The Local Elites in the Rank Structure and Administrative System of the Late Classic Maya Polities in the Western Region

Safronov Aleksandr Vladimirovich ORCID: 0000-0002-2121-1136 PhD in History Associate Professor, Department of Ancient History, Lomonosov Moscow State University 119192, Russia, Moscow, Lomonosovsky ave., 27, bldg. 4, office A-515 alexsafronov@bk.ru

IntroductionThe study of the political history of the ancient Maya of the classical period, which has been conducted for the last 30 years thanks to the successes in the study of hieroglyphic writing and the involvement of a wide range of epigraphic sources, opens up new problems and questions that need careful analysis.

One of such urgent problems is the system of administrative structure of the ancient Maya states of the I millennium AD. In the classical period (III–IX centuries), within the framework of the society of the ancient Maya, the formation of socio-political formations of the early state type, referred to in hieroglyphic inscriptions by the term ajawlel ("royalty") ^{[1, p. 138]}, which in Within the framework of the concept of the typology of the ancient states of Diakonov-Jacobson, it is customary to refer to Russian historiography as "nomadic states" ^{[4, pp. 437-438]}. Such polities, of which there are more than a hundred ^{[6, p. 102-104]}, were territorial units with an area of several hundred to several thousand square kilometers ^{[9, p. 100]} with the tsarist power of a theocratic nature, a developed administrative apparatus and were interconnected by a complex system of political ties ^{[18, p. 26-35]}.

However, in historiography, the question remains very relevant: how was the system of administrative management implemented in such Maya kingdoms? The development of the local government system was to lead to the emergence of local elites included in the rank hierarchy, which would be reflected in written sources. But the monumental written tradition of the Maya assumed, first of all, the installation of royal monuments, that is, fixing the history of persons of royal rank, but not local elites. The lower elites within the cultural tradition of the Maya lowlands region could be represented exclusively in the ownership inscriptions on ceramic vessels or small plastic objects, the exact localization of which is often very problematic ^{[18, pp. 85-86]}, which greatly complicates the study of the administrative system. However, there is one significant exception — the monumental tradition of the Western Maya region (the Usumacinta River basin), widely represented by non-Royal monuments that cover the entire late classical period (from ser. VI to ser. IX century.), their total number is more than six dozen. It is this array of monuments that allows us to draw important conclusions about the nature of local elites and the system of administrative management in the western Maya kingdoms. The appearance of such inscriptions is explained by the special privileges and great independence of local elites in the West, which was due to the geography of the region, which predetermined a very fractional political structure ^{[18, p. 86]}.

Fig. 1. Western Maya region (compiled by A.V. Safronov).

The complex of inscriptions from the Usumacinta basin records a very interesting process of transformation of the administrative management system in the Western region. If in the VI–VII centuries. in some kingdoms of the region, in addition to royal monuments, there are rare, but quite good quality monuments of local rulers belonging to the royal family, who performed the function of local administrators, then from the end of the VII century. suddenly, monuments of sakhals – appointed governors, who as a rule were not related to the king. In total, mentions of sahals occur more than a hundred times, including on royal monuments ^{[18, p. 87]}, that is, the rank structure of the elite in a number of Maya kingdoms in the Usumacinta Valley undergoes rapid and rather significant changes in the 2nd gender. VII .

In historiography, the phenomenon of sahals has already been studied quite well, so we will only outline the general provisions known to date.  In the inscriptions of the VIII century . a special title was allocated back in the 1980s, by P. Matthews and D. Justeson ^{[22, pp. 211-213]}, and later in the 1990s the title was read by D. Stewart as sa-ja-la -sajal ^{[30, pp. 329-330]} (Fig. 2a). He also determined that the title belonged to local administrators of non-Tsarist rank and pointed out its main functions. Further, S. Houston, J. Robertson and D. Stewart, in a joint work in 2000, proposed the etymology of the title sajal, as derived from the basis of the adjective yuk. saj — "the one who is afraid" with the nominalizing suffix -al ^{[16, p. 36-37]}, and give an example of a similar title in meaning saj xib — "the afraid man" (Fig. 2b) ^{[16, p. 37]}, written with the names of the captives on panels of unknown origin from the collection of the Memorial Museum M. de Young (San Francisco) ^{[25, p. 33]}. This etymology has been established by now in foreign literature ^{[18, p. 86]}, but in the works of domestic researchers, a different reconstruction was proposed from ch. saj — "little, part" (nar.) ^{[30, p. 92]}, i.e. sajal — "the one who is smaller" ^{[1, p. 139]}. However, the formation of a noun from an adverb in classical Cholan is impossible, so it should be stated that the question of the etymology of the title sajal remains open.

Fig. 2. Examples of writing the title sajal (drawings by A.V. Safronov).

The main functions of the sakhals have been considered in some detail in the works of the last two decades, in particular, a joint article by S. Houston and D. Stewart on the people of the Maya royal court of the classical period for the first time highlights in detail the functions and powers of the sakhals, and most importantly, defines them as the next step in the palace hierarchy after the tsar ^{[15, pp. 61-64]}. The 2002 work examines the phenomenon of sahals from the point of view of their interaction with the tsar and methods of legitimizing the power of regional rulers. The author especially focuses on the monumental programs of the sahals and their joint images with the kings, which was one of the important privileges of the governors ^{[10, pp. 219-226]}. The American researcher A. Parmington, in one of his articles, turned to the material of the Sakhal iconography, and analyzed in detail the representation of the status of local rulers in the characteristic elements of costumes, noting the main differences from the royal ceremonial image ^{[28, pp. 46-53]}. Finally, the British researcher S. Martin in the monograph "Ancient Maya Politics", devoted to the problems of the structure and representation of power among the Maya of the classical period, summarizes the work carried out over three decades on the study of sahals and considers them within the entire system of political relations of the ancient Maya ^{[18, pp. 86-88]}.

