationship between democracy, culture and values. According to J. Keen, democracy is not just a static state or a set of fixed institutions, but rather a dynamic process that involves the fair distribution of power between individuals and groups within society. J. Keen's view challenges the notion that democracy consists solely in majority rule or the protection of individual rights. Presenting democracy as a process of power distribution, he emphasizes the role of culture and values in the formation of democratic practices [2; p. 24].

B. Badi argues that democracy cannot be divorced from the cultural context in which it functions. He notes the influence of cultural values, traditions and historical experience on the development and practice of democracy in society. B. Badi's point of view emphasizes the internal connection between democracy and the cultural context in which it functions. However, he notes that cultural superiority should not be used as an excuse to impose a certain cultural perspective on others or to undermine the democratic aspirations of various societies [3].

When studying the relationship between democracy, culture and values, it becomes obvious that culture and democracy have a direct impact on each other. Culture, with its diverse set of beliefs, values, traditions and norms, shapes the way democratic systems function, while democracy, in turn, influences and transforms cultural dynamics within societies.

Values and norms rooted in culture influence how citizens perceive and participate in democratic processes. The democratic decision-making process allows for open debates, public discussions and the exchange of ideas that can challenge traditional cultural norms and stimulate cultural evolution.

However, it is important to recognize that the relationship between culture and democracy is complex and multifaceted. Cultural factors can both support and hinder democratic practices, and democratic systems can sometimes conflict with deeply rooted cultural traditions. Achieving a balance between the preservation of culture and democratic principles remains a constant challenge for societies.

Cultural values play a crucial role in shaping the identity of society and influence democratic practice. They serve as guiding principles that shape behavior, attitudes, and aspirations within a democratic system. Shared values are essential for democratic governance, they promote social cohesion, unity and consensus-building. However, cultural values are not static and can evolve over time, reflecting social change and diversity. The understanding and application of democratic values may vary depending on the cultural, historical and social context. Different countries may give priority to certain democratic values and introduce different mechanisms and processes for their implementation, reflecting their cultural and institutional frameworks. Recognizing and evaluating these different perspectives on democratic values is crucial for a comprehensive understanding of the relationship between democracy, culture and values.

The Evolution of China's Democratic Values: A Historical Retrospective

Democratic values have existed in China since ancient times, their implementation and interpretation have undergone significant changes over the centuries. Thus, by studying the works of outstanding Chinese thinkers and political systems of different eras, one can get an idea of the uniqueness of the development of democratic thought in China. The history of the development of democratic thought can be divided into several main stages.

Ancient China (Xia, Shang and Zhou dynasties: circa 2070 BC — 256 BC). Although ancient Chinese society did not have institutionalized democracy in the modern sense, the idea of democracy as a social phenomenon was widely discussed in Chinese culture. Important for ancient Chinese thought was the principle of "Minben", meaning "the people as the basis", which arose during this period and emphasizes the right of the people to decide their fate. This principle was closely related to the Confucian belief that the legitimacy of a ruler depends on his ability to govern fairly and in the best interests of the people. The essence of the Confucian idea of "Minben" was that the people are the most important, the state is the second, and the emperor is the least important. It is worth noting that this principle did not contain the idea of the influence of the people on politics, the connecting link was the higher principle, listening with the ears of the people and looking through the eyes of the people: if the government is not humane and fair, Heaven will deprive the sovereign of his sacred "heavenly mandate" to reign [4].

Feudal China (from the Qin Dynasty to the Qing Dynasty: about 221 BC — 1636 AD). During this period, some advanced thinkers advocated the separation of powers, implying that the state belongs to the people, and not to a particular monarch. Thus, H. Zongxi writes: "The Emperor is now regarded as a host, and the people as a guest, and there is no territory in China where one could find peace — precisely because of the presence of the emperor ..." [5; pp. 1357-1377]. The "Minben" principle continued to gain popularity, consolidating the idea of the value of the people over the state and the monarchy, but at this stage this principle has become an ideological element of the idea of autocratic tsarist power, supporting the idea of feudal society and monarchy [6; p. 9 9]. The ruling class recognized the importance of the people, but these ideals ultimately supported the autocratic system, not challenged it.

