Abstract: The subject of this study is the evolution of Russia's foreign policy in Central Asia (2016–2023) and the Ukrainian crisis's transformative impact on its doctrinal foundations. The object is Russia's foreign policy in the region. The author analyzes strategic planning dynamics, focusing on the transition from declarative intentions to the practical implementation of the "Pivot to the East." A comparative analysis of Russia's 2016 and 2023 Foreign Policy Concepts highlights key changes in the region's positioning. The paper explores how geopolitical tensions influence Moscow's priorities, investigating how bilateral and multilateral relations adapt to external pressure to form a new unified civilizational space. Methodologically, the research relies on comparing the aforementioned Concepts and descriptively analyzing primary sources (transcripts, agreements, statistical data) to assess policy implementation. The scientific novelty lies in a systematic conceptualization of Russia's foreign policy evolution, overcoming the fragmentation of existing approaches. The Ukrainian crisis is viewed as a direct catalyst for this regional transformation. The study traces the doctrinal shift from a generalized CIS-wide approach to recognizing Central Asia as a distinct politico-economic entity. A paradoxical effect of sanctions is identified: despite secondary economic shock risks, the forced intensification of the "Pivot to the East" expanded practical cooperation. The high adaptability of multilateral integration mechanisms (EAEU, SCO) enabled preserving ties and developing new niches (parallel imports, national currency settlements). Ultimately, the article substantiates that the "Pivot to the East" has transformed from a declarative construct into a coherent policy aimed at forming a unified civilizational space.

Keywords: Central Asia, Russia, Russia-Ukraine conflict, foreign policy Concept, pivot to the East, united civilizational space, doctrinal transformation, Russia–Central Asia relations, Eurasian integration, geostrategic priorities

Abstract: The subject of this research is the International North-South Transport Corridor (INSTC) as an instrument of non-Western powers in the context of global order reconfiguration. The object of study is the transformation of global transport and logistics routes under the influence of geopolitical factors. The author examines in detail such aspects as the strategic interests of the main project participants (Russia, India, Iran, Azerbaijan and Central Asian states), institutional support mechanisms through the BRICS platform, and financial instruments for project implementation. Special attention is paid to comparative analysis of the INSTC with alternative transport arteries (Suez Canal, Trans-Caspian corridor, IMEC, China's Belt and Road Initiative). The research examines the impact of Western sanctions on the diversification of global logistics chains and the formation of alternative transport infrastructure. The research is based on analysis of official documents from participating governments, reports from international organizations, and analytical publications from research centers. A comparative method is applied to evaluate different transport corridors. A systems approach is used to study the geopolitical strategies of non-Western powers. The novelty of the research lies in comprehensive analysis of geopolitical strategies of all major INSTC participants and institutional support mechanisms through the BRICS platform. The author's particular contribution is systematized comparison of the INSTC with competing transport arteries and assessment of Western sanctions' impact on alternative logistics infrastructure development. The main conclusions are as follows. The corridor has potential to reduce delivery time and costs by 30-40% compared to traditional routes. Project implementation requires completion of the Rasht-Astara section and multilateral coordination. Institutional consolidation of BRICS countries and development of financing in national currencies create basis for reducing dependence on the dollar system. Transformation of global transport infrastructure reflects processes of multipolar world order formation.

Keywords: International NorthSouth Transport Corridor, BRICS, Geopolitics of transport corridors, Multipolar world order, Eurasian integration, Global logistics infrastructure, Western sanctions, Diversification of trade routes, Non-Western powers, New Development Bank

