Abstract: The study examines the role of museum diplomacy in the strategic partnership of BRICS countries. The subject of the work is the key features, mechanisms, practices, and potential of museum diplomacy as a specific mechanism for intercultural dialogue and political cooperation among BRICS group participants. The author conceptualizes museum diplomacy as an independent direction of external cultural policy and an effective tool of "soft power." The work traces the evolution of inter-museum collaboration among the union's states from initial declarations to the creation of an extensive system of institutions and interaction mechanisms. Special attention is given to the potential of museum-exhibition activities in the context of the foreign policy of the Russian Federation – analyzing bilateral cooperation between Russia and the founding member countries (Brazil, India, China, South Africa) as well as with new members (Egypt, Indonesia, Iran, UAE, Ethiopia). The theoretical and methodological foundation of the work consists of the concepts of "soft power" and humanitarian diplomacy in its broader understanding. The author employs traditional document analysis, comparative legal, and historical-genetic methods. The source base of the research consists of official materials from the Ministry of Culture of the Russian Federation, diplomatic agencies, BRICS declarations and reports, media data, and information from museum internet resources. The author establishes that over the years of BRICS existence, museum interactions have become an integral part of the union's agenda, transforming from isolated random practices to more systematic and organized work both at the structural level as a whole and within the framework of bilateral contacts. Cooperation among countries is implemented through exhibition-exchange, research, and educational formats. Disproportions in the intensity and nature of inter-museum interaction between Russia and BRICS states have been identified. The deepest and most systematic ties have been built with China and India, while with other members, especially the recently joined, the regulatory and project base is just being formed, and initiatives are in the stage of discussion and development. At the same time, the development of museum diplomacy faces objective challenges, including geopolitical tensions, logistical, language, and legal barriers. Despite certain limitations, museum diplomacy allows participants to build sustainable humanitarian ties, alternative to the Western ones, strengthen their image on the world stage, promote their political interests, and popularize their national cultural heritage.

Keywords: museum diplomacy, BRICS, cultural policy, humanitarian diplomacy, soft power, international cooperation, Global South, intercultural dialogue, world cultural heritage, museum and exhibition activities

Abstract: In the context of increasing international competition in higher education, universities are increasingly seen as significant actors in foreign policy, capable of transmitting national values and strengthening the international influence of states. Unlike Anglo-American models, which are primarily oriented toward market logic and the commercialization of knowledge, the German model of transnational higher education is closely linked to external cultural-educational policy and scientific diplomacy. However, despite Germany's leading position in the scale of transnational activity, there is a lack of comprehensive research in the academic literature analyzing the activities of binational universities from the perspective of Germany's public diplomacy instruments. The subject of the study is binational universities as one form of Germany's external educational policy. The aim of the article is to identify their significance as an instrument of Germany's public diplomacy. The methodological basis of the study is qualitative document analysis and typologisation. Through the analysis of concepts, strategies and annual reports of the coordinating institutions, thematic blocks were identified (legal status, governance mechanism, financing and interministerial cooperation), which served as the basis for comparison and construction of a typology of binational universities abroad as instruments of German public diplomacy. The results of the research can be utilized in studies of public diplomacy and transnational higher education when developing strategies for the internationalization of universities. The novelty of the work lies in considering binational universities not only as a form of educational cooperation but also as an independent instrument of Germany's public diplomacy. It highlights the features, risks, and effectiveness of binational universities abroad as instruments of Germany's public diplomacy. Thus, German binational universities abroad should be viewed as an effective and long-term resource for Germany’s public diplomacy, combining educational, political-cultural, and image functions. At the same time, their ability to create sustainable ties between Germany and partner countries is vulnerable to changes in intergovernmental relations during periods of international tension.