The conduct of modern democratic politics (the end of the Qing Dynasty and the period of the Republic of China: ser. XVIII century — ser. XX century, before the founding of the People's Republic of China). With the end of feudalism and the emergence of capitalism, China experienced an era of enlightenment and democratic awakening. At the beginning of the XIX century . China, under the influence of internal and external factors, gradually eliminated the feudal state and opened its borders to the whole world. Thinkers and revolutionaries of this period sought to overthrow feudalism and adopted modern interpretations of democratic values. Figures such as Sun Yat-sen promoted democratic ideas based on the "three people's principles", which emphasized nationalism, civil rights and the livelihood of the people 8-[7; pp. 6 9 8-707]. Liang Qichao criticized Chinese authoritarianism and called for the recognition of individual rights and the end of feudal morality [8; p. 57]. In addition, it is worth noting the influence of the October Revolution in Russia on the democratic values of China. The victory of the revolution and the spread of Marxism-Leninism inspired the Chinese intelligentsia and led to the founding of the Communist Party of China in 1921. Marxism-Leninism became widespread in China. The Chinese Revolution has entered a new stage of the democratic revolution aimed at combating imperialism, feudalism and bureaucratic capitalism. It can be said that modern democratic values in China were laid down by the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese people under the influence of the October Revolution. Also influenced by the Russian Revolution, Mao Zedong, the first leader of the People's Republic of China, advocated democratic centralism, which was aimed at balancing freedom and discipline, democracy and centralism within a socialist society.

The constitutional democratic movement in China in the late period (1939-1944) differed significantly from the European model, as a result of which Chinese thinkers developed their own understanding of democracy. This does not mean a lack of understanding of the meaning and principles of democracy. Chinese thinkers recognized the need for a democratic system corresponding to the national conditions of China. Thus, after the Sino-Japanese war, in 1947, L. Shumin opposed national elections, expressing concern about a potential catastrophe for China [9; pp. 7-10]. Similarly, J. Dongsun advocated a "new democracy", different from Western democratic systems [10; pp. 40 1-403]. However, their main demands included freedom of speech, freedom of the press and freedom of assembly.

Development of China's Modern Political System

For a better understanding of the specifics of the implementation of democratic principles in China, let's pay attention to the modern political system of China. China's political system has undergone significant transformations marked by various stages of development.

The first stage, characterized by the creation of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949, was marked by the emergence of a socialist political system with the Communist Party of China (CPC) as the ruling party. During this period, the CPC adopted the concept of democratic governance. The "General Program" adopted in 1949 defined the People's Republic of China as a new democracy State in which the power belongs to the people. Representative assemblies and people's Governments at all levels were established as organs for the exercise of people's power. The introduced political system was a people's democratic dictatorship led by the working class, forming an alliance with workers and peasants and uniting all democratic classes and the people of the country. During this period, the emphasis was on collectivism, centralized planning and the pursuit of social equality. Key elements of China's socialist democratic values included a political system of people's assemblies, multiparty cooperation, and political consultations under the leadership of the Communist Party. Democratic values were manifested through mass participation and decision-making at the grassroots level, primarily through people's assemblies and other forms of direct democracy.

In the early stages of socialist construction, Chinese communist leaders, in particular Mao Zedong, conducted research on intra-party democracy and people's democracy. This period laid the foundations for the subsequent democratic thinking in China, while the idea that the people are the masters of the country was the basis of socialist democracy. The Chinese approach to democracy in the early years of the PRC's existence included the development of democratic governance, the creation of a theoretical basis for socialist democracy, the introduction of various political systems and the promotion of consultative and grassroots democracy.

Consultative democracy in China includes seven channels of consultation: political parties, the National People's Congress, the Government, the People's Political Consultative Conference of China, People's Groups, grassroots consultations and public organizations. Consultative democracy is aimed at promoting the orderly participation of citizens in political life [11].

The CPC emphasized the importance of democracy in parallel with the progress of socialism and laid the foundation for subsequent democratic principles and values. Democratic systems at the grassroots level cover self-government in rural areas, self-government in urban communities and democratic management of enterprises and public institutions. Rural self-government has a long history and plays a vital role in rural areas. Urban self-government involves the participation of residents in local self-government and welfare through mass self-government organizations. Democratic management of enterprises and institutions allows employees to participate in decision-making and control affairs in accordance with laws and regulations.

