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International relations
Reference:

Policy of the People’s Republic of China in the Black Sea Region
(1976 - 2022)

Lyu Syuiyan

PhD in History

Postgraduate student of the Department of Theory and History of International Relations of People's Friendship University of Russia

117198, Russia, Moscow, Miklukho-Maklaya str., 6

lxy516871@mail.ru

DOI:

10.7256/2454-0641.2023.1.39559

EDN:

CBGTLV

Received:

31-12-2022


Published:

01-02-2023


Abstract: This study focuses on the policy of the People’s Republic of China in the Black Sea Region (1976-2022). The object of the study is the political and economic relations of the People’s Republic of China with the countries of the Black Sea Region: Ukraine, Georgia, Turkey, Romania and Bulgaria. The author examines in detail the conflict potential of the region and its causes, the national interests of the People’s Republic of China towards the States of the region. Close attention is paid to the tension in the region and ways of its alleviation by the People’s Republic of China. The study is based on the theory of political realism, which implies constant competition among States defending their national interests. In the process of studying this problem, the author applies institutional, analytical and problem-chronological methods. The main conclusions of the study are the definition of the conflict potential of the region, the establishment of the role of the People’s Republic of China in the Black Sea region, the definition of methods of expansion of China in the region, the evaluation of relations with the States of the region, both political and economic, identifying China’s concerns in its policies in the region. Moreover, close attention is paid to the growth of trade between the People’s Republic of China and Ukraine, Georgia, Turkey, Romania and Bulgaria. The historical phenomenon of displacing hegemon from the region has been revealed. The relevance of the study is due to the growing political and economic influence of the People’s Republic of China throughout the world, not excluding the Black Sea region. The novelty of the study is due to the study of the expansion of the People’s Republic of China in conditions of high conflict potential of the region.


Keywords:

China, Black Sea, People's Republic of China, Ukraine, Georgia, Turkey, Romania, Bulgaria, NATO, Crimea

This article is automatically translated.

IntroductionThe People's Republic of China, as the world's second economy, is expanding its geopolitical and economic influence around the globe.

The states of Central Asia, Africa and Europe have already fallen under the "wing" of China. [1] The Black Sea region is not an exception from the list of strategically important for the PRC due to its advantageous geographical location and proximity to the main players.

As a geopolitical space, the Black Sea region can be considered quite conflictual due to the presence of interstate territorial disputes (MTS) that have been going on for a long time: the conflict in the Donbas, the Georgian-South Ossetian and Georgian-Abkhaz conflict, the war between Russia and Georgia in 2008. However, despite the high concentration of MTS, the Black Sea region is a strategically important region due to the presence of straits The Bosphorus and the Dardanelles, ensuring the availability of cargo transportation from the Black Sea to the Marmara and Aegean and back. Moreover, it is important to note the military importance of the region due to its favorable geographical location.

Based on the problem of high conflict in the region, it is necessary to identify the causes of such a situation, analyze the political and economic relations of the PRC with the countries of the Black Sea region, and characterize China's strategy in relation to this region.

This study is based on the theory of political realism, which characterizes international relations as a rivalry of states defending their national interests.

In the process of studying, the author applies institutional, analytical and problem-chronological methods.

 

Conflict of the Black Sea regionAs previously stated, the Black Sea region is a region of increased conflict, often these conflicts or even hostilities occur with the direct or indirect participation of the Russian Federation.

The Black Sea region is both a gateway connecting Europe with Asia and a "chessboard" on which regional actors defend their national interests. The conflict nature of the region can just be described by its importance, both logistical and military.[2]

Do not forget that during the Cold War, this region was the line of contact between NATO and the USSR with its allies.