The sphere of activity of the sakhals, their functions and powers largely duplicate the royal ones, but do not go beyond the "province" over which they exercised power ^{[1, p. 139]}. Sahali, like kings, perform rituals of "tying into the sahalstvo" — coronation, while their acceptance of authority must be sanctioned by the king, and within a separate region, power is transferred within the Sahal lineage, which was marked by a special generic name ^{[10, pp. 224-226]}. Sahali participate in the cult and ritual life of the kingdom, they accompany the king in various dance rituals and other court ceremonies, celebrate the end of cycles by installing their own jubilee monuments, but they are not independent senders of cults, with rare exceptions ^{[15, pp. 62-63]}. However, Sahali could impersonate some deities, for example, sahal Ni(x)-Chul, to whom one of the steles of unknown origin from the Bonampak region is dedicated, is depicted on it impersonating Bolon-Yokte, the god of war and misfortune ^{[13, pp. 29-30]}. One of the most important functions of the sahals was also military command, on the royal monuments of the VIII century. There are often images of either sahals capturing prisoners in battles, or vice versa captured in neighboring kingdoms ^{[15, p. 63]}. Apparently, the duties of the sahals included the protection of the borders of the kingdom, as evidenced by numerous cases of the participation of sahals from the border regions in skirmishes with neighbors, for example, the Pachan Sahals from the border centers of La Pasadita and Lashtunich participated several times in wars with an old enemy - the kingdom of Jokib in the 2nd half of the VIII century ^{[14, 3]}. Sahali were also given the privilege to erect their monuments, as well as to be depicted on royal monuments ^{[28, pp. 49-52]}. In the VIII century, there were even several "series" of Sakhalin panels or lintels demonstrating local sculptural styles ^{[10, pp. 219-224]}.  Thus, by the beginning of the VIII century. in many kingdoms of the Western region, the Sahali acquire the status of privileged local administrators of the 2nd level and form a group of the elite, on which the supreme power rests.

Interestingly, outside the Western region, the title sahal is extremely rare, there are several mentions of the end of the VIII century in royal inscriptions from Kankuen in the south of the Maya lowlands, where, in general, their functions apparently coincide with the governors from the Usumacinta region ^{[12, pp. 206-208]}. In addition, numerous inscriptions mentioning sahals appear in northwestern Yucatan in the terminal classical period (late VIII-X centuries), however, there they performed the role not of governors, but of regional rulers of the highest rank, within a political system different from the Western region without a supreme ruler ^{[1, p. 100]}. From this point of view, the system of administrative management in the Western region is unique for the classical Maya, so in this study we will try to determine its characteristic features and the reasons for the transformation of the corresponding rank structure at the turn of the VII–VIII centuries.

The appearance of the princely nobilityNumerous inscriptions mentioning the non–Tsarist elite of the late classical period originate from the largest political centers of the Western region - Yaxchilan, Piedras Negras, Palenque, Bonampac, Tonina, Pomona, etc.

At the same time, there is practically no such type of epigraphic sources in the region as owner's inscriptions on objects of fine plastics and ceramics ^{[5, pp. 26-27]}. Most likely, the court nobility already at the end of the early classical period began to receive special privileges, expressed in the development of a complex of non-tsarist monuments and the earliest (dated) monuments of this type is the so-called "Houston Panel", originating from the Bonampak region and installed in one of the temples by a dignitary of the king Akye in 498 ^{[24, pp. 31-32]}.

Until the middle of the VII century. there is no mention of Sahals in the inscriptions, and representatives of the hereditary aristocracy who bore the royal title ajaw, that is, belonged to the royal family, acted as local administrators. In the texts, they are also designated by the title of origin and we can conditionally designate them by the term "prince". Unfortunately, there are much fewer sources related to the functioning of princely power in the Western Lowlands than there are late classical mentions of sakhals, princely monuments are isolated, there are no owner inscriptions on small plastic objects completely, and taking into account the fact that the royal inscriptions in the Usumasinta basin, known to researchers, date no earlier than the beginning of the VI century. the analysis of this category of elite is rather difficult.

Nevertheless, important data are contained in the dynastic list of the Pachan kings, which was carved on the Lintels 11, 35, 37 and 49 from Yashchilan, dating from the 1st floor. VI century. ^{[20, pp. 72-84]}, as well as in a parallel text on the Hieroglyphic ladder 1 from Yashchilan, installed in the middle of the VIII century. ^{[20, pp. 103-115]}. The list contains the names and titles of the first 10 kings, starting with the founder of the dynasty, Yopat-Balam I, who reigned either in 307 (according to V. Nam) ^{[27, p. 67]}, or 52 years later in 359 (according to S. Martin and N. Grube) ^{[19, p. 118]}. The first exact date in the list corresponds to 508 and refers to the reign of the 9th king of the "Narrow-Eyed Jaguar" I (conditional reading of the name of the king, since the main sign of the name containing the head of a jaguar with a sling on the eye has not yet been read). The titles of the kings also list the captives they captured at various times, for the first seven kings only the names of the captives are recorded, but from the 8th king Yashun-Balam II, dating from the 2nd half of the V century. ^{[19, p. 119]} the title yajawte ? (yahawte) begins to appear in the lists of captives ^{[1, p. 119]}. 140]. The title of Yashun-Balam II mentions "his companion (prisoner) ... Sak-Hak?-Pat-...k, he is his yahawte, Itsam-Kan-Aka King Jokib" (YAX:Lnt.37, A3–B6). The next Pachan king, "The Narrow-eyed Jaguar" I, has already captured three prisoners with similar titles, first mentioned "his companion Chuck-..-Yash-Ukul, his yahavte Yat-...ana, the king of Ak?e, his companion Tok-K?an-...-Vayab, yahavte Yat-Aka" (YAX:Lnt.37, C1–D5). Moreover, the Yat-Ak ("Ruler C") mentioned here was most likely the next king of Yokiba after Itsam-Kan-Aka II, who ruled between 508-518 ^{[19, p. 141]}. Further, under the exact date 1 Kawak 7 Yaxk?In (=09.08.508) is written "his companion Ah-Balam, "Bestowing? the heart of God", yahavte Chak-Tok-Ichaak, King of Kukul" (YAX:Lnt.37, D6–D8) and we are talking about the victory over the powerful Kukul kingdom (Tikal), the hegemon of the Central Lowlands in this period ^{[19, p. 120]}.