Abstract: In this article, the author attempts to find a correlation between the political course of various parties in the Japanese parliament and the average age of their members. The subject of the study is Japanese parliamentarians and their age; the goal is to understand whether the views of Japanese politicians on the country's foreign policy and relations with Russia differ depending on the generation to which they belong. The vast majority of political movements in Japan perceive the Russian Federation negatively, but there is an exception – the "Sanseito" party. Its members advocate for traditional values, criticize Western globalism, are willing to give comments to Russian media, and believe that Ukraine and Western countries are partially to blame for the onset of the special military operation. The generational difference between members of "Sanseito" and other Japanese parties deserves attention, analysis, and explanation. To address this task, the author employs quantitative methods. The average age of 465 members of the House of Representatives of Japan (the lower house of parliament) and 247 members of the House of Councillors of Japan (the upper house of parliament) has been calculated. The following criteria are highlighted: year and decade of birth, generation ("Silent," "Baby Boomers," as well as generations X, Y, and Z), and party. The starting point for the analysis is the assumption that representatives of the same generation share similar experiences, hopes, fears, and views on life. Depending on the period of birth and personal development, Japanese politicians view international politics in general and Russo-Japanese relations in particular differently. The quantitative analysis revealed two facts: 1) the average Japanese parliamentarian is a representative of Generation X and was born around 1968; 2) the average member of the "Sanseito" party is almost 10 years younger and was born around 1977. Younger Japanese politicians (on the cusp between generations X and Y) demonstrate a greater willingness for constructive dialogue with Russia. The findings of this study may be useful for diplomats, orientalists, sociologists, political scientists, and demographers. The main conclusion can be formulated as follows: the youngest party in the Japanese parliament has the most adequate attitude towards the Russian Federation. As generations change, relations between Tokyo and Moscow may normalize due to the transformation of Japan's demographic landscape.

Keywords: Japan, Parliament, Politics, Age, Generations, Politicians, Parties, Sanseito, History, International relations

Abstract: For more than 50 years, the United States has pursued a regime change strategy in Cuba, while Havana's most sensitive issue has been the preservation of sovereignty and international subjectivity. The period following Raúl Castro's assumption of the presidency of Cuba and the beginning of Barack Obama's presidency in Western analytical and media narratives was termed the "Cuban Thaw." In domestic literature, the term "détente" became more commonly used. The American leadership, for the first time, abandoned its basic approach towards Cuba aimed at dismantling the existing political regime. This coincided with a broader period of a reset in relations with a number of countries, including Russia, Iran, China, and several others. However, U.S.-Cuban relations have always been extremely antagonistic due to geopolitical and historical reasons. Even despite the initial positive momentum, subsequent bilateral contacts were limited to the formal restoration of diplomatic relations and the resumption of cooperation within international organizations, primarily of a regional nature. The paper examines the state of bilateral relations during Raúl Castro's presidency and attempts to forecast their future development. It focuses on the specifics of foreign policy decision-making shaped in both countries. The emphasis is placed on the role of the Cuban diaspora as one of the decisive factors that determined the contradictions in the process of normalizing bilateral relations. The conducted research confirms the hypothesis that the return to anti-Cuban rhetoric under President Trump was a consequence of the specific nature of foreign policy decision-making. The Cuban diaspora, long shaped by dissident immigrants, played a significant role in this context. This contributed to its initially high degree of political engagement compared to other ethnic diasporas. The specificity of foreign policy decision-making in the U.S. is reflected in Congress's efforts to enhance its influence over foreign policy. This effectively led to the creation of certain mechanisms that hindered the normalization of relations with Havana. On the other hand, among the Cuban political elite, there are also significant fears that the benefits of lifting a number of sanctions will not outweigh the risks associated with possible negative consequences from potential pressure from the U.S. on various political and ideological issues.

Keywords: U.S.-Cuban relations, international détente, reset of bilateral relations, Obama's foreign policy, State Department, National Security Council, CELAC, regime change, Raúl Castro, Alan Gross