The second stage, covering the period from 1966 to 1978, is known as the "Cultural Revolution". The revolution took place against the background of excessive political criticism directed at various literary and artistic works, scientific views and individuals in literary and scientific circles. Mistakes were made in the policy towards the intelligentsia, education, science and culture. It was only in 1975, when Deng Xiaoping, with the support of Mao Zedong, headed the Central Committee, that comprehensive reforms were carried out, leading to a revival of the Chinese Communist Party's commitment to building a democratic culture. This was marked by a series of economic reforms and the opening of China to the world market. There is a shift towards market reforms and the adoption of a more pragmatic approach to management. Priority attention has been given to creating conditions for economic development, innovation and social mobility. The CPC maintained its dominant position, but the emphasis shifted towards the liberalization of the economy and individual entrepreneurship. At the same time, the cultural revolution consolidated authoritarianism in ideology and culture [12; pp. 160-167].

The third stage, covering the period from 1978 to 2012, reflects the continued focus on economic development, as well as recognition of the importance of governance reforms. An important milestone in the development of democratic values during this period was the convocation of the 12th National Congress of the Communist Party of China in September 1982. It was at this congress that Deng Xiaoping unequivocally proposed building socialism with Chinese characteristics. He stressed that the socialist democratic values characteristic of China, with Chinese socialism as the main political basis, should be based on the development of Marxism as a scientific theory [13; pp. 8-90].

In addition, the publication in 2005 The "White Book" entitled: "Building a democratic policy in China" was an important event. This was the first government report dedicated to building a democratic policy in China.

The White Paper outlines the distinctive features of Chinese democracy, including [14]:

  1. The basis of democracy is people's democracy under the leadership of the Communist Party of China;

  2. managing the interests of the people in the interests of the majority;

  3. reliance on the people's democratic dictatorship as a reliable guarantee;

  4. democratic centralism as the main organizational principle and way of activity.

The White Paper not only emphasized the need for one-party rule, but also recognized the need for political reforms. It also highlighted various problems that persist in modern China, such as an imperfect democratic system, incomplete realization of people's rights in the management of state and public affairs within the framework of a socialist market economy, non-compliance with laws, corruption, the need to improve democratic views and legal consciousness, as well as the expansion of orderly participation in political life from citizens.

At this stage, special attention is paid to improving the rule of law, increasing transparency and improving administrative efficiency. In addition, efforts have been made to introduce pilot projects at the grassroots level on democratic decision-making and to increase public participation in policy development.

The fourth stage of the development of the Chinese approach to democracy, covering the period from 2012 to the present, is focused on building a new era of socialism. During this period, Xi Jinping was elected General Secretary of the CPC Central Committee, and the main socialist goals and value orientations were clearly formulated. Democracy has officially become one of the main elements of socialism with Chinese characteristics.

The Chinese Government has published official documents on democracy, which emphasize the importance of people's democracy and that the essence and foundation of democracy in China is rooted in the ownership of the people. The CPC and the Chinese people consistently defend democracy as a common value for all mankind [15].

The modern Chinese system of democratic institutions includes the People's Assembly, the system of political parties, national regional autonomy and people's autonomy at the grassroots level. The essence of socialist democracy in China is that the people are the masters of the country, and the political party system includes the CPC and eight democratic parties. The multiparty system of cooperation and political consultations is being implemented under the leadership of the Communist Party of China. Both the democratic parties and the CPC should adopt the Constitution as the fundamental guide for their activities, protect the dignity of the Constitution and ensure its implementation. The system of national regional autonomy provides regional autonomy for areas inhabited by ethnic minorities, and the system of people's autonomy at the grassroots level allows for the direct exercise of the democratic rights of the people.

Chinese-style democracy is based on democratic values, the main goal of which is for the people to be the master of the country. The Chinese Communist Party and the masses are considered the main subjects of democracy. There are democratic procedures that make it possible to realize the value of democracy and guarantee the rights of democratic subjects. The democratic rights of the people in China cover the political, social, economic and cultural spheres.

In general, the Chinese approach to democracy at the fourth stage emphasizes the interrelationship of democratic values, subjects, procedures and rights in the Chinese democratic system.

Throughout its historical development, China's political system has demonstrated a unique combination of socialist principles, Confucian values and pragmatic approaches to governance. Although the Chinese political system differs from Western models of democracy, it has developed its own democratic values and practices that reflect the cultural and historical context of the country. Understanding the evolution of China's democratic values provides insight into a unique approach to democracy. This system strives to balance stability and efficiency, relying on expert developments and long-term planning.