The title yajawte ? was originally translated as "he of his royal tree" (that is, a man from the royal family) ^{[19, p. 119]}, but at the moment the etymology of A. Lakadena seems more logical — "he is his lord of the shafts (spears)" (i.e. military commander) ^{[33, p. 353]}. Taking into account the fact that military conflicts are intensifying in the region at the turn of the V–VI centuries, the appearance of positions related to the command of the army is quite natural, as well as the appearance of a large number of noble captives-military leaders. There are no direct indications of the fulfillment of Yahavte's administrative functions here, nevertheless, several interesting inscriptions of the end of the VI century allow us to associate this title with the princely rank.

Stela 1 from Ojos de Agua is a rare princely monument of the beginning of the late Classical period, it was discovered in 1948 by F. Blom on the acropolis of the small archaeological monument of Ojos de Agua near Bonampac. The photo, drawing and preliminary analysis of the inscription were published in 1957 in the work "Lakandonskaya Selva" ^{[11, pp. 125-135]}, but, unfortunately, now the location of the monument is unknown. Only the text in two vertical columns was carved on the front side of the monument, which has been preserved quite well. The text opens with the anniversary date of the last 5th anniversary in the 20-year cycle - 9.7.15.0.0, corresponding to September 19, 588, in honor of which the stele was installed. Further, the text informs that 15 years and 5 months before the anniversary date — 29.08.573 (9.6.19.13.0), the protagonist of the monument sat on the board in "his land" and his name and full title were recorded:

Fig. 3. Ojos de Agua, stele 1, fragment of the inscription (drawing by A.V. Safronov).

(B7) CHUM-ja-ji-ya (A8) tu-KAB-tu-CH?EE?N (B8) ...-na? (A9) pa-ti (B9) ?u-HUK-TZ?AK-li (A10) ya-?AJAW-te (B10) ?u-...-K?AHK?-XAAK-li (A11) ?a-ya-YAX-pu-ni-ma (B11) ha-?i pa-sa-wi ka-ba (A12) tu-CH?EE?N-na (B12) xu-ka-la-NAAH-?AJAW — chumajiiy tu-kab tu-ch?ee?n ...? Paat ?u-huk-tz?akaal yajawte? ?u-... k?ahk? xaakil ?Aj Yax Puniim ha?i? pasaaw kab tu-ch?ee?n Xukalnaah ?ajaw — "(since, as) sat in their land ...-PAAT, it is his seventh warlord, he and his son Oh-Sak-Punima and zemlekop in king city Chukalina".  Unfortunately, the exact reading of the first character of the protagonist's name (B8) is unclear, previously we read this sign as MAM ^{[5, p. 85]}, however, elements such as a bone jaw and a flint blade sticking out of the head indicate that most likely this is a logogram with the name of one of the gods of the Underworld. The second part of the name contains the syllabic notation pa-ti — paat — "back" ^{[17, pp. 108-109]}. Thus, the name of the protagonist has the form "Back ...? (god)", which is not typical for the royal throne names, at least in the Upper Usumacinta region in the VI–VII centuries, but could belong to a person of princely rank.

However, the protagonist performs actions quite characteristic of the king, not being such: he performs the rite of sitting in power in "his land", while it is not indicated that he "sat in royalty", as is usually done in royal inscriptions. In addition, he erects a jubilee monument, indicates the name of his father Ah-Yash-Punim, writes down his title — "7-military commander" and, finally, he mentions the ritual of "digging" in the city of King Shukalnakh, that is, the fact of the prince's subordination to this kingdom is emphasized. We know that the political center of the kingdom of Shukalnakh at the end of the VI century was located in the settlement of Lakankha, where in 593 King Ah-Vinik-... establishes a jubilee Stele 7, announcing his accession in 554 ^{[2, pp. 121-122]}.

One should pay attention to the passage ? u-huk-tz'akaal yajawte ? ? u-... k ? ahk ? xaakil ? Aj Yax Puniim - –he is his seventh military commander, he is his son Ah-Yash-Punim." Previously, we believed that the entry ? u-HUK-TZ ? AK-li conveys the reading ? u-huk-tz'ak(bu)ul —"He is the seventh successor (in the family) of the military commander of the son of Ah-Yash-Punim." Such a translation suggested that Ah-Yash-Punim was the founder of the royal dynasty of Shukalnakh around the end of the IV century, from which this princely family also reported ^{[2, p. 121]}. But since there is no causative suffix of positional verbs in the hieroglyphic block -bu, then ? u- cannot perform the role of the subject of action with a transitive verb, that is, it is a possessive pronoun in a construction with a noun. Therefore, in the recording ?u-HUK-TZ?AK-li ya-?AJAW-te, ?u-huk-tz?akaal yajawte? — letters. "he is his 7th (in a row) military commander," -aal is a nominalizing suffix with the verbal basis tz ? ak, written together with the construction of ordinal numerals. In other words, we are talking only about the father and his son, who was in the service of King Shukalnakh Ah-Vinik-..., and who bore the title of military commander, at the same time the owner of the place of Ojos de Agua in the 2nd floor. VI . The fact that the title yajawte ? appeared in inscriptions only at the turn of the V–VI centuries also refutes the idea of the antiquity of this princely dynasty. The process of state formation in the Western region at the end of the IV century has just begun, and the allocation of military leaders to the rank of the non-Tsarist elite has not yet occurred.

A very similar picture is shown by the text on the "Brussels Stele", exhibited at the Royal Museum of Art and History in Brussels ^{[23, p. 12]}. This is another princely monument of the end of the VI century of unknown origin, originally associated with Bonampak ^{[25, p. 17]}, however, judging by the inscription, it comes from the kingdom of Akye, neighboring with Shukalnakh ^{[2, p. 120-121]}. The monument is very similar to Stele 7 from Lacancha in composition and iconography details, moreover, they were installed on the same anniversary date 9.8.0.0.0, corresponding to August 24, 593 ^{[2, pp. 120-121]}, while the content of the inscription has much in common with Stele 1 from Ojos de Agua. The first half of the text is a record of the anniversary calendar date by a long count, a cyclic date and a lunar series, and at the end of the passage it is indicated that "Ho–Kokaan-K?uh is installed, this is his stele" (Brussels St., A1-B1), and then the name and title of the protagonist of the monument is given – "he is the impersonator ... ... (Gods of rowers), K?inich-Akul-Pa...?, the chief Prince" (Brussels St., C1–C4).