Abstract: The object of the study is the functioning of national security agencies in American foreign policy during the administrations of D. Eisenhower and J. Kennedy (1950s – 1963). The subject of the study is changes in the activities and powers of the CIA in connection with the change in political courses of the two presidents. This work allows to understand the driving forces of modern events using the example of the past. The article examines the conflict in the "president-intelligence agencies" system, namely the relationship between the role and place of the CIA during the conservative administration of President D. Eisenhower and the liberal John Kennedy. Particular attention is paid to the Director of Intelligence Allen Dulles, who was one of the most significant figures in American foreign policy. The emphasis in the work is made on the expansion and reduction of powers, organizational reforms, their causes and covert operations that served as a catalyst for long-overdue changes. The study uses the historical-comparative method to analyze the approaches of the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations, the historical-systemic method to study the role of the CIA in the context of foreign policy, and the analysis of documents (laws, directives, memoirs) to reconstruct events and identify cause-and-effect relationships. The nomothetic method reveals patterns between the work of intelligence agencies and political cycles. The study revealed contradictions in American national security in the mid-20th century, which lay in the "US President - intelligence agencies" system. In the 1950s and 1960s, the US intelligence agencies, especially the CIA, carried out large-scale activities due to the conservative political cycle and extensive powers. Particular attention in the study is paid to the Director of the CIA, who had a noticeable influence on foreign policy. The theoretical novelty of the work lies in the implementation of a synthesis of historical and political science approaches. Historical and archival analysis of primary documents made it possible to reconstruct the institutional mechanisms of the influence of intelligence agencies on the American foreign policy process. The political interpretation of the obtained data through the prism of the cyclical theory of A. Schlesinger Jr. revealed the influence of the change of cycles (conservatism/liberalism) on the dynamics of institutional interaction between the president and intelligence.

Keywords: USA, Dwight Eisenhower, John Kennedy, Allen Dulles, Cold War, CIA, covert operations, international relations theory, realism paradigm, liberalism paradigm

Abstract: The subject of the study is the power struggle that unfolded in Egypt in May 1971 between President M. A. Sadat and a group of prominent statesmen led by Vice President A. Sabri. He had close ties with the leaders of the USSR. When the struggle ended with the removal of Sabri and his group from their posts, which was called the May Correctional Revolution. These events affected relations between Sadat and Soviet leaders, given that Sabri was a favorite of the USSR in Egypt after the death of President Nasser. On the other hand, at that time there were many attempts by the United States to expand ties with Egypt. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that more than 50 years after the end of the power struggle that took place in Egypt in May 1971, accusations, gossip and rumors still resound in the minds of many. This struggle had a great impact on Soviet-Egyptian relations during the era of Egyptian President M. A. Sadat. Therefore, the author of the article seeks to analyze the events and development of this struggle or correct the distortion of facts with the help of memoirs and works of diplomats and politicians published over the past 50 years in Russian and Arabic. This undoubtedly provides an opportunity for a clearer and more comprehensive conclusion about the reality of the relationship between Sadat and the Soviet leaders after the overthrow of the Ali Sabri group, which resulted in the signing of the Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation between the USSR and Egypt on May 27, 1971.

Keywords: USSR, Egypt, USA, Middle East, Arab-Israeli conflict, Centers of power, May Corrective Revolution, Sabri, Sadat, Vinogradov

Abstract: The article is aimed at identifying the current foreign policy priorities of the Republic of Korea, taking into account the factor of its special geopolitical position, namely, being at the crossroads of interests and growing rivalry between the two world great powers – the United States and China. The definition of priorities and goals of the Republic of Korea's foreign policy is carried out in the article based on the concept of "geopolitical code" used in political geography. The article reveals the concept of "geopolitical code", traces the evolution of the geopolitical code of the Republic of Korea and characterizes its modern features. The article demonstrates the complex process of balancing the Republic of Korea between the United States and China during the first two decades of the 21st century, at the initial stage caused by different positions and interests of the parties in resolving the North Korean nuclear missile problem, and at the current stage – by the growing regional (in the Asia-Pacific) and global rivalry between the world's two great powers. As a result of the study, it was concluded that the Republic of Korea is striving to maintain a balance in its relations with the great powers and pursue a foreign policy independent of the great powers, which, however, is complicated by the need to maintain close military-political coordination with Washington due to the unresolved North Korean missile nuclear problem and the relentless growth of China's influence on the economy of the Republic of Korea. Preserving the central role of the alliance with the United States and strengthening economic relations with China as the world's second world economy is a continuing reality of the Republic of Korea.