Speaking about NATO, it is worth noting the main goals of the creation of this organization: ensuring the collective security of the member states by political and military means and countering potential threats emanating from the USSR. The borders of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization formed in 1949 were a political, economic and ideological border separating the states of the collective West and the USSR from the bloc of socialist countries of Eastern Europe. The geography of NATO's expansion confirms the previously indicated idea: Turkey, which joined NATO in 1952, directly bordered the Armenian and Azerbaijani SSR as part of the USSR (now the Republic of Armenia and the Republic of Azerbaijan), medium- and shorter-range missiles placed on its territory, directly threatening the USSR, provoked the Caribbean crisis, which put the world on the brink of World War III wars.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union and the fall of the ATS, NATO began its rapid expansion to the borders of the Russian Federation. In 2004, former members of the ATS and the republics of the USSR joined NATO: Bulgaria, Slovakia, Slovenia, Latvia, Lithuania, Estonia. It is worth focusing on the Baltic states, which were previously republics within the USSR, now having a land border with the Russian Federation in the immediate vicinity of the federal city of St. Petersburg.

The years 2007-2008 became significant in relations between Russia and NATO due to the accession of Croatia and Albania to NATO, the war between Russia and Georgia, the Munich speech of Vladimir Putin, which was an invisible watershed between the organization and the Russian Federation.

However, it is not only NATO that acts as a "bone of contention" in the region. Do not forget about the conflicts that broke out in the former Soviet republics, which complicated relations between parts of a previously unified state.  An example of a conflict in the Black Sea region can serve as instability in Georgia, which has developed into a full-fledged war with the participation of Russia.

To understand the essence of the conflict, popularly called the "08.08.08 war", and the impact on the situation in the region, it is necessary to trace its history from the very beginning: Back in the late 1980s, the Autonomous Republic of Abkhazia and the autonomous region of South Ossetia, with the weakening of the central government of the USSR, declared their independence from Georgia, after the collapse of the Soviet Union and Georgia gained independence, clashes began between Georgian troops and units of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. With the direct assistance of the Russian Federation, the conflict was extinguished, however, for a while. In 2008, it broke out again: Georgian troops attempted to use force on two regions, but were defeated due to the participation of Russian armed forces. In just 4 days, Russian troops completely liberated the territory of unrecognized states and crossed the border with Georgia, and on August 16, the fighting ended with a complete victory of the armed forces of the Russian Federation.

It is important to understand that NATO and, first of all, the United States did not stand aside, they took an active part in the construction and modernization of the Georgian armed forces: Back in the early 2000s, the United States conducted the "Sustainability and Stability Operations" program, the purpose of which was to bring the Georgian army to NATO standards, which, in fact, was completed by 2008, according to Mikhail Saakashvili. This policy of the United States was one of the reasons that prompted Georgia to begin a forceful solution to the South Ossetian and Abkhaz problems.[3]

The Ukrainian problem is similar to the Georgian one: close cooperation with Western countries, systematic approach to NATO, the Russophobic position of the ruling elites of the state. All of the above also exacerbates the instability of the region, the acute phase of which in the North of the Black Sea region began in 2014.

 

The Black Sea region as a new vector of China's foreign policyNorthern Black Sea Region

 Political relations between China and Ukraine began with China 's recognition of Ukraine 's independence on December 27, 1991 and the establishment of diplomatic relations with it on January 4, 1992 .

Political relations developed quite rapidly, but the Ukrainian government did not consider the Chinese direction as a priority due to its remoteness and its concept of balancing between the West and Russia. However, the activation of relations between the two states was promoted by the President of Ukraine Viktor Yanukovych, who signed a declaration on the establishment and development of strategic partnership relations between the two states during the visit of CPC Chairman Hu Jintao to Kiev, which, of course, bore fruit: the growth of trade turnover between the two states is simply colossal. [4]

Even the coup d'etat and the rise to power of radical nationalists did not spoil relations between China and Ukraine. China, formally calling on all parties to the conflict for peace, did not terminate diplomatic relations with Ukraine, did not break economic chains. The PRC, speaking from a position of personal gain, did not give harsh comments on what was happening.