The following fragment of the text contains an interval number that counts the time from the protagonist's sitting to the installation of the stele, thus the date of his confirmation in power is determined — February 24, 572 (9.6.18.3.8), it is noteworthy that the installation of the stele occurred "in his land", a similar turnover is used in relation to the princely possessions, as on the stele from Oxoc de Agua (Brussels St., B1–E4). Finally , in the final passage , the names of the prince 's parents are given:

Fig. 4. "Brussels stele", fragment of the inscription (drawing by A.V. Safronov).

(F1) ya-YAL-la (G1) K?UH-?IXIK (F2) ?IX (G2) k?e-ba?-TE? (F3) ?u-...-K?AHK?-XAAK-li (G3) WINAAK-HAA?B (F4) ch?a-jo-ma (G4) ?a-ya-...? (H1) pu-...? (H2) ?u-ya-?AJAW-te (H3) ...-BAHLAM (H4) ?a-k?e-?AJAW — y-al CHuhul ?ixik ?Ix K’ebte? ‘u-... k?ahk' xaakil ... ch?ajo?m ?Aj-Ya...? ... ? u-yajawte ? ... Bahlam ? Ak ? e ? ajaw – "he is the son of the sacred woman Ish-Kebte, he... ... (the son of the father), scattering drops on the 1st 20th anniversary of Ah-Ya...?, he is the commander of ...-Balam, the king of Ak?e." His mother most likely came from a princely family, as she bears the title "sacred woman", but the "emblem hieroglyph" is not given. Father – holder of the title ch ? ajo ? m ("scattering drops") he was also of very noble origin, but his age did not exceed one 20th anniversary, and there are no other titles, so it is difficult to determine whether he was really the ruling prince.  

The title yajawte ? most likely refers to the protagonist of the monument, since traditionally the title is written at the end of the text, and after that there is a mention of the king Ak?e — suzerain K?inich-Akul-Pa… The name of the king is similar to the name of the Pachan ruler, designated as "The Narrow—eyed Jaguar", only written in full form - a logogram depicting a skull with a rope threaded through the eye with a knot and a logogram BAHLAM ("jaguar"). Apart from this entry, we know only one king Ak?e with the throne name "The Narrow-eyed Jaguar", who is mentioned on the lintel 35 from Yashchilanan as the suzerain of yahavte K?antel from Vochal, captured by the Pachan king K?inich-Tatbu-Khol before 537 ^{[19, p. 121]}. In all likelihood, the inscription on the stele refers to another "Narrow–eyed Jaguar" II, who ruled in Ak? at the turn of the VI-VII centuries.

It is important that both texts considered indicate the connection of persons of princely rank with the title of yahavte, that is, military leaders could receive one of the regions for service to the tsar. At the same time, they could also be related to the royal house, in particular, the protagonist of the "Brussels Stele" bears the title baah ajaw — "the main lord", which was given only to royal relatives. It should be noted that the first mentions in the texts of the captured Yahavte at the turn of the V–VI centuries may indicate the formation of the local princely elite during this period, along with the development of the court nobility proper. But in the inscriptions in the VI century. representatives of the princely rank in their titulature do not yet have an "emblematic hieroglyph" (the main royal title of the classical era, containing the toponym and title ajaw — "king" ^{[9, pp. 99-100]}), which would indicate belonging to the dynasty, the "emblematic hieroglyph" remains exclusively royal a privilege. A distinctive feature of the warlords was the title of origin – the name of the controlled area, for example, the yahawte of King Ak?e Yat-Uman, captured by the Pachan king "The Narrow-eyed Jaguar" I is called "the man from Vochal". However, in later retrospective texts, the princes could be endowed with an "emblematic hieroglyph", in particular, at step I of the Hieroglyphic Ladder 3 from Yashchilan, dated around 732, the capture of a certain K?an-Tok-Luk by the king of Pachan by a "Narrow-eyed Jaguar" II in 564 is mentioned ^{[19, p. 121]}, which is called Xukalnaah ? ajaw — "the Lord of Shukalnakh". But he could not be a king, because according to the inscription on Stele 7 from Lakankha, Ah-Vinik-..., who ruled until 600, reigned in 554.

The format of the princely titulature changed only at the beginning of the seventh century, when the princes began to actively use the "emblematic hieroglyph" along with the title of origin. The most textbook example is Panel 2 from Piedras Negras, which tells about the gathering of vassals by the Yokib king Itsam-K?an-Aq III in 658 to participate in the ritual of "taking the kohava" (a mosaic helmet of the Teotihuacan type associated with the power of the powerful Teotihuacan overlords from Central Mexico), which repeated the ritual of his predecessor Yat-Ak I in 510, when he accepted kohav from the "western calomte" (i.e., the king of Teotihuacan) ^{[5, pp. 104-106]}. Six vassals were summoned for the ceremony, they are depicted kneeling before the king, while all have "emblematic hieroglyphs" in their titles: 1) Muyal-Chan-K'avil, the lord of Ak?e, the only one who could be a king, since he has no title of origin and no other titles of nobility, and the name is very characteristic of the royal namesake; 2) Khush-Kab, a man from K?an, prince of Pa'chan; 3) Chanal-Chak-Chivo, naval commander (noh ?aj-payal jukuub — "the great canoe leader"), Lord of Shukalnakh; 4) Ah-Chak-Khol, a man from Saklakal, Lord of Shukalnakh; 5)...-k?ak?-K?uh-Patal?, a man from Kiha, lord of Shukalnakh; 6) Yich'aak-Paat, a man from Bubulkhi, Lord of Shukalnakh (PNG:Pan.2, A11–L16). As we can see, four representatives of the royal house of Shukalnakh participate in the ceremony at once, while three of them, in addition to the "emblem hieroglyph", have a title of origin, that is, they can be attributed specifically to the local princely nobility. The signatures to the three Shukalnakh lords correspond to the following scheme: name — title of origin — "emblem hieroglyph". 