Keywords: Republic of Korea, USA, China, the geopolitical code, security, economic sphere, the problem of the Korean peninsula, Moon Jae-in, THAAD Missile defense system, foreign policy strategy

Abstract: The article is devoted to the problems of denazification of Ukraine. Denazification is understood in the context of the transformation of the identity of the population of Ukraine during a special military operation and after its completion. The relevance of the formation of a new society in the territories of Ukraine, which have chosen the vector of cooperation with Russia, is substantiated. Based on historical experience, taking into account local specifics, key mechanisms for the formation of such an identity are proposed, in particular: the ban of all old political parties, lustration of officials, control over the media, the use of "soft power" of the Russian world, including the dissemination of its linguistic and cultural achievements, the restoration of historical memory. It is concluded that the meaning of denazification in the understanding proposed in the article goes far beyond the Ukrainian post-Soviet transit and Ukrainian-Russian interstate relations. The modernization and transformation of Ukrainian society, its total denazification should become the point from which not only the construction of a new system of European and global security will begin, but also a new, more stable world order that allows us to effectively respond to modern global challenges. The novelty and practical significance of the work consists in a systematic analysis of the problems associated with the formation of a new Ukrainian identity, taking into account the current situation.

Keywords: Donbass, denazification, identity, history, soft power, the conflict of civilizations, Ukraine, Russia, socio-political, conflict

Abstract: The dissolution of Yugoslavia and the USSR did not lead to the emergence of large-scale territorial conflicts between the newly independent states, but provoked the unfolding of a number of secessionist conflicts, nominally domestic for these states. At the same time, for many "rebellious regions", the real goal of the conflict was not so much obtaining broader rights of self-government as such, but reunification with another state, closer to them in socio-cultural characteristics; therefore, such secessions should be considered as irredentist. In fact, irredentist secessions have become the main form of political conflict in the post-socialist space, replacing the classic interstate territorial conflicts. This article analyzes the phenomenon of irredentist secession, identifies the reasons for the special significance of this form of conflict in the space of the former Yugoslavia and the Soviet Union, and identifies the factors that determine the successes and defeats of the irredentist secessions under consideration. Qualifying post-Yugoslav and post-Soviet conflicts as irredentist secessions is an innovative approach for Russian science. Analyzing the normative parameters of the regional political context in the conditions of the dismantement of the socialist federations, the author identifies the reasons why territorial contradictions between the newly independent states took the form of irredentist secessions. Based on the synthesis of data on current and resoved irredentist secessions, the author formulates a general scenario of irredentist secession, identifies the factors causing such an outcome, and analyzes the possibilities for overcomimg this scenario. The main conclusion of the article is that over the past thirty years, the irredentist secession format has proved its inefficiency and inability to prevent the emergence of large-scale interstate conflicts: at one stage or another of its development, the irredentist secession underwent direct military attack from the mother state, which forced its patronage state to make a choice between abandoning the secession 'under custody' to be suppressed and open military intervention on its side.

Keywords: conflict, secession, irredentism, territory, dissolution, separatism, post-Soviet space, escalation, Yugoslavia, balance of power

Abstract: This study is devoted to the issues of the current agenda of bilateral relations between the United States and China. An overview, retrospective analysis of the relations between the countries during the period of D. Trump's tenure is given. The subject of the study is the Sino-American trade and economic relations of the period when D. was in power in the United States. Trump. The purpose of this study is to determine the contradictions affecting the development of Sino-American trade and economic tensions during this period. The methodological basis is a set of methods. A systematic approach to research is reflected in the use of traditional structural and functional analysis of individual elements of these relationships. The study uses a comparative historical method to identify patterns and trends in the development of bilateral relations during the period of D. Trump's administrations in power. In addition, the following general scientific methods were used in the study – analysis, synthesis, deduction, generalization and analogy. When preparing the article, the author used a wide range of sources from Russian and foreign authors. The novelty of the study lies in a comprehensive approach to analyzing the contradictions of Sino-American relations during the period of D. Trump's tenure. As a result of the conducted research, the author comes to the following conclusions: firstly, about the continuity of the problems that the US and China are forced to deal with at present, and, secondly, that the ties between both economies are so dense that a sharp "reversal" of either of them will inevitably lead to significant costs for both parties. The continuation of the situation of the "trade war" between the two countries may lead to a complete rupture of relations, which will eventually have a negative impact on the economy of the United States and China in the future. This study can be used as a construction of predictive scenarios by economists, sociologists and historians of different countries in the field of US-China relations.