Keywords: public diplomacy, Germany, external cultural and educational policy, scientific diplomacy, transnational education, internationalization of higher education, binational universities, public diplomacy institutes, soft power, national branding

Abstract: The subject of this article is modern Chinese diplomacy. The main object of research in this article is the trend in the foreign policy course of contemporary China, referred to as the "great power turn." Since Chinese official institutions traditionally do not publish documents that clearly articulate foreign policy strategy and foreign policy, tracking changes in the foreign policy course and decision-making processes, especially determining the semantic content and boundaries of key terms, is fraught with certain difficulties. In this regard, the main goal of this article is to identify fragments in official Chinese documents related to the indicated trend of the "great power turn,” while the primary task is to define the symbolic attributes of a great power at the level of subjective perception by Chinese leaders. The article employs a descriptive method to reveal the domestic political foundations of this trend, and uses content analysis of selected works by party officials, state figures, and leaders of China. The scientific novelty of this article lies, first, in identifying the symbolic attributes of a great power shared at a subjective level by both Chinese leaders and Chinese society; and second, in referencing texts of the latest legislative acts of China, which helps to fill gaps in party and government documents, as well as in selected works by leadership. The study asserts that the so-called "great power turn" indeed occurs in contemporary Chinese politics, and that this turn is based on a strong domestic social foundation. Furthermore, as indicated by the texts of collected works by party, state figures, and leaders of China, the symbolic attributes of a great power, as perceived by the Chinese leadership, include: national unity, sovereign independence, national rejuvenation, the growth of comprehensive national strength, fulfilling the role of a responsible leader on the international stage, strengthening the established system of international relations, and forming new fundamental principles of inter-state interaction. Given the wide dissemination and forms of presentation of these contents, the great power turn in modern Chinese diplomacy is noted not only in the political-legal sphere but also in the consciousness of Chinese leaders and Chinese society.

Keywords: PRC, Diplomacy, Great Power, foreign policy, CCP, Xi Jinping, content analysis, China, national interests, national mentality

Abstract: This study focuses on the regional architecture of the Asia-Pacific region. The subject of the research is the institutional status of "ASEAN Centrality" under the conditions of geopolitical and geoeconomic rivalry between China and the United States. The author examines the historical conditions shaping this status and analyzes key factors leading to the devaluation of the Association's agency under great power pressure. Special attention is paid to the dual impact of Washington's and Beijing's foreign policy strategies on ASEAN's institutional resilience, specifically contrasting Western minilateral security networks with Chinese infrastructure-economic integration projects. The objective is to identify the limits of ASEAN's institutional resilience in the 2025–2026 period. The methodological foundation of the study comprises systemic and comparative-structural approaches. The work utilizes methods of chronological reconstruction and the analysis of normative legal documents, alongside core theoretical concepts of neoinstitutionalism. The scientific novelty of the research lies in conceptualizing the asymmetric nature of external pressures on ASEAN. The networked military-political minilateralism of the United States (SQUAD, AUKUS, EDCA expansion) fragmentates the regional security field and displaces sensitive issues from ASEAN's agenda. Conversely, China's trade and infrastructure binding (ACFTA 3.0, Belt and Road Initiative) fosters economic dependence while preserving ASEAN's role as a central integration hub. The main conclusion is that "ASEAN Centrality" should be understood as a dynamic process rather than a static status. Preserving this status requires flexible diplomatic adaptation rather than military power, ensuring ASEAN retains its role as an inclusive moderator of regional dialogue.

Keywords: ASEAN, ASEAN Centrality, ASEAN centricity, US-China rivalry, Asia-Pacific region, ASEAN Way, institutional adaptation, balancing, AUKUS, minilateral alliances

Abstract: The subject of the study is the appropriation of the concept of "soft power" in the Russian scientific discourse from 2004 to 2024 – a collection of academic texts on political science and international relations in which this notion is defined, contested, redefined, and applied to describe foreign policy practice. The object of analysis is the discourse itself as a structured set of statements, or more precisely, its observable infrastructure: published definitions, official formulations of doctrinal documents, thematic frameworks of scientific works, and Russia's positions in verifiable international indices of attractiveness; foreign policy practice as such remains outside the subject, as does the causal impact of the concept on research behavior or political decision-making, which are inaccessible to direct observation and are not addressed in this work. The study is conducted in the genre of qualitative interpretative discourse analysis, combining event-based periodization of publication activity, inductive thematic clustering of the corpus, and analysis of semantic shifts relative to the original interpretation by J. Nye. The focus is shifted from the immeasurable effect of the concept to the observable discursive infrastructure of its production and usage. The scientific novelty lies in synthesizing previously fragmented observations (overview, critical, discourse-analytical) into a unified three-axis framework for the appropriation of the concept (dynamics, themes, semantics), applicable to other borrowed concepts and national scientific fields. It has been established that the Russian discourse has gone from appropriation (up to 2012) through officialization and a spike (2012-2013) to critical revision (after 2014) and reinterpretation (after 2022). A central line of tension is the divergence between Nye's normative-resource interpretation and the domestic statist-instrumental reading; this divergence explains both theoretical disputes and practical difficulties in Russian attractiveness policy. The semantic thesis is confirmed documentarily, based on the texts of the Concepts from 2013 to 2023; the propositions about event dynamics and thematic asymmetry are formulated as testable hypotheses, sequentially aligning with the corpus and subject to strict bibliometric verification.