A similar princely title is present on the "Chicago Altar", another monument of unknown origin, presented in the museum collection of the Art Institute in Chicago ^{[25, p. 18]}. The text on the monument is dedicated to the 6th anniversary of the reign of the local prince, which is described by the following passage on the side of the stone disk:

Fig. 5. "Chicago Altar", fragment of the inscription (drawing by A.V. Safronov).

(L) tzu-tza-ja (M) WAK-HAA?B-ya ?AJAW-le (N) [?u]-MAM ?a-ku (O) ch?a-JO?M-?AJAW(P) ?a-ku-lu pa-ti(Q) ?a-^[2]bu-lu-HA? (R) xu-ka-[la]-NAAH ?AJAW-wa – tzuhtz wak haa?b ?ajawlel [?u]-mam ?Ahk(ul) ch?ajo?m ?ajaw ?Ahkul Paat ?aj-Buhbulha? Xukalnaah ?ajaw — "over 6 years of his reign, his grandfather Akul, deteriorating drops lords Akull-Paata, the man from Bubuli, Lord Chukalina". The structure of the titulature of Akul Paat coincides with the examples in Panel 2 from Piedras Negras, he comes from the place of Bubulha and is related to the royal house of Shukalnakh. A similar title of origin is recorded with the name of Ichaak-Paat on Panel 2, and the same part of the name -Paat indicates exactly belonging to the same lineage, moreover, it is identical to the name of Prince ...-Paat, who installed Stele 1 from Ojos de Agua. In one of our works, we showed that the toponym Bubulha ? is associated with the verb bul ("to immerse in water, to drown, to wet"), and the doubling of the base is apparently an onomatopoeia of bubbling water (bul-bul), therefore, Bubulha ? is "gushing water" (i.e. spring), similar sources in the modern toponymy of the Maya region are often referred to by the term ojo de agua (Spanish) – "eye of water" ^{[2, p. 121]}. Consequently, the modern Spanish name of the archaeological site is the exact equivalent of the ancient toponym Bubulha. That is, according to the text on the Stele from Ojos de Agua, we can build the princely dynasty of Bubulha at least by the middle of the VI century.

However, the question of the dating of the "Chicago Altar" remains open, since there is no record of the date on the "long account" in the inscription, all events are tied to cyclic dates (tsolkin + haab), which are repeated every 52 years. According to N. Grube's assumption, the main date — the 6th anniversary of the reign of Akul-Paat, should be attributed to 670 ^{[25, p. 18]}, therefore his confirmation in power should have occurred in 664, and the inscription on the upper plane of the altar also reports the death of a certain Cheat in 641, and this date connected by an interval number with the celebration of the 6th anniversary of the board (Chicago Alt., A-G). In this case, Akul-Paat can be considered as the successor of Ichaak-Paat, mentioned under 658 on Panel 2 from Piedras Negras, but it is not at all clear who Chit is and how his death is connected with the rule of Akul-Pat. However, another dating is possible 52 years earlier, which relates the beginning of the reign of Akul-Pat to 612 and the 6th anniversary to 618, at that time his grandfather Akul, mentioned in block N, may well be associated with ...-Paat from Stele 1 of Ojos de Agua, especially since that the reading of the first part of the last name is unclear and it may contain the entry -Ahkul-. But what is more interesting, the date of Cheat's death with early dating falls on 589, just a year and a half after the installation of the Stele from Ojos de Agua, that is, it is possible that Cheat is one of the names of Akul Paat's grandfather. In this case, it turns out that after the reign of ...-Paat between 589 and 612, it was not his son who ruled in Bubulkha, but some usurper or protege of the king, and only then his grandson was able to regain power in the principality, associating himself with his grandfather's lineage. And Ichaak-Paat from Panel 2, with such a sequence of events, can be considered as the successor of Akul-Paat. Nevertheless, it is still impossible to make an unambiguous conclusion about the dating of the monument and the sequence of princes in the dynasty.  

We see that to ser. VII century. princes acquire attributes of power only slightly inferior to kings. Princes erect monuments, imitating kings, reflect their pedigree on them, use magnificent titles. Akul-Paat, in relation to the sphere of his authority, uses the term "royalty, dominion" (abstract essence), which is not yet on Stele 1 of Ojos de Agua, and the possession of the title "the lord scattering drops" indicates the privilege of performing rituals, similar to the "Brussels stele". The "emblematic hieroglyph" appears and is widely used both on their own monuments and in external mentions of princes, which became possible due to the adoption by the kings of the title k ? uhul ? ajaw — "sacred king" ^{[18, pp. 72-74]}, as a distinctive feature of the reigning personages from the most ancient and revered dynasties. Attention is drawn to the very fact of the presence at the court of King Jokib of the princes of another kingdom, which, according to the available mentions, was not officially in the vassalage of Jokib. In ser. VII century. the kingdom of Pachan after the military defeat at Yashun-Balam III became dependent on Yokib, which can explain the mention of one Pachan prince on Panel 2 of Piedras Negras. The kingdom of Shukalnakh traditionally entered the sphere of influence of the Pachan kings after 564 ^{[3, pp. 540-541]}, that is, formally it could also be considered dependent on Yokib. However, the four Shukalnakh princes at the court of the Jokib king are quite a lot to represent a small and remote kingdom, and we do not know of any other mention of the fact of the vassalage of Shukalnakh from Jokib. Therefore, here, most likely, we can talk about the independent transition of the Shukalnakh princes to the service of the new suzerain, especially taking into account the period of intra-dynastic struggle in the kingdom.

In the 640s, another dynastic crisis was observed in Shukalnakh, when, with the support of the Pachan king Yashun-Balam III, Vinakhab-tok came to power in 643-648 ^{[5, pp. 101-102]}, the history of whose accession is recorded on Panel 5 from Bonampak. The first part of the text tells about the vocation of the pretender to the throne to the king of Pachan in March 643 .:

Fig. 6. Bonampak, panel 5, fragment of the inscription (drawing by A.V. Safronov).

