Abstract: The subject of the study is the role of the dominant party in the consolidation of the Russian political regime. The object of the study is the party channel of consolidation, which is treated as a functional equivalent of the patronal, coercive and personalist-charismatic channels. The author examines in detail such aspects of the topic as the content of the category of the “party of power” developed in Russian political science and its distinction from G. Sartori’s predominant party, R. Katz and P. Mair’s cartel party and O. Kirchheimer’s catch-all party; the reasons for the serial character of the pro-presidential projects of the 1990s; the genesis of United Russia; changes in electoral rules in the electoral cycles of 2003–2016 and in the subsequent period up to 2020; and the consolidating functions of the party – legislative, cadre, territorial and ideological. Particular attention is paid to the 1999 electoral cycle, to a comparison of the proposed explanation of the genesis of the dominant party with O. J. Reuter’s theory, and to the role of systemic parties in building procedural legitimacy. Belarusian and Ukrainian material serves as a contrasting background. The methodological basis comprises conceptual analysis, the reconstruction of the causal mechanism in the logic of process tracing, specifying the observable implications of each link, and a description of the case on six variables of structured focused comparison, based on secondary sources. The main conclusions of the study are as follows. The early “parties of power” remained serial because the federal centre did not invest in a party project and regional elites were unwilling to cede their autonomy to it; the 1999 cycle shows that the elites avoided not party building as such but a centralised project. The turning point of the 2000s is explained by a shift in the balance of power between the centre and the elites rather than by the constitutional design, which remained unchanged. Changes in electoral rules served as an instrument of regime adaptation and made it possible to sustain the party during periods of declining support. The cadre function of the party differs between elected and appointed positions: for elected positions, party nomination became an important condition of career advancement, whereas for appointed positions party membership more often formalises an appointment already made.

Keywords: party of power, United Russia, dominant party, political regime consolidation, party channel of consolidation, party institutionalisation, Russian party system, regulated party competition, cadre function of the party, post-Soviet regimes

Abstract: The subject of the study is the content and promotion methods of Mexico's initiatives within the framework of the Pacific Alliance under the administrations of Enrique Peña Nieto (2012–2018) and Andrés Manuel López Obrador (2018–2024). The object of the research is Mexico's foreign policy activities within the association during the specified period. Two cases are considered: Peña Nieto's proposal for the development of a dialogue between the Pacific Alliance and the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC), put forward in 2015, and Mexico’s initiative on gender equality, which received political formalization in 2020. The comparison of these cases allows one to identify differences in thematic focus and institutional development of the initiatives, to determine Mexico's role in their promotion and to evaluate the documented results. This approach helps to establish the features of continuity and changes in the country's foreign policy, without generalizing findings from individual initiatives to the entire foreign policy course of Mexico. Method, research methodology. A comparative analysis of the two initiatives, qualitative analysis of official documents, and chronological method are employed. The comparison is conducted based on thematic focus, Mexico's role, degree of institutional formalization, and documented results. The empirical basis consists of official documents from Mexico, the Pacific Alliance, and APEC, as well as reports on the implementation of the Gender Equality Roadmap. The scientific novelty lies in the comparison of two initiatives based on unified criteria that allow distinguishing the national proposal, its collective approval, and subsequent implementation. It has been established that Mexico's participation in the Pacific Alliance was maintained during the change of presidential administrations, while the examined initiatives varied in theme and institutional trajectory. In the case of the 2015 proposal, a direct connection with subsequent APEC and Alliance cooperation projects is not documented. Regarding the gender initiative, a sequence can be traced from political approval to the development of the Roadmap and the conduct of events, although reporting reveals unevenness in its implementation. Available materials do not allow determining the long-term socio-economic effects of this initiative. The results of the study clarify the nature of continuity in Mexico's foreign policy at the regional level, but do not provide grounds for judging a complete transformation of its foreign policy priorities.