Keywords: soft power, formalization, scientific discourse, international relations, public diplomacy, Russian foreign policy, Joseph Nye, theory of soft power, conceptual history, semantic shift

Abstract: Traditional nation branding has been based on constructing a cognitive image—one built upon objective facts, economic indicators, and a country’s political weight. This article argues that in the contemporary world, this approach is no longer sufficient. The key to building a successful national brand now lies in a “cognitive-affective image,” in which the emotional component is not supplementary but decisive. The task is not only for the world to “know” about China but also for it to “feel” its cultural appeal, openness, and value contribution. The ability to evoke an emotional response and form an affective connection becomes the primary instrument for overcoming cultural differences and achieving genuine, deep recognition at the global level, which constitutes the central thesis of this work. The study demonstrates that the success of a national brand depends on a “cognitive-affective image.” Based on theoretical literature analysis and case studies, the article shows that it is not enough merely to make the world “know” about China’s productive capabilities and historical heritage—it is crucial for the world to “feel” its charm, goodwill, and value. Through examples of diverse yet globally resonant projects, such as environmental initiatives like the “Carbon-Neutral Panda” and cultural phenomena like “Ice Cave” and “Black Myth: Wukong,” the article illustrates how China, through narratives built on emotions and universal human values, transforms its cultural symbols into shared global public goods. Thus, the main conclusion of the research is that China’s branding strategy aims at a fundamental evolution: from demonstrating its uniqueness (the status of a “cultural marker”) to actively offering universal value to the world (the status of a “global good”). The emotional dimension serves as a critically important mechanism in this transformation, enabling the translation of cultural capital into a form that is understandable and in demand by a global audience.

Keywords: Nation Brand Building, Cognitive-Affective Image, Emotional Resonance, Panda IP, Cultural Symbol Transformation, Global Public Good, New Chinese Style, Digital Cultural IP, Eastern Aesthetic Standards, Soft Power

Abstract: Sanctions and trade wars have a negative impact on the economic development of the BRICS member states, as well as on their cooperation in the financial and trade spheres. Under the current sanction pressure, the formation of new financial institutions and platforms for conducting transactions among the BRICS member states becomes highly relevant, as these would make it possible to avoid the negative impact on the development of the BRICS group and reduce the dependence of the national economies of the BRICS countries on decisions taken by the U.S. authorities. The article examines such projects and initiatives as the New Development Bank and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement, the BRICS Cross-Border Payment Initiative (BCBPI), the BRICS Clear platform, and the creation of a common BRICS currency basket, with the aim of assessing the potential of these mechanisms to mitigate the impact of sanction pressure on Russia, Iran, and China, as well as on BRICS cooperation as a whole. The research is based on the theory of realism, which examines the prospects for cooperation within BRICS from the perspective of ensuring the national economic security of the member states and protecting their national interests. The theoretical and methodological framework of the study includes comparative analysis, which allows to identify universal instruments for the countries to counteract sanction pressure, as well as critical analysis of official documents. It is concluded that the initiatives being developed within BRICS (the BRICS Cross-Border Payment Initiative (BCBPI), the BRICS Clear platform, and the creation of a common BRICS currency basket) can indeed help to neutralize the negative effects of sanctions, but the main obstacle to the implementation of these initiatives is the heterogeneity of the BRICS member states. The results of the study can be applied to optimize BRICS activities: in the event of the development of the multi-speed integration mechanism proposed in the article, the BRICS member states would be able to implement initiatives most effectively and create alternatives to existing financial and credit instruments and mechanisms.

Keywords: economic sanctions, trade wars, sanction wars, sanction pressure, New Development Bank, Contingent Reserve Arrangement, BCBPI, BRICS Clear, alternatives to SWIFT, de-dollarization