As for Crimea, the PRC has not officially recognized its entry into the Russian Federation, fearing pressure from the West. [5] China, having lost joint projects with Kiev on the peninsula, did not hurry to implement them already in the Russian Crimea. [6]

Such "resourcefulness" of China is quite clear. The PRC will not dare to lose its economic weight for the sake of any political benefits. China's economic independence and dominance both in the region and in the world forces other countries to conduct economic affairs with it, regardless of the position of the Celestial Empire. In confirmation of all that was said earlier, here are the statistics: the total trade turnover between China and Ukraine in January 2015 amounted to 599,871,091 US dollars, but in November 2021 the figure was 1,402,121,241 US dollars. [7]

Moreover, China itself is suffering from separatism: the Tibetan and Xinjiang Uygur Autonomous Regions, which are the shortest route to Central Asia, advocate for greater freedoms or even separation from the PRC. In this way, it is simply unprofitable for China to support the separation of certain regions from Ukraine.[8]

 Eastern Black Sea Region Relations between Georgia and the People's Republic of China, as well as with other former republics of the USSR, were established in 1992. Since then, economic relations between the two states have only been developing:

The trade turnover of Georgia and China continues to grow (in 2005, the total trade turnover amounted to 51,935,202 US dollars, and in 2021 – all 1,408,705,622 US dollars).[9]

As previously stated, China does not support most independence movements in different countries. Georgia is no exception: China does not recognize Abkhazia and South Ossetia as sovereign states and considers them part of Georgia, at the same time Georgia does not recognize the sovereignty of Taiwan. 

 The PRC calls on all parties to the conflict in Georgia: Abkhazia, Georgia, Russia and South Ossetia to resolve the issue peacefully, without resorting to violence.

We should not forget about cultural and humanitarian cooperation between the two states: the exchange of scientific knowledge and best practices, business forums, meetings of intergovernmental commissions and summit meetings draw Georgia into the economic trap of China. The Georgian economy does not go into any comparison with the economy of the Middle Kingdom, hence China has much more leverage than Georgia.

China, pursuing its policy towards the Transcaucasian Republic, occupies the niche that was vacated after the collapse of the Soviet Union, thus strengthening its position in the region. [10]

 Republic of TurkeyThe political relations between China and the Republic of Turkey originate in 1971 with Turkey's recognition of the People's Republic of China as the sole legitimate representative of China.

A new round of bilateral relations between the countries was the coming to power of the Justice and Development Party in 2002 in Turkey, which declared democratic principles of conducting foreign policy and openness, which interested China, because Turkey, being the gateway to Europe, has an excellent geostrategic position for China to enter the European market.

Tensions between Turkey and China caused by the Uighur issue persisted until the mid-2010s, back in 2009 Erdogan characterized China's policy towards the Uighurs as genocide, but in 2015 Turkey became committed to the "one China" policy. However, in 2019, the situation repeated itself: Turkey continued to condemn China because of the policy of assimilation of Uighurs. [11]

It is worth highlighting a pattern stating that warm political relations between Turkey and China clearly correlate with bad relations with Western countries and vice versa.

As for economic relations, it is worth noting that the trade turnover of the two states continues to grow: in 2002 it amounted to 1,631,465,848 dollars, but in 2021 – as much as 35,902,105,294 US dollars. Thus, the trade turnover between the two countries has grown more than 22 times in 19 years. [12]

Summing up all of the above, it is worth noting that despite Turkey's membership in NATO, contradictions regarding the Uighurs, China continues to increase economic cooperation with Turkey, essentially ignoring any political actions of the Republic.

Western Black Sea RegionRelations between China, Bulgaria and Romania began in the socialist past of the latter: in 1949 and fluctuated depending on the relations between China and the Soviet Union.

After the collapse of the USSR, Bulgaria and Romania, which were literally on the verge of economic collapse, needed stable trade relations, in conditions of transition to a capitalist economic structure.

After recovering from the economic crisis, both states began to establish their economic ties with their neighbors, who are the main exporters and importers of goods and services of Romania and Bulgaria. However, China, which is conducting its economic expansion, also occupies an important place. Romania's trade turnover with China increased from 581,381,024 US dollars in 2002 to 7,719,993,943 US dollars in 2021 [13], a similar picture with Bulgaria: from 138,491,920 US dollars in 2002 to 3,837,799,139 US dollars in 2021 [14]

China, conducting its economic expansion, does not pay close attention to the state's membership in NATO or other blocs, the PRC is gradually entering the European market and seizing it.