Thus, it can be concluded that the interpretation and implementation of democracy may differ significantly in different countries, being formed under the influence of cultural, historical and political factors. Cultural values and norms play a crucial role in shaping the understanding and practice of democracy. The historical and geopolitical context of each country influences its approach to democracy, with unique trajectories and adaptations. The relationship between culture and democracy is complex and multifaceted, with cultural factors both supporting and hindering democratic practice. Democratic values evolve over time, reflecting social change and diversity, and their understanding and application may vary depending on the cultural and social context. The Chinese approach to democracy is characterized by a combination of socialist principles and Chinese cultural values with an emphasis on collective decision-making, social cohesion and economic development. This reflects the unique interpretation and implementation of democratic principles influenced by the specific context of China and the evolution of its political systems. This approach aims to balance freedom and discipline in a socialist society.

References
1. Chvorostov A. (2020). What is Democracy and How It Can Be Measured? Polis. Politicheskie issledovaniya.Tom 29. № 3. 169-180.
2. Keane J. (2001) Democracy and Civil Society. In M.A. Abramova. M.: Progress-Tradiciya. 312.
3. Badi B. (1991) Демократия и религия: логика культуры и логика действия [Democracy and religion: the logic of culture and the logic of action] Mezhdunarodnyj zhurnal social'nyh nauk. №2. 94-105.
4. 辛向阳。(2012) 民主在中国曾有更早的起源。[Democracy had earlier origins in China.] 电子资源 Retrieved from https://www.fx361.com/page/2012/0326/41412.shtml
5. 黄宗羲。(2009) 明儒学案。[Ming Confucianism case.] 出版社:世界书局。第二卷。1375-1377页。
6. 俞可平。(2001) 论中国传统政治文化。 [On Chinese Traditional Political Culture.] 天津大学出版社。天津。109页。
7. 孙中山。(1966) 民权引用于“孙中山作品集”。[Civil rights are cited in "The Works of Sun Yat-sen".] 中华书局。香港。678-707页。
8. 梁启超。 (2006)  梁启超著作选编。[Selected works of Liang Qichao.] 上海人民出版社。 上海。149页
9. 梁漱溟。(1947)  预测灾难和宪政的延续。 [Predict catastrophe and continuation of constitutional government.] 观察杂志。 第3卷。 第4期。 5-10页。
10. 左玉河。(1998)  张东荪传。 [Biography of Zhang Dongsun.] 山东人民出版社. 济南。400-403页
11. 教研组 (2023) 社会主义协商民主制度。[Socialist consultative democracy.] 电子资源 Retrieved from http://scmyzx.com.cn/mobileweb/article_content/Subject_politics/297e9e7969480369016a2e424f650685.htm
12. 李星。(2001) 中国文化大革命的复兴。[The revival of the Chinese Cultural Revolution.] 中国评论。第一期。137-165页
13. 邓小平。(2010)  邓小平选集。[Selected Works of Deng Xiaoping.] 人民出版社.。北京。 88-90页
14. 赵可金,李少杰。(2014) 中国白皮书的国际政治功能变迁。[ The International Political Function Changes of China's White Paper.] 国际政治科学 。第 3 期。86-113页
15. 白皮书 (2021)  《中国的民主》(全文)。["Democracy in China" (full text)] 中华人民共和国国务院新闻办公室。 电子资源 Retrieved from http://www.scio.gov.cn/zfbps/32832/Document/1717206/1717206.htm

Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

The subject of the peer-reviewed study is the contribution of Chinese political thought to the theory of democracy. Given the heated discussions among political scientists over the past decade about the essence, institutional mechanisms, successes and failures of democracy in different countries, it is difficult to overestimate the scientific relevance of the topic chosen by the author. And if we accept the thesis about the Chinese case as a refutation of the so-called "Lipset hypothesis" (about the existence of a link between the growth of economic well-being and the spread of a request for democratic transformation in society), the reviewed article may also have practical significance. However, unfortunately, the author did not take the trouble to properly reflect on the theoretical and methodological foundations of his own research, which could not but affect the scientific value of his work. First of all, we are talking about the author's insufficient familiarization with existing approaches to solving the scientific problem on which he was working. Nevertheless, there is some novelty in the reviewed article. In particular, the results obtained on the specifics of the Chinese interpretation of democracy, as well as on the cultural conditionality of these ideas, should be considered innovative. An analysis of the history of the evolution of this interpretation is also of particular interest. However, the author's statement about the democratic nature of the political system of modern China should be considered quite controversial. In addition, the peer-reviewed work does not investigate in any way the manipulative and speculative use of the term "democracy" in order to self-legitimize elites. In addition to the two research methods declared by the author in passing ("comparative and historical analysis"), the work clearly used an institutional approach and a conceptual content analysis of theoretical works and normative documents. Structurally, the work does not cause significant complaints: its logic is quite consistent and reflects the main aspects of the research. The style of the article is scientific, although with some errors. The text contains a number of stylistic (for example, grammatical tautologies and pleonasms: "There are significant differences in how different nations define democracy and approach it, reflecting different cultural, historical and political contexts") and grammatical (for example, there is no point separating two sentences: "The Communist Party of China and the masses they are considered the main subjects of democracy, There are democratic procedures ...") of errors, but in general it is written quite competently and in acceptable Russian. In addition to stylistic errors, there are also terminological as well as factual errors. For example, the author considers the basic principles of democracy to be "universally recognized": "participation of the population [in what? – rec.], representation and protection of individual rights." However, the protection of individual rights is an attribute of liberalism and, accordingly, only one of the possible forms of democracy – liberal. But not democracy at all. On the contrary, the phenomenon of "majority tyranny" is well known in the criticism of democracy, when it becomes necessary to protect individual rights, since democratic mechanisms do not imply such protection. In this context, the republic is often contrasted with democracy (for example, in the writings of H. Arendt). The author's reasoning about cultural differences in the interpretation of democracy is clearly erroneous. There are specific institutional forms that are really culturally conditioned and vary from country to country; there is the demagogy of elites appealing to democracy and legitimizing themselves through pseudo-democratic procedures; and there is the theory of democracy, which, of course, may have some cultural adaptations, but this does not mean the possibility of calling black white, and vice versa. Therefore, mixing one with the other is not recommended in any way. And in the last decade, political science (including domestic science) has been rethinking the degree of "flexibility" of the concept of democracy and the limits of manipulation with it through various "adjectives" – from "defective democracy" to "sovereign". And it is proposed to abandon the application of the term "democracy" to clearly undemocratic regimes altogether (a very curious, but far from the only example of this kind of research was the two-volume book by Hungarian political scientists B. Magyar and B. Madlovich "Post-Communist regimes. The conceptual structure"). Therefore, today it is not considered scientifically promising to "stretch" the term "democracy" to those empirical realities that are not democratic in the narrow sense of the term. At the same time, neither the bibliography nor the contents of the reviewed article reflect the described specifics of modern scientific ideas about democracy, nor do they mention many of the leading representatives (both modern and classical) of the theory of democracy. When analyzing the concept of democracy, the idea of Canadian political scientist David Campbell is casually mentioned (with reference to a review of his monograph in the journal Polis), a work of the 80s on democracy and civil society by John Keen, as well as an article by Bertrand Badie on the relationship between democracy and ... religion. Neither classical works on democracy by S. Lipset, R. Dahl, T. Skochpol, S. Huntington, etc., nor studies directly devoted to the problem of cultural conditionality of democratic values and norms by A. Almond, S. Verba, A. Leiphart, D. Horowitz, J. Shapiro, R. Putnam, A. Przeworski, R. Inglehart, K. Welzel, etc. they did not receive the attention of the author of the reviewed article. Although it can be assumed that if the author had critically analyzed the works of these political scientists and sociologists, he would not have claimed as a scientific novelty of his work "the study of the relationship between culture, democracy and values." However, as mentioned above, there is still some novelty in the work. But for the future, the author cannot help but wish to pay more attention to the critical analysis of existing approaches to the problem he is investigating. The bibliography includes 15 titles, including sources in foreign languages, although not always designed correctly enough (in particular, works in Chinese are given in Russian). In addition, the above-mentioned wish for greater representativeness also applies to the bibliography. The appeal to opponents takes place in terms of discussing different approaches to the phenomenon of democracy. GENERAL CONCLUSION: the article proposed for review can be qualified as a scientific work that meets the basic requirements for works of this kind. Despite some conceptual and methodological distortions and errors, the results obtained by the author have signs of scientific novelty and will be of interest to political scientists, sociologists, conflict scientists, as well as to students of the listed specialties. The presented material, in general, corresponds to the subject of the journal "Conflictology / nota bene". However, BEFORE PUBLICATION, the following disadvantages must be eliminated: - carefully proofread the entire text in order to eliminate stylistic and grammatical errors; - correct errors in the design of the bibliography; - in the introductory part of the work, describe and argue the theoretical and methodological choice. All other wishes expressed above should be attributed to the author's future publications. According to the results of the review, the article is recommended for publication after the elimination of the comments made.