Keywords: international relations, Economy, People's Republic of China, United States of America, ideology, trading, foreign policy, economic zones, geopolitics, deficit

Abstract: This article analyzes the influence of the United States upon the political processes in APAC based on the example of territorial disputes in the South China Sea. An overview is given to the foreign policy concepts “Pivot to Asia” and “America First” proposed by the administrations of B. Obama and D. Trump respectively, the priorities outlined therein, as well as importance of the  conflict in the South China Sea for the US foreign policy. The author examines the practical steps taken by Washington in relation to the South China Sea question, as well as concludes on the objectives of the United States and possible steps in this direction. Although the theme of territorial disputes in the South China Sea, including the degree of  involvement of Washington into this issue, as well as other East Asian affairs, is quite popular in the scientific works,  the novelty of this research consists in the innovative approach towards consideration of the conflict in the South China Sea not as a separate problem of international relations, but as the foreign policy instrument of superpower and regional powers (including the United States) used for formatting the East Asian regional subsystem of international relations and structuring the Greater East Asia macroregion to their benefit.

Keywords: USA, South China Sea, conflict, territorial disputes, foreign policy concepts, Asia-Pacific region, pivot to Asia, China, Barack Obama, Donald Trump

Abstract: This article explores the questions related to the current relations between Azerbaijan and Iran, namely vectors of development and milestones over the period from 2000 to 2020. Analysis is conducted on the contradictory positions and most favorable spheres for cooperation. An attempt is made to answer the question, why the promising relations between Baku and Teheran transitioned into a moderately tense state, and what factors influenced this process. Special attention is given to the process of harmonization of relations between the countries at the time of coming to power of the President of Azerbaijan I. G. Aliyev. Based on the acquired results, the authors came to the conclusion that the relations between Azerbaijan and Iran have high potential, first and foremost due to cultural and historical commonality of the nations. At the same time, the conducted research demonstrates profound systemic contradictions that impede achieving potential in development of bilateral relations between Azerbaijan and Iran. Such contradictions may constitute a threat to the regional international relations and often involve other countries (USA, Israel, Turkey, Russia, and Armenia). The novelty this work consists in comprehensive analysis of key events in the history of modern Azerbaijan-Iran bilateral relations, as well as transformation of foreign policy vectors of the countries, namely in the conditions of coming to power of the President of Azerbaijan Ilham Aliyev.

Keywords: Azerbaijan, Iran, Azerbaijan–Iran relations, South Caucasus, international relations, Ilham Heydar oglu Aliyev, Caspian sea, international cooperation, Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, Iranian nuclear deal

Abstract: The subject of research are the conceptual approaches of Western and Russian researchers regarding Russia's isolation by Western countries. Attention is focused on the typologization of Russian and American groups of researchers who are aware of the nature of Russia's isolation, as well as on outlining the interests represented by particular groups of American experts. The proponents of Russia's isolation in a broad variety of spheres, including conducting economic and ideological war, political destabilization and other methods, represent the majority. Over the course of the research the author employed the methods of analysis, synthesis, the typological method that allowed for a greater measure of generalization, compared to classification and systematization. The scientific novelty of this research is the fact that the analysis of modern foreign discussions in political and academic circles on Russia-Euro Atlantic community-related issues. The analysis conducted has discovered a multitude of viewpoints regarding Russian isolation by Western countries, and showed that, among Russian researchers, there is no single viewpoint on how to act in the situation when Russia found itself between the threat of isolation, and the impossibility of remaining a subsystem of America's economy.  

