The Image of the Enemy in German Military Songs of the World War II Period: Propaganda Discourse and Ideological Constructs

Leksyutin Andrei Vladimirovich Student; P.P. Ershov Ishim Pedagogical Institute (branch) of Tyumen State University; Tyumen State University 627750, Russia, Tyumenskaya obl., g. Ishim, ul. Lenina, d. 1 stud0000307441@utmn.ru Other publications by this author     Ivanov Konstantin Sergeevich Senior Lecturer; P.P. Ershov Ishim Pedagogical Institute (branch) of Tyumen State University; Tyumen State University Tyumen region, Ishim, Lenin St., 1 ko.s.ivanov@utmn.ru Other publications by this author     Ivanova Alena Sergeevna Graduate student; School of Education; Tyumen State University Tyumenskaya oblast', g. Ishim, ul. Lenina, d. 1 al.s.ivanova@utmn.ru Other publications by this author     Den'zhov Artem Anatol'evich Student; P.P. Yershov Ishim Pedagogical Institute (branch) of Tyumen State University Tyumenskaya oblast', g. Ishim, ul. Lenina, d. 1 stud0000307403@study.utmn.ru Other publications by this author     Krivolapov Andrei Dmitrievich Bachelor's degree; P.P. Ershov Ishim Pedagogical Institute (branch) 'Tyumen State University'; Tyumen State University 1 Lenin St., Ishim, Tyumen region, 627750 stud0000312251@study.utmn.ru

Samofalova Sofiya Artyomovna Bachelor's degree; P.P. Ershov Ishim Pedagogical Institute (branch) 'Tyumen State University'; Tyumen State University 1 Lenin St., Ishim, Tyumen region, 627750, Russia stud0000341090@study.utmn.ru

Theoretical framework: the language of totalitarianism and the image of the enemy
One of the key concepts used in the study of Nazi discourse is "totalitarian language." As D. Weiss showed in one of his articles, the Nazi system was based on the principles of linguistic extremism, axiological polarization and phraseological coherence ^{[2, pp. 25-56]}. Weiss notes that Nazi propaganda is characterized by "superlatives", "intensifiers" and stable formulas that "show the extreme of the scale" — for example, successes unique in world history, great times unheard of in history, and ruthless energy ^{[2, pp. 27-28]}. These techniques were also actively used in songs, where the enemy was presented in an exaggeratedly negative light, and one's own strength was presented as absolute goodness.
The concept of totalitarian language dates back to Victor Klemperer's work "LTI. The Language of the Third Reich" (1947), in which a German philologist who survived the years of the Nazi dictatorship systematized observations on the everyday language of the Third Reich. Klemperer showed that the Nazi language was not just a set of propaganda cliches; it penetrated into all spheres of communication, forming a special way of thinking. Words and expressions that were perceived as neutral before 1933 acquired an ideological burden. Klemperer called this phenomenon "LTI"—Lingua Tertii Imperii, "the language of the Third Reich." His work became the methodological basis for subsequent studies of totalitarian discourse, including the concept of D. Weiss.
S. Berenbeck, in a study on the "Hitler brand", showed how Nazi propaganda used modern marketing methods to promote the image of the Fuhrer ^{[13, pp. 58-72]}. This approach applies to songs as well.: they were not just an ideological tool, but also a kind of "product" that was promoted in the mass culture market. The songs of the Wehrmacht had their own "design" (melody, rhythm, chorus), their own "packaging" (collections, radio broadcasts, concerts), their own "target audience" (soldiers, civilians). Their success was determined not only by their ideological loyalty, but also by their ability to please the masses.
Axiological polarization was of particular importance for the formation of the enemy's image — the division of the world into "one's own" and "someone else's" with a clear assessment: everything "one's own" is positive, everything "alien" is negative. In Nazi propaganda, this manifested itself in labeling, splitting concepts (for example, international — negatively, national — positively) and monopolizing key terms such as Fuhrer (leader) or Volk (people) ^{[2, pp. 30-31]}. Songs, as the genre most accessible to the masses, became an ideal vehicle for these attitudes.
Klemperer noted that in the Nazi language "every day brought new words, new turns, new forms of address" ^{[16, p. 45]}. Language became a weapon, and song became one of its most effective forms. In the songs, the axiological polarization reached the utmost clarity: "friends" are always right, noble, courageous; "strangers" are always treacherous, cruel, cowardly. This binary scheme did not allow for semitones and excluded the possibility of sympathy for the enemy.