 

ConclusionSumming up all of the above, we can conclude that in the conditions of increased conflict in the Black Sea region, due to the advantageous logistical and military situation, the policy of NATO countries and the presence of unresolved conflicts stretching since the collapse of the Soviet Union, the PRC conducts its economic expansion, taking a favorable position of non-interference in the confrontation of the parties, for which there are reasons: China's assessment of the Black Sea region as a region that meets purely economic interests, fear of sanctions pressure and the growth of separatism on its territory.

[15]

By leveling the collisions of the Black Sea states, China maintains favorable economic relations with all countries, taking advantage of the geographical location of the region and personal economic weight, literally forcing states to trade with China.

Moreover, the People's Republic of China, pursuing its economic expansion, is displacing the historical hegemon – Russia, which is clearly seen in the example of Georgia.   

References
1. China’s influence in Central Asia. URL: https://perconcordiam.com/ru/%D0%B2%D0%BB%D0%B8%D1%8F%D0%BD%D0%B8%D0%B5-%D0%BA%D0%B8%D1%82%D0%B0%D1%8F-%D0%B2-%D1%86%D0%B5%D0%BD%D1%82%D1%80%D0%B0%D0%BB%D1%8C%D0%BD%D0%BE%D0%B9-%D0%B0%D0%B7%D0%B8%D0%B8/ (accessed: 31.12.2022)
2. Ishakova, A.A. (2020). Forms and strategic significance of cooperation of China with the countries of the Black sea-Caspian region. Internauka, 22-1(151), 78-80.
3. Diakova, N.A. (2010). Analysis of U.S. military policy in Georgia and Ukraine. United States and Canada: economy, politics, culture, 10(490), 90-107.
4. Kurylev, K.P., & Stanis, D.V. (2019). On the Ukrainian-Chinese Relations. Postsovetskie issledovaniya = Post-Soviet Studies, 2(5), 1305-1312. doi: 10.24411/2618-7426-2019-00048
5. Who recognized Crimea as Russian for today. URL: https://gogov.ru/news/887970 (accessed: 31.12.2022)
6. Babayan, D. (2012). The People's Republic of China in the Azov-north Black sea subregion: present state and future plans. Central Asia and the Caucasus, 13(4), 43-52.
7. Ukraine | Imports and Exports. URL: https://trendeconomy.ru/data/h2?commodity=TOTAL&reporter=Ukraine&trade_flow=Export,Import&partner=China&indicator=TV,YoY&time_period=2002,2003,2004,2005,2010,2011,2012,2013,2014,2015,2016,2017,2018,2019,2020,2021 (accessed: 31.12.2022)
8. Lukashova, V.A. (2019). Key policies of the People’s Republic of China on countering separatism. Sciff, 11(39), 226-232.
9. Georgia | Imports and Exports. URL: https://trendeconomy.ru/data/h2?commodity=TOTAL&reporter=Georgia&trade_flow=Export,Import&partner=China&indicator=TV,YoY&time_period=2002,2003,2004,2005,2010,2011,2012,2013,2014,2015,2016,2017,2018,2019,2020,2021 (accessed: 31.12.2022)
10. Machavariani, G. (2015). Georgia-China: Political, economic and humanitarian aspects of cooperation. Vestnik RUDN, 1, 142-151.
11. Vinogradov, A.O., & Muminova, S.A. (2021). Sino-Turkish relations: modern stage. China in world and regional politics. History and modernity, 26(26), 200-226. doi:10.24412/2618-6888-2021-26-200-226
12. Turkey | Imports and Exports. URL: https://trendeconomy.ru/data/h2?commodity=TOTAL&reporter=Turkey&trade_flow=Export,Import&partner=China&indicator=TV,YoY&time_period=2002,2003,2004,2005,2010,2011,2012,2013,2014,2015,2016,2017,2018,2019,2020,2021 (accessed: 31.12.2022)
13. Romania | Imports and Exports. URL: https://trendeconomy.ru/data/h2?commodity=TOTAL&reporter=Romania&trade_flow=Export,Import&partner=China&indicator=TV,YoY&time_period=2002,2003,2004,2005,2010,2011,2012,2013,2014,2015,2016,2017,2018,2019,2020,2021 (accessed: 31.12.2022)
14. Bulgaria | Imports and Exports. URL: https://trendeconomy.ru/data/h2?commodity=TOTAL&reporter=Bulgaria&trade_flow=Export,Import&partner=China&indicator=TV,YoY&time_period=2002,2003,2004,2010,2011,2012,2013,2014,2015,2016,2017,2018,2019,2020,2021 (accessed: 31.12.2022)
15. Goncharenko, S.N. (2016). China’s Interests and Policies: Recreating the «Silk Road» and Prospects of China’s Access to the Black Sea. The Great Black Sea Region: Contradictions and Strategic Decisions for Russia, 26-34.

First Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

The subject of the peer-reviewed study is China's political activity in the Black Sea region. The author rightly notes China's increased assertiveness in the field of geopolitics and geo-economics; China's economic expansion into Africa, Asia and even Europe, resulting in an increase in its political influence, has attracted the increasing attention of many experts in recent years. The activation of China in the Black Sea region observed today also gives special relevance to the topic of the article. However, the scientific novelty of the work remained in question. Despite the interesting aspect of the research chosen by the author, he was unable to implement it due to the complete lack of theoretical and methodological reflection. It is customary to begin scientific research with a critical review of existing approaches to solving the problem in order to show against their background what exactly is new proposed by the author of the work. In addition, it is possible to obtain a SCIENTIFIC result only by applying SCIENTIFIC methodology. Simply stating a certain set of historical facts (and sometimes, as will be shown below, replacing this presentation with your own assessments) does not mean conducting scientific research. Accordingly, the scientific novelty of the results obtained by the author in this case turns out to be doubtful. At first glance, the structure of the article looks logical: it follows a geographical principle, consistently revealing China's relations to the Northern, Eastern, Southern and Western Black Sea regions. However, the content of the section does not always correspond to its name. Thus, the section "The Black Sea region as a new vector of China's foreign policy" is completely (with the exception of one last sentence) devoted to relations between NATO and the USSR/Of Russia. The last statement of this section about China's recognition of the Black Sea region as a "region meeting the purely economic interests of the "world factory"" is not proved in any way in this section and does not follow from what it says. The final part of the work also needs correction: in the "Conclusion" section, the results of the study should be presented, with an emphasis on their scientific novelty. In the form in which this section exists now, it is simply banal. Stylistically, the work is also flawed. The text contains a large number of stylistic ones (for example, the expression "cargo transportation"; or the strange expression "the dominance of its ... influence"; the equally strange expression "the historical mood of NATO against the USSR"; organization (not the boundaries of the organization!) for some reason, the author has a "border separating the states ... from the bloc ...", and not "from the bloc", etc.) and grammatical (for example, capital letters in the name of the conflict are "Georgian-Ossetian"; strictly speaking, the name of the conflict is "Georgian-South Ossetian", since it was related to South Ossetia; an unnecessary hyphen before the word "-Abkhazian"; in this name of the conflict, the word "Georgian-" should not be omitted; or a missing comma when separating the turnover "despite ...": "... Despite the high conflict of this region, it is ..."; the specified sentence has not yet been agreed: "... The Bosphorus and Dardanelles Straits, ensuring the availability of cargo transportation from the Black Sea to the Marmara and Aegean and back, of military importance"; there are other uncoordinated proposals: "... The conflict potential of the region is leveled by its strategic importance for ..." or "... The Ukrainian government did not consider ..."; there is no comma separating the introductory turnover: "As previously indicated, the Black Sea region is ..." and others) errors. In addition, the text is overly ideologized; it is replete with evaluative ideologems that are far from the canons of scientific neutrality and objectivity. The "historical attitude of NATO against the USSR" has already been mentioned above. Other examples: NATO expanded rapidly, "covering up its true (I wonder which? – reviewer's note) intentions behind the screen of allied relations with the former enemy"; "the Russian Federation, which is no longer as naive and malleable as it was in the 1990s"; NATO, according to the author, even in Russia's war with Georgia in 2008. "I took part, albeit indirectly." What was this participation in? – it turns out that the United States contributed to bringing the Armed Forces Georgia's commitment to NATO standards, as well as "close cooperation between the intelligence services of NATO countries and the Georgian Armed Forces" (while the link is given to an article in which the latter statement is missing). It is clear that it is not worth harboring illusions about the goals and methods of NATO, but demonizing this alliance instead of a sober analysis is also unacceptable in scientific work. There are also some factual errors. For example, the author associates the conflict nature of the region under study with "its position as the line of contact between two military and political poles." We are talking about "NATO and Russia". However, at the moment in strict (not journalistic!) in the sense of the word, Russia is not in a state of "combat contact", i.e., war with NATO. And none of the countries of the Alliance is officially and formally at war with the Russian Federation. In addition, listing "key organizations acting as an association and cooperation in the region," the author put "NATO, the European Union, the CIS" on one strange board, forgetting that NATO is a military-political bloc, and the logically correct comparison (or opposition) to this alliance would be the CSTO, not The EU and the CIS. For some reason, the author attributed the famous "Putin's Munich speech" to 2008, and not to 2007, when it was delivered. It is unclear which "North" the following maxim refers to: "All of the above (the "Ukrainian problem" – the reviewer's note) also adds oil to the fire of instability in the region, the acute phase of which began in the North in 2014." However, in 2014, the result of the internal political crisis in Ukraine were secessionist aspirations of the Autonomous Republic of Crimea and the South- The East of Ukraine, but not the "North". Or is it about the "North" of the Black Sea region (this assumption can be made based on the title of the next paragraph)? – but then you need to pay more attention to the terminology so as not to cause difficulties for the reader. The bibliography contains 16 titles and sufficiently reflects the state of research on the topic of the article. There is no appeal to the opponents. GENERAL CONCLUSION: the article proposed for review at this stage is difficult to characterize as a full-fledged scientific study. The author chose an interesting aspect of the study, worked out a significant amount of factual material. However, the lack of theoretical and methodological reflection did not allow us to obtain full-fledged scientific results. In this regard, the author can recommend the following: - to work out the theoretical and methodological basis of their own research and present the results of this study in the introductory part of the article; - to think over the structural logic of the article and align the title of the sections with their content; - to carefully subtract the text for stylistic and grammatical errors (this also includes the desire to deideologize the text, make it stylistically more neutral)4; - eliminate actual errors. After eliminating these comments, the article can be recommended for publication.