(H8) pe-ka-ja (H9) ju-JUH (I1) ch?a-jo-ma ?a-na-bi (J1) yi-ta-ji (K1) ?a-?USIIJ-WITZ (L1) ta-YAXUUN-BAHLAM (M1) PA?CHAN-?AJAW — pehkaj Juh ch?ajo?m ?ahnaab y-itaaj ?aj-?Usiijwitz ta Yaxuun Bahlam Pa?chan ?ajaw — "was called Hohhot, deteriorating drops anaab, he was accompanied by people from Usavich, to Jason-Balamu king Pachana". And further in the text it is reported that in May 643 he was crowned under the name Vinakhab-tok? (BPK:Pan.5, A1-E2). Thus, before the coronation, the future king had a very capacious name Juh (Iguana) and was called by the title ch ? ajo ? m ? ahnaab — "scattering drops of anaab" (a high court title, the exact etymology of which is still unclear, probably related to the construction and manufacture of monuments), he was "called" to the court the Pachan king to obtain the sanction for the reign "accompanied by people from Ushikhvitsa", where the toponym means the capital of the kingdom (i.e. arch. Bonampak monument). It is obvious that Huh was not the direct heir to the throne and most likely belonged to a side branch of the royal house, that is, his status was approaching princely, but he became king with the sanction of a powerful suzerain, the actual scene of the transfer of the royal armband, captured on the panel, was the main leitmotif of the monument's creation.

The general situation in the Western region in Con. VII — early VIII centuries confirms our assumptions. Against the background of the decline of the power of the Kanul power (the hegemon of the Maya world in the VII century), intense conflicts began between the largest kingdoms of the region and in the context of military victories, a large number of isolated mentions of small kingdoms that had never appeared in inscriptions before ^[29]. On the monuments from Yaxchilan, Piedras Negras, Palenque, Tonina, kings of Pe(pe)tuna, Anayte, Anake, Buktun, Kakhkal, Mamis, Hinakh, Nohol(?), Puva, Pomoya, Chakkuha and other kingdoms are recorded, which clearly represented small polities on the territory, which appeared precisely on the wave of decentralization the authorities in the region. However, some of these kingdoms even survived until the end of the VIII century, such as the kingdom of Pe (pe)tun — a small polity to the southwest of Piedras Negras. Initially, this place of Pe (pe)tun was founded by the king of Yokiba in 631 as a border fortress ^{[8, p. 187]}. But in 690-692, the Bakal king K?inich-K?an-Balam II seized this territory and created a dependent kingdom, enthroning Nikte-Mo ^{[8, p. 187-188]}, possibly a local prince. Then in 693, the troops of Tsar Popo (Tonin), Bakal's main rival, invade the region and subdue Pe (pe)tun to themselves, and Nikte—Mo swears allegiance to the new suzerain ^{[8, pp. 183-186]}. But literally three weeks later, as part of a coalition of local politicians, Nikte-Mo attacks another powerful neighbor — the kingdom of Saktsi (Lakankha-Tzeltal), where he is defeated and dies ^{[8, pp. 179-180]}. There is no doubt that in the Western region at the turn of the VII—VIII centuries, decentralization processes are actively underway, expressed in the fragmentation of the political structure, and it was the princely power that played an important role in this, enjoying a significant share of autonomy.

Formation of the rank of governors

At the same time, the inscriptions of Piedras Negras and Palenque begin to mention the Sahals, who occupy the position of privileged administrators, gradually displacing the princes from local government. Thus, in Palenque, on a stone stand for a memorial incense burner from Group J (IV) ^{[18, p. 100]}, the history of Bakhis-Uchikha from Sikab is recorded, who in 660 took the position of ti?sakhun (the court title of the keeper of the royal crown), but at the end of the inscription at the time of his death in 701, he is called the sahal of the king K?inich-Khanab-Pakala I ^{[18, pp. 99-100]}. It is irrelevant that in 660 Bakhis-Uchikh was already a sahal, since there is no report of his occupation of this position. Moreover, 2 years later, in December 662, the ritual of tying six sahals at once in yahavkaki (the highest military title in the kingdoms of the Western region) at the behest of K?inich-Hanab-Pakal I takes place, while all six are called sahals of Bakhis-Uchikha ^{[18, p. 100]}, which apparently was the "main sahal". It should be noted that the inscription does not emphasize the occupation of the sahal position — the court titles received are considered more prestigious, that is, the sahal positions are not an innovation, but rather have a lower rank status, which has now become mentioned in the inscriptions.

The combination of court positions by sahals is quite a characteristic feature for the Palenque region, for example, Chak-Sutz, known by the "Pallet of Slaves" in the 720s. He holds the positions of yahavkak, akhkuhun and sahal ^{[10, p. 224]}. Moreover, he is the only Sahal known to us who bore the title of baah ? ajaw — "chief ruler", which equates his status to a princely one ^{[18, pp. 87-88]}. From the settlement of Miraflores, to the west of Palenque, there is a series of Sakhalin monuments, one of which, dating from the 680s, depicts the sahal K?inich-Hanab-Pakal I, which is simultaneously named yahavkak ^[32].   And in the neighboring Pomona — the center of the kingdom of Pakbul, on the fragmented Panel 1, where the royal jubilee ritual of 771 is mentioned, the sahal of King Muyal-Hish-Chaak II, who bears the title of ti?sakhun, is depicted ^{[18, pp. 90-92]}. Such a combination of positions is much less common in inscriptions from the Upper Usumacinta region, and testifies in favor of greater consolidation of local and court nobility in the kingdoms of the Middle Usumacinta.

Among the six sahals listed on the stand for the incense burner from Palenque is the name of Yuk-Makabakhte, who also had the honor of being mentioned on the monumental lid of the sarcophagus of Kinich-Khanab-Pakal I in the tomb of the Temple of Inscriptions ^{[10, p. 223]}. The tomb with the sarcophagus was erected after the death of the tsar in 683, and S. Martin and N. Grube suggested that Sahal participated in the construction of the structure ^{[19, p. 165]}. This is quite curious, because the first mentions of sahals are not always associated with military events or court rituals, which will become traditional in the VIII century. For example, the earliest mention of synchronous sahala in Yaxchilan applies only to G. 723 stage IV Hieroglyphic stairway 3 of Yaxchilan, where it is reported about the lighting of the temple for Cocah Balam III, the text concludes with a passage: ?alay t?abaay ?u-k?aal ?u-cha?n K?an Suutz? Yaxuun sajal y-itaaj lajcha? pata(n) ?aj-tahnch?ee?n Kaajnib — "it says Here, ended his owner's place Can-Souza, Yasuna of sahala, [which] was accompanied by twelve [measures] tax people out of the land of Conib" (YAX:HS.3, step IV, B7-C4). That is, sahal carried out construction work for the tsar and, in addition, performed the function of accompanying taxes, although his title "master of the Khan-Sutz" should also indicate participation in military campaigns. It can be assumed that the Sahali initially performed the functions of ordinary administrators, providing communication between the court and the communities, but later they receive additional titles and privileges from the tsarist authorities.