Keywords: Mexico, foreign policy, regional integration, Pacific Alliance, economic diplomacy, multilateral cooperation, gender equality, institutionalization, foreign policy initiatives, interregional cooperation

Abstract: The focus of this study is the political-diplomatic interaction of the People's Republic of China (PRC) with the Federal Republic of Germany and the Kingdom of Spain from the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1972–1973 to 2026. The author examines the historical premises of bilateral ties and the circumstances surrounding the recognition of the PRC by both countries. The formation of dialogue mechanisms is analyzed, including intergovernmental consultations, the strategic dialogue of foreign ministers, and regular high-level visits. The progression of relations to encompassing strategic partnership status is traced, with particular attention given to the contradictions complicating interactions: human rights issues, the Taiwan question, differing positions on the Ukrainian crisis, trade imbalances, and unequal market access. The study discusses Germany’s 2023 strategy toward China, which aims at "risk reduction," along with the visits of Chancellor Olaf Scholz and Friedrich Merz to China. Spain’s positioning as a "bridge" between the PRC, the European Union, and Latin America is explored, including visits by Pedro Sánchez and the state visit of King Felipe VI in 2025. Additionally, the perception of Spain in Chinese political and media discourse is examined. A systematic approach is applied, along with comparative-historical, historical-genetic, and problem-chronological methods. The novelty of this research lies in the comparative perspective taken on Germany's and Spain's policies toward the PRC, which are typically studied in isolation. It is established that both countries normalized relations with the PRC on pragmatic grounds in the context of growing Chinese-American rapprochement. Both progressed toward the institutionalization of relations into an encompassing strategic partnership, with Spain achieving this status nine years prior to Germany. The findings indicate that Beijing regards Berlin as an economic "anchor" for its European policy, while Madrid serves as a political intermediary in relations with the EU, Latin America, and the Global South. The study concludes that following the period of 2019–2022, relations with both countries have become more pragmatic, albeit without a rejection of cooperation. Germany’s "risk reduction" policy and Spain’s approach to reciprocity and balanced trade maintain the framework of strategic partnership.

Keywords: China, German, Spain, political-diplomatic cooperation, comprehensive strategic partnership, European Union, risk reduction, high-level visits, Taiwan issue, Latin America

Abstract: The subject of this study is the Russian-Chinese collaboration in the field of physical culture and sports from 1992 to 2026. This collaboration is viewed as a distinct area of humanitarian cooperation and a tool of public and people-to-people diplomacy between the two countries. The author analyzes the evolution of the legal framework underpinning this cooperation, starting from the Joint Declaration of 1992 and the Treaty of Good-Neighborliness, Friendship, and Cooperation of 2001, and extending to the Joint Statement on the Years of Sports in 2022 and the 2023 memorandum. Institutional mechanisms for collaboration are also examined, primarily focusing on the Russia-China Commission for Humanitarian Cooperation and the sub-commission on sports cooperation. Special attention is given to the Russia-China Youth Games as a foundational bilateral project and to the Years of Russian-Chinese Cooperation in Physical Culture and Sports from 2022 to 2023. The theoretical framework of the study encompasses Joseph Nye’s concept of “soft power,” the notion of people-to-people diplomacy, and the neo-institutional approach. The methodologies applied include historical-genetic and problem-chronological methods, content analysis of documents, institutional analysis, event analysis, comparative analysis, and SWOT analysis. The scientific novelty of this research lies in the synthesis of results from Russian-Chinese sports cooperation following the conclusion of the Years of Sports from 2022 to 2023, which have not been previously addressed in the academic literature. Additionally, the existing periodization is extended to 2026. The author proposes four distinct phases: the formation of the legal foundation (1992–2000); institutionalization (2000–2012); systematization and diversification (2012–2021); and strategic deepening under external constraints (from 2022 onwards). The fourth phase is characterized not only by an increase in the number of events but also by a transformation in the function of collaboration. For Russia, it has become one of the few channels for full-fledged international sporting interaction, while for both countries, it serves as a platform to present a unified stance on global sports governance. The conclusion drawn is that a vertically integrated model of cooperation is in place, where the impetus originates at the intergovernmental level, while horizontal connections remain weaker and continue to rely on state support. It has been established that competencies are predominantly transferred in one direction – from Russia to China.

Keywords: Russia, China, sports cooperation, sports diplomacy, people's diplomacy, soft power, humanitarian cooperation, youth games, institutionalization, SWOT analysis