Second Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

The policy of the People's Republic of China in the Black Sea region (1976 – 2022) // International Relations. In the context of the special military operation that our country is currently conducting, as well as almost continuous attacks against the Crimean territory of Russia, the characteristics of the relations of the Black Sea countries with the People's Republic of China are of particular interest. The author has clearly systematized the material on the Black Sea countries. The internal structure of each part is built according to a single principle. The article sets the following tasks: "Based on the problem of the high conflict potential of the region, it is necessary to identify the causes of such a situation, analyze the political and economic relations of the People's Republic of China with the countries of the Black Sea region, characterize China's strategy in relation to this region." According to the author, "the study is based on the theory of political realism, which characterizes relations between states as a struggle to protect their national interests." But the theory of political realism is based on the protection of one's national interests rather than a struggle. The main source for the author was the data from per Concordiam, the quarterly professional journal of the US European Command and the European Center for Security Studies named after him. George C. Marshall, dedicated to defense and security issues in Europe and Eurasia. The journal is aimed at scientists and experts dealing with defense and security issues. The indicators of the increase in China's trade turnover with the countries of the Black Sea region are borrowed from this magazine. In the reviewer's opinion, the article contains very harsh formulations ("China, pursuing its policy towards the Transcaucasian Republic, occupies the niche that was vacated after the collapse of the Soviet Union, despite Georgia's aspirations to enter the so-called "Western World". China, pursuing its economic expansion, is literally tearing the former Soviet Republic out of Russia's hands, strengthening its position in the region." The bibliographic list attached to the article reflects the latest literature. There is no direct appeal to the opponents, but the topic will interest the readership. To prove the propositions put forward, the author sometimes puts forward the same arguments, for example, "China, suffering from separatism in its western lands." There are stylistic inconsistencies in the article. The expression "high conflict potential" is unfortunate. The word "potential" in Latin means strength, power and thus contains more positive dynamics, which contradicts the word "conflict". "It is worth highlighting a pattern stating that the warm political relations between Turkey and China are clearly correlated with bad relations with Western countries and vice versa." It is necessary to correct numerous stylistic errors in the text. These include the use of abbreviations (MTS) without prior explanation (interstate territorial disputes). The title of the second section contains the name of the state twice ("The Black Sea region as a new vector of China's foreign policy. China and the Northern Black Sea Region"). Colloquialisms are used (though), unsuccessful combinations (Georgia is committed to the position). It is advisable to remove repetitions, for example, "the second economy of the world and the main production center of our planet." The comments made are primarily aimed at the external design of the article and do not contain criticism of the author's scientific views. After correcting the style, the article can be recommended for publication.