Nevertheless, the entry on the front side of the Lintel 23 from Yashchilan testifies to the earlier existence of sahals in the kingdom of Pachan, there it is reported about the performance of the ritual by the main wife of Kokaah-Balam III Ish-Kabal-Shok in 724, and her pedigree is given — the names of her father and mother. The mother came from a noble, but not a royal family, since she bears the title "sacred woman", but without the "emblematic hieroglyph", but the father Nun-Kabal-Shok is named sahal from the place Hamalib (YAX:Lnt.23, E1-J1). That is, already in the 1st quarter of the VIII century. Sahali occupy an important place in the management system of the Vardan kingdom, and rise so high in the local hierarchy that the daughter of Sahal becomes a queen. This is probably the first case of such, usually kings preferred inter-dynastic marriages, and the second wife of Kokaah-Balam III just came from the powerful Kanul dynasty, but the place of the main wife was still occupied by the daughter of Sahal ^{[19, p. 126]}. History repeated itself with his successor Yashun-Balam IV (the son of the Kanul princess), who had four wives, two princesses from Ikea, one from the ancient dynasty of Hishwitz, but the heir was the son of the fourth wife Ish-Chak-Holom, daughter of Sahal ^{[19, p. 131]}.

There is no doubt that Sahali appear in the administrative management system long before the first mention in the inscriptions, only their status was significantly lower than in the VIII century. A rather important confirmation of this idea is a unique example of writing on the so-called "Randal Stele", the latest Sakhalin monument of unknown origin from the Bonampak region, dating from 864 ^{[26, pp. 190-191]}. It was made in honor of Balam-Chih-Ka?I-Chak-Masha, the sahal of the king of Sakts?i K?ab-Chante IV, who is named:

Fig. 7. "Randal's Stele", fragment of the inscription (drawing by S. Martin).

(H4) WAXAKLAJU ? N-tz ? a–ka (I1) bu-li (I2) sa-ja-la – huklaju ? n tz ? akbuul sajal — "the 18th successor (in the lineage) of Sahals". This formula has traditionally been used to indicate the ordinal number of the king in the dynasty from its founder, but in the Sakhalin texts such a formula is usually not found ^{[16, pp. 37-38]}.  But the generation count, as we can see, was also conducted in the Sakhalin lineage, and in this case, the "18th successor" in the ser. The IX century means that the approximate time of the foundation of this lineage from Saktsii should be dated to the boundary of the V–VI centuries much earlier than the mentions of sahals appear in the texts, but at the same time it coincides in time with the first mentions of the kingdom of Saktsii itself (currently associated with the arch. Lakankha-Tzeltal monument).

In Piedras Negras, the first synchronous mention of sahals dates back to 686, when the so-called "Helmut Panel" reports the death of K?an-Shok, the sahal of King Itsam-K?an-Aka III, who is also depicted on the monument next to the king in the ceremony of "decorating with kohav" received from his suzerain King Kanul, and this is the earliest of such compositions ^{[10, p. 219]}. However, there are several retrospective mentions of sahals, so the famous Panel 1 from the Dumbarton Oaks (Washington) collection, originating from a certain place near Piedras Negras, tells the story of sahal Chak-Tok-Tun-Ak-Chamay, who lived at the turn of the VII–VIII century. According to the inscription, he was born in 649 and was the son of Sahal Mo-Cho(x)-Ak-Chamai, while the monument was erected only in 733 at the consecration of his tomb. It is noteworthy that the names of both include a kind of generic name "Ak-Chamai", which was transmitted in the framework of this Sakhalin lineage ^{[7, pp. 75-78]}.

In the ancient settlement of El Cayo, another Sakhalin center to the southeast of Piedras Negras, located on the banks of the Usumacinta and in ancient times called Yashnil, an Altar 4 was discovered in 1993. It is known from the inscription on it that this jubilee monument was erected in 731 by Sahal Ah-Yash-Vayab-Kutim, who was born in 664 ^{[21, pp. 113-115]}. However, unlike Chak-Tok-Tun-Ak-Chamay, the father of Ah-Yash-Wayab-Kutim, who bore the name of Ochnal-Kutim, is simply called "a man from Yashnil" and is not given the title of sahal. Moreover, the mother of Ah-Yash-Wayab-K?utim is named k ? uhul ? ixik ? Ix Huu ? nab? ajaw — "sacred woman, Princess Hunaba", which should indicate her origin from some minor royal family, although we do not find such an "emblematic hieroglyph" anywhere else. But the very fact of the appearance of this title in the inscription at this time well illustrates our idea of splitting the territorial and political organization of the Western Lowlands into the 2nd floor. VII . It is important that the Sahali in the VIII century rarely married women of royal blood, the rank of sahal did not allow to formalize such a union. And this suggests that Ochnal-Kutim was most likely the prince of Yashnil and only his son received the title of sahal as a result of the unification of the management system in the kingdom of Yokib. In the future, the status of the sahals of Yashnil due to the origin of the lineage was higher than that of their colleagues, because the successor of Ah-Yash-Wayab-Kutim, Ah-Yah-Sinam-Kutim, known from the inscriptions on the "Cleveland Panel" and Panel 1 from El-Kayo also marries the "sacred woman of Yuk-Cheån, a woman from Khob," that is, a representative of some princely family. This is very similar to the union of the prince's parents from the "Brussels Stele", which we discussed above, but ordinary Sahali did not conclude such marriages.