E. M. Malysheva, analyzing the ideological confrontation between the USSR and Nazi Germany, emphasizes that "in Soviet propaganda, all available technologies and mechanisms for mobilizing forces to repel aggression are becoming intensive, and the content and process of forming the image of the enemy and the meanings of opposing him are further developing" ^{[4, p. 148]}. A similar process took place in Germany: the image of the enemy was not just a reflection of reality, but a consciously constructed ideology that served to unite the nation and justify aggression.
Malysheva describes in detail the mechanisms of hatred of the enemy in the USSR, noting that Soviet propaganda used "identical forms" to achieve opposite goals ^{[4, p. 150]}. This observation is important for our research.: It shows that totalitarian regimes, despite their ideological opposites, used similar methods of manipulating mass consciousness. Songs were one of those universal instruments.
N. M. Pogrebnaya and A. A. Anikeev introduce the concept of "ethnotrauma" as a method of constructing the image of the enemy. They show how Nazi propaganda mythologized the defeat of Germany in World War I and the Treaty of Versailles, turning them into a "stab in the back" inflicted by Jews and Marxists ^{[5, pp. 70-72]}. This myth became the basis for creating the image of an external enemy that threatens not only the state, but also the very essence of the German nation. In the songs, this theme is actively developing, painting the enemy as the destroyer of the German spirit.
The concept of ethnotrauma dates back to the psychological theories of collective trauma developed at the end of the 20th century. Ethnotrauma is a trauma experienced by an entire nation and becomes the basis for the formation of national identity through the opposition "we — they". Nazi propaganda exploited this trauma, turning it into a mobilization tool. The songs dedicated to the "injustice of Versailles" and "betrayal of the home front" were not just propaganda; they appealed to the real emotions of millions of Germans, for whom the defeat in the First World War and the subsequent crisis were a personal trauma.
S. V. Svechnikova, in her work on the image of the communist enemy, notes that "the National Socialists were characterized by a specific interpretation of the so-called "Bolshevik-Jewish-Masonic" question. The National Socialists combined these three heterogeneous phenomena, considering them something like a multi-headed hydra with a common body" ^{[7, p. 43]}. This observation is important for understanding the image of the enemy in the songs: the enemy has always been presented as part of a single conspiracy aimed at the destruction of Germany. Communism, Jewry, plutocracy, Freemasonry—all these were just different "heads" of the same "monster."
S. Y. Krupskaya, analyzing the formation of the image of the enemy in German foreign policy, emphasizes that "the image of the external enemy of National Socialist Germany was based on a psycho-emotional component that relied on the mass consumer in accordance with "Mein Kampf"" ^{[8, p. 49]}. The scientific and intellectual components were minimized, which resulted in "simplifying the process of information processing of the population through the introduction of ready-made stereotyped images to the masses" ^{[8, p. 49]}. Songs, as the most accessible and emotionally intense genre, perfectly matched this setup.
A. M. Ermakov, examining the image of Great Britain in Goebbels' propaganda, shows that "Nazi propaganda under the leadership of Goebbels formed extremely negative ideas about the British elite among Germans" ^{[6, p. 75]}. The top of British society was accused of "shameless and merciless exploitation of their own people and the peoples of the colonies," and parliamentary democracy was interpreted as "a form of political domination by a wealthy minority" ^{[6, p. 75]}. These same theses were broadcast in songs where the British "plutocrats" and "Jews" acted as the main culprits of the war.
Thus, the theoretical basis of the study includes several interrelated concepts: totalitarian language (V. Klemperer, D. Weiss), axiological polarization (D. Weiss), ethnotrauma (N. M. Pogrebnaya, A. A. Anikeev), psycho-emotional impact (S. Y. Krupskaya), demonization of the enemy (A.M. Ermakov). All these concepts are applied to the analysis of song material, which makes it possible to identify the specifics of the song as a propaganda genre. .

Musicological aspects of song as a propaganda genre
A song as a synthetic genre represents a unity of poetic text, melody, rhythmic structure and performance practice. It was this unity that ensured the exceptional effectiveness of the song's impact on the mass consciousness. Let's look at the main musicological parameters that were used by Nazi propaganda to achieve their goals.
Rhythmic organization. The vast majority of Wehrmacht war songs are written in 2/4 or 4/4 size with a clear marching rhythm. The marching rhythm performed a double function: on the one hand, it synchronized the movement of the columns (the song accompanied the marching step), on the other, it created a psychological effect of unity, collective action. The rhythm of the march itself is a powerful means of suggestive influence, subordinating individual consciousness to collective consciousness. A typical example is the song "Von Finnland bis zum Schwarzen Meer", where the marching rhythm emphasizes the idea of an inescapable offensive against the "red danger".