Third Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

Review of the article "The Policy of the People's Republic of China in the Black Sea region (1976 – 2022)" The subject of the study is the processes of formation and implementation of the policy of the People's Republic of China in the Black Sea region, the specific features of this policy and the specifics of interaction with individual countries of the Black Sea region. The research methodology is based on the theory of political realism, which characterizes international relations as the rivalry of states defending their national interests. The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that at present the importance of the Black Sea region has increased in geopolitical and economic terms, it has become an area of interest for global actors, to which the PRC belongs. The author of the reviewed article notes that "the PRC, as the second economy in the world, is expanding its geopolitical and economic influence around the globe ... The Black Sea region is no exception to the list of strategically important for the PRC due to its advantageous geographical location and proximity to the main players." The relevance of the article is beyond doubt, because the region is currently of significant interest to many players, one of which is China and China's interests are primarily economic, and the author of the article pays special attention to this. The scientific relevance of the reviewed article lies in the analysis of the role and place of the Black Sea region in Chinese politics in 1976-2022, taking into account the changes that occurred in this region during the time period under study. The novelty of the article also lies in the fact that the policy of the PRC in the modern period with the countries of the Black Sea region is analyzed, taking into account the benefits for China in the economy. The style of the article is academic, there are descriptive elements. The structure of the work is logically structured taking into account the purpose and objectives of the reviewed article. The structure consists of an introduction in which the author notes the relevance of the topic and the methodology of the study. The main part consists of the following sections: The conflict of the Black Sea region, which shows the factors of conflict in the region, while paying special attention to the consequences of the collapse of the USSR. The next section is called "The Black Sea region as a new vector of China's foreign policy" and this section consists of subsections: "Northern Black Sea Region", "Eastern Black Sea Region", "Turkish Republic", "Western Black Sea Region". Each of them gives a brief history of the PRC's relations with the countries belonging to these regions since the establishment of relations between the PRC and each of the countries. The article also notes the peculiarities of the PRC's relations with Ukraine, Georgia and Turkey, which is of particular importance in the modern period. A study of China's policy towards Ukraine shows that China is acting from a position of personal gain. The author of the reviewed article writes that China's "quirkiness" is quite clear. The PRC will not dare to lose its economic weight for the sake of any political benefits. China's economic independence and dominance both in the region and in the world forces other countries to conduct economic affairs with it, regardless of the position of the Celestial Empire." The content of the article is reflected in the title of the article quite clearly. The bibliography of the article shows that the author of the reviewed article is well versed in the topic and knows the problem in general quite deeply. The bibliography of the article contains 15 sources and these are solid articles on the topic, as well as materials from online resources that make it possible to show China's policy in the Black Sea region. The analysis that the author conducted while working on the topic and the bibliography are the answer to the opponents. There is no special appeal to opponents in the article. The conclusions of the article are objective and follow from the analysis done by the author of the reviewed article. The main conclusion of the author is "Leveling the collisions of the Black Sea states, China conducts profitable economic relations with all countries, taking advantage of the geographical location of the region and personal economic weight, literally forcing states to trade with China. Moreover, the People's Republic of China, pursuing its economic expansion, is displacing the historical hegemon – Russia, which is clearly seen in the example of Georgia." The article has signs of novelty and will be of interest to specialists, taking into account the importance and relevance of the problems raised in the article.