Keywords: isolation of Russia, the Russian-American relations, the West, sanctions, geopolitics, NATO, security, national interests, containment policy, international relations

Abstract: The subject of this study is the East African Commonwealth (EAC), an intergovernmental organization which, at the initial stage of its development, included sovereign African countries, such as Kenya, Tanzania and Uganda. The author examines the integration processes in East Africa in the second half of the twentieth century, uncovers the factors that precipitated the formation of EAC and contributed to the optimization of the economic processes in EAC member countries. The author draws attention to the difficulties that emerged during the formation of a common economic space in EAC in 1970s, and lead to the eventual disintegration of this intergovernmental organization. Using the principle of historism, the author analyzes official documents and media sources of this time. The usage of the historical reconstruction method allowed him to discover the main political and economic determinants of the relations crisis between EAC member countries. The novelty of this work is based on the usage of English-speaking sources that were previously unused in the study of EAC 1970s crisis. Researching these sources allowed the author to reach a conclusion that the disintegration of EAC was due to a multitude of causes, chiefly the immaturity of the political systems of newly emerged, independent countries, and the lack of readiness to give op a part of their sovereignty for the common good of the member countries of the association, nationalism and economic perfectionism in domestic matters.

Keywords: East Africa, Kenya, Tanzania, Uganda, East African Community, Intergovernmental organization, Regional integration, State sovereignty, Common economic space, conflict of interests

Abstract: The subject of this research is the relations of Senegal with its eastern neighbour, the Republic of Mali, on the precipice of the establishment of Federation of Mali. The author focuses attention on the preconditions for the creation of the political entity named "Federation of Mali". Throughout the post-colonial period of history the relations between Senegal and ex-Sudan (now Mali) were not defined by acute crises and conflicts, as opposed to its contacts with Mauritania, Gambia and Guinea-Bissau. The main reason for this was low density of population of the eastern areas of Senegal (dry areas, not well-suited for agriculture) which resulted in the lack of close contact between the populations of the bordering countries, and the lack of border disputes. The principle of historism forms the basis of this article. The author employs the methods of comparative analysis and historical reconstruction to perform analysis and to draw conclusions. The economic relations between Senegal and Mali have always been intense. In the late 1950s, on the decline of the colonial era, Senegal and Mali (formerly - Republic of Sudan) experienced a short but rather unique period of being united into a federation. The Federation of Mali, which lasted one and a half years (and only 2 months as an independent power), was designed to bring to life the idea of pan-African unity. The collapse of the federation was possibly the only dramatic moment in the history of relations between the two countries. Federation of Mali did not meet expectations of its inspirers and ideologists of Senegal and Sudan, and turned out to be a short period of transition between colonialism and independence.  

Keywords: Federation of Mali, Senegal, Republic of Mali, colonialism, The French colonial empire, General de Gaulle, French West Africa, Fifth Republic, Modibo Keita, Leopold Senghor

Abstract: The subject of this research is the relations of Senegal with its eastern neighbour, the Republic of Mali, on the precipice of the establishment of Federation of Mali. The author focuses attention on the preconditions for the creation of the political entity named "Federation of Mali". Throughout the post-colonial period of history the relations between Senegal and ex-Sudan (now Mali) were not defined by acute crises and conflicts, as opposed to its contacts with Mauritania, Gambia and Guinea-Bissau. The main reason for this was low density of population of the eastern areas of Senegal (dry areas, not well-suited for agriculture) which resulted in the lack of close contact between the populations of the bordering countries, and the lack of border disputes. The principle of historism forms the basis of this article. The author employs the methods of comparative analysis and historical reconstruction to perform analysis and to draw conclusions. The economic relations between Senegal and Mali have always been intense. In the late 1950s, on the decline of the colonial era, Senegal and Mali (formerly - Republic of Sudan) experienced a short but rather unique period of being united into a federation. The Federation of Mali, which lasted one and a half years (and only 2 months as an independent power), was designed to bring to life the idea of pan-African unity. The collapse of the federation was possibly the only dramatic moment in the history of relations between the two countries. Federation of Mali did not meet expectations of its inspirers and ideologists of Senegal and Sudan, and turned out to be a short period of transition between colonialism and independence.  

Keywords: Leopold Senghor, Modibo Keita, Fifth Republic, French West Africa, General de Gaulle, The French colonial empire, colonialism, Republic of Mali, Senegal, Federation of Mali