An indirect confirmation of the possibility of the princely family to move to the rank of sakhals is the history of the governor, recorded on Panel 1 of Lakankha. The text reports that in 743, Ah-Sak-Teles, who is called ? aj-Xukalnaah — "a man from Shukalnah" sits in the sahalstvo ^{[2, pp. 127-128]}, here the toponym means arch. Lakankha Monument is the ancient capital of the kingdom of Shukalnakh. Further, in 746, he erected a jubilee monument, while calling himself the sahal of King Ak?e and Shukalnakh of the "Narrow-Eyed Jaguar" III ^{[18, pp. 97-98]}, and, importantly, in his titulature there is ? ahnaab ch ? ajo ? m — "anab, scattering drops" (LAC:Pan.1, C2-D3), while his father Sahal Yonal-Balam (LAC:Pan.1, E-I), that is, it is not a personal title, but a hereditary one. By the way, a similar title was worn by the Huh of Ushikhvitz from Panel 5 of Bonampak in 643, which is considered as a sign of princely rank. A few years later in 748, according to another inscription on the Lintel 3 from Bonampak, Ah-Sak-Teles won the internal political struggle, captured the commander of the "Narrow-Eyed Jaguar" III and took the throne of Shukalnakh and Ak?e, at least this is how his son Yahav-Chan-Muvan II represents it in his texts after 776 G., when he inherited his father's throne ^{[18, p. 98]}. At first glance, this is a unique situation when Sakhal occupies the royal throne, but if we assume that he also came from an old princely family that sat in the ancient capital of Shukalnakh, who took the title of Sakhal, but retained the princely titles, then he had every reason to occupy the throne of Shukalnakh, especially considering that the "Narrow-Eyed Jaguar" III was also a visiting king from the place of Patal, and a protege of the powerful king Saktsii K?inich-K?ab-Chante III ^{[2, pp. 127-128]}.

Another confirmation of our idea is the mention of the nobility from the Shukalnakh possession of Saklakal, so in 658, as we have shown above, the prince from Saklakal Ah-Chak-Khol appeared as one of the six vassals of King Jokib on Panel 2 of Piedras Negras. Later in 689, the Saklakal prince Ah-Sak-Yichiy-Pat fought against the king of Pachan Kokaah-Balam III and was captured, as reported by Lintel 44 from Yashchilan ^{[2, p. 125]}. And even earlier, Panel 5 from Bonampak mentions ? aj-jukuub (naval commander) from Saklakal ^{[5, pp. 100-101]}, that is, in the VII century. there is no indication of the presence of the Sakhalin authorities in this place. The inscription on the "Stendhal panel", another non-localized monument from the Bonampak region, reports that the sahal of the Shukalnakh king K?inich-Chak-Chikha Vitiy-Pan, made it in 723 for the tomb of his deceased relative Kai-Pan, who is called "the man from Saklakal" ^{[5, p. 130]}. At the same time, Kai-Pan is named with the title "scattering drops on the first 20th anniversary" (Stendahl Pan., D7-D9), by the way, similar to the father of the protagonist of the "Brussels Stele" at the end of the VI century, but he does not have a Sahal title, so perhaps we are talking about Sahal's brother. The presence of the title "scattering drops" again indicates the nobility of the origin of this Sakhalin family, and in this regard, it can be assumed that the Saklakal princely house at the turn of the VII–VIII century passed into the Sakhalin rank, but retained a number of its traditional privileges.

ConclusionThe system of local government in the Maya kingdoms of the Western region underwent a rather significant transformation during the late classical period.

It began to take shape gradually at the turn of the V–VI centuries. as the territories of the Western kingdoms were formed, where military leaders–Yahavte could act as the first administrators. They gave rise to princely lineage, in which power in the areas under their control was inherited. They were probably related to the royal house, and the set of powers included the possibility of worship, the installation of their own monuments, military command, the use of an "emblematic hieroglyph", in some cases the princes held high positions at the royal court. However, in parallel, the rank of lower administrators – sakhals, who could be responsible for communication with the community, collect taxes, organize labor work by community members, but their status did not allow them to be recorded in hieroglyphic tests. By the middle of the seventh century. as the princes acquired more and more powers, tendencies to their separatism manifested themselves, expressed in disobedience to the tsarist authorities, in the transition to the service of neighboring tsars, and finally in attempts to usurp power or secede and create their own independent royal houses. On the other hand, the tsarist government strove for greater centralization of the management system, therefore, from the 760s, sahals began to come to the fore, who received significant powers similar to princely ones, but with a lesser degree of independence, in particular, there was no automatic transfer of Sahal's power by inheritance, but required royal sanction. The most important thing is that it is from this moment that the Sahali are awarded the right to be mentioned in inscriptions and to erect their monuments.

At the same time, the role of the governors in the western kingdoms varied somewhat, in Bakal, where the process of the rise of the sahals was associated with the formation of a new elite around Kinich-Khanab-Pakal I, they were endowed with traditional court titles and became part of the royal court, thus, the regional administration was actually consolidated with the central apparatus. In Jokib and Pachan, on the contrary, already at the turn of the VII–VIII century, the existence of the Sakhalin lineage is emphasized, which are concentrated in their own administrative centers around Piedras Negras and Yashchilan, and as a rule, the Sahali were separated from the royal administration itself. In the kingdoms of Upper Usumacinta, the influence of the local princely power is leveled in the military-political struggle with the tsar and in many cases the status of princes could be lowered to the Sakhalin rank in order to integrate into a unified management system, which is especially noticeable on the example of regional rulers from the Bonampak district, but the Sakhalin lineage in this case retain some of their traditional princely privileges. By the end of the VIII century, the possessions of the Sahal governors became predominant in the internal territorial and administrative organization of the largest and a number of small kingdoms of the Usumasinta Valley, allowing the establishment of a centralized management system. The power of the sahals within the kingdom is noticeably strengthened, the lineages receive significant privileges, the flesh up to the right to marry into the royal house, and the sahals as a whole constitute a special rank in the hierarchical structure of the state, which served as the social support of the royal power. Nevertheless, the princely power does not disappear completely, and even at the end of the VIII century. there are monuments of semi-independent local rulers of princely rank.