The marching rhythm has ancient roots: even in ancient armies, rhythmic movement to music was used to maintain discipline and morale. In Modern times, marching music has become an integral part of military culture. However, Nazi propaganda gave the marching rhythm a new quality.: He became not just an accompaniment to the movement, but an independent means of ideological influence. The rhythm of the march created a sense of inevitability, strength, and unity. He "hammered" the idea of superiority into the subconscious of listeners.
Melodic structure. An analysis of the melodies shows that they are usually based on simple diatonic moves with a narrow range (within an octave), which made them accessible to non-professional singers. The melody is often repeated in different stanzas with minimal changes, which corresponds to the principle of "hammering repetition" formulated by Goebbels ^{[1, p. 207]}. The melodic simplicity made it easy to memorize and reproduce, and also made it possible to perform a song in a building environment where there was no possibility for complex intonation.
From the point of view of musicology, the melodies of the war songs of the Wehrmacht can be divided into several types. The first type is fanfare melodies based on quarter-fifth movements associated with trumpet signals. These melodies create a sense of solemnity and military might. The second type is song melodies with smooth, steady movement, close to a folk song. They provide ease of execution and memorization. The third type is marching melodies with a clear rhythmic pattern and repetitive motifs. They create the effect of an inescapable movement.
Fret features. Most of the songs are written in major keys, which creates a sense of confidence, strength, and victory. Minor keys are used less frequently, as a rule, to convey gloomy, tragic moods. For example, in the song "Bolschewist im Morgenrot" ("The Bolshevik at dawn") the minor coloring gives an ominous shade, corresponding to the image of the enemy as the bearer of death. In the song "Ich hatt' einen Kameraden" ("I had a comrade"), dedicated to the memory of the fallen, minor conveys sorrow and solemnity.
The fret organization of songs is also related to their propaganda function. Major keys are associated with "their own" — strong, confident, victorious. Minor keys — with "alien" ones — gloomy, threatening, doomed. This binary opposition of major and minor reinforces the axiological polarization underlying Nazi propaganda.
The "singing choir" form. Many of the songs are based on the Vorsänger — Chor (soloist-singer — choir) principle. The soloist performs a verse, and the chorus picks up the chorus. This form, which dates back to folklore tradition and Lutheran chant, created the effect of collective unity: each soldier felt like a part of the whole. In addition, the chorus-chorus form made it possible to vary the text of the verses (adding new stanzas about specific events), while keeping the chorus— the ideological core of the song, unchanged. It was the chorus with its simple, catchy melody and key ideologems ("Gegen Engeland", "Wir fahren gegen Engeland") that became the main carrier of propaganda content.
The "singing choir" form has a long history in German musical culture. It goes back to the tradition of Wechselgesang (alternating singing), common in folk and church music. The Lutheran chorale, in which the community took up the chorus after the soloist, became a model for many military songs. Nazi propaganda deliberately used this familiar form to make songs perceived as "their own", "folk", and not as imposed from above.
The role of the chorus as an ideological core. The chorus in the war songs of the Third Reich served a function similar to a slogan: it had to be remembered, cut into consciousness, become part of the collective unconscious. Choruses such as "Wir fahren gegen Engeland" or "Von Finnland bis zum Schwarzen Meer" are based on simple, easy-to-remember formulas with a clear rhythm and repetitive melody. The repeated repetition of the chorus after each verse is the musical equivalent of the propaganda principle of "hammering repetition."
From a psychological point of view, the repetitive chorus creates the effect of "getting stuck" in the mind. The melody and the words of the chorus begin to sound in the head even against the will of the person. This effect, known as the "earworm" (Ohrwurm), was actively used by Nazi propaganda. The songs that the soldiers sang in the ranks continued to resound in their minds even after the end of the march, forming stable ideological attitudes.
Instrumental accompaniment and performance practice. Military songs were performed both a cappella (in formation) and accompanied by a brass band. The brass band (Militärmusik) was an integral part of the Wehrmacht's military culture. Brass instruments gave the song solemnity and power, while percussion emphasized the marching rhythm. Fanfare inserts (Fanfaren) served a signaling function, being associated with military glory and heroics. It is important to note that the timbre of a brass band is ideologically loaded in itself: it is associated with military might, a parade, and state solemnity.
The brass band in Nazi Germany was not just a musical group, but a symbol of military might and state solemnity. Military parades, party congresses, and mass events were all accompanied by brass music. The songs performed by the brass band were perceived as part of the state ritual, which gave them additional weight and authority.
The connection between melody and text. In some cases, the melody and the text were in a semantic correspondence relationship. So, in the song "Ostwärts" ("To the East"), the melody has a progressive, "offensive" movement, which corresponds to the content — movement to the East, the conquest of living space. In the song "Bolschewist im Morgenrot" ("The Bolshevik at Dawn") the minor coloring gives a gloomy, ominous tone, corresponding to the image of the enemy as the bearer of death.
The connection between melody and text is one of the central problems of musical semantics. In the war songs of the Wehrmacht, this connection is often based on the principle of word painting (onomatopoeia), when the melody imitates the movement referred to in the text. For example, in the song "Panzer rollen in Afrika vor" ("Tanks roll across Africa"), the melody has a repetitive, "rolling" rhythm that mimics the movement of tanks. In the song "Bomben auf Engelland" ("Bombs on England") The melody has "falling" intonations, imitating falling bombs.
Genre origins . Wehrmacht war songs are genetically linked to several traditions: 1) soldier's songs of the First World War (Soldatenlieder); 2) songs of the Wandervogellieder youth movement, from which many melodies were borrowed; 3) NSDAP and SA battle songs, primarily Horst-Wessel-Lied, which became a role model; 4) German folk songs (Volkslieder), which the Nazis actively adapted, replacing love and landscape lyrics with military and political ones. This genetic layering allowed the songs to be simultaneously perceived as "folk" (which gave them legitimacy) and as "modern" (which ensured their relevance).
Horst-Wessel-Lied holds a special place in the history of Nazi song propaganda. This song, written in 1929, became the official national anthem of the NSDAP and in fact the second (along with Deutschlandlied) anthem of the Third Reich. Her melody, borrowed from a popular song, and her simple, catchy lyrics made her a model for all subsequent Nazi songs. Many war songs of the Wehrmacht were created according to the Horst-Wessel-Lied model: a simple rhythm, a repetitive chorus, verses glorifying heroism and self-sacrifice.
Collective performance as a ritual. Performing a song in formation was not just a musical act, but a ritual that formed a collective identity. Synchronous movement, synchronous singing, a single rhythm — all this created what in Nazi ideology was called the Volksgemeinschaft (people's community). The song was an instrument for turning an individual into a part of the mass, and the masses into an instrument of political will. As S. Berenbek notes, "singing in the ranks was one of the most effective means of creating a sense of camaraderie and devotion" ^{[13, p. 64]}. This musicological and anthropological aspect cannot be ignored when analyzing the propaganda function of the song.
The anthropological aspect of collective singing deserves special attention. Synchronized singing activates the mechanisms of social imitation and empathy, creating a sense of unity with the group. In the conditions of the military system, this feeling was enhanced by physical synchronous movement. The soldiers marching and singing together did not feel like individuals, but part of a single organism. This condition, known in psychology as "collective flow," was used by Nazi propaganda to foster devotion and self-sacrifice.
The specifics of the songs of individual branches of the armed forces. The songs of tankers (Panzerlieder), pilots (Fliegerlieder), sailors (Marinelieder) had their own specifics, reflecting the characteristics of the respective branch of the armed forces. Tankers' songs often had a fast, "rolling" rhythm that mimicked the movement of tanks. The pilots' songs featured "soaring" melodies and lyrics celebrating heaven and freedom. The sailors' songs had a calmer, "undulating" rhythm and lyrics related to the sea and distant countries. This differentiation allowed each branch of the armed forces to feel its identity, remaining part of a common whole.
The evolution of the song repertoire during the war. The repertoire of military songs did not remain unchanged. In the initial period of the war (1939-1941), optimistic, "victorious" songs glorifying the offensive and conquest prevailed. During the Battle of Stalingrad (1942-1943), darker, "defensive" songs appeared, glorifying perseverance and self-sacrifice. In the last period of the war (1944-1945), more and more songs were dedicated to "heroic death" and "loyalty to the end." This evolution reflects changes in propaganda attitudes and attitudes of the population.
Thus, the song as a synthetic genre used all the means available to it — rhythm, melody, form, timbre, performance practice — to achieve a propaganda effect. An analysis of the poetic text alone, without taking into account the musical component, would be incomplete and would not allow explaining the exceptional effectiveness of the song effect.

The main directions of anti-British propaganda in songs
Britain occupied a special place in Nazi rhetoric. As A. M. Ermakov shows in the study "The Image of Great Britain in the propaganda of Joseph Goebbels", the Nazi Minister of Propaganda distinguished three stages of constructing the image of the British enemy: the accusation of "encirclement" and incitement to war, the emphasis on "terrorist" bombing of German cities and, finally, linking England with Bolshevism ^{[6, pp. 70-72]}. These stages are directly reflected in the songs.
The first stage (1939 — summer 1940) was characterized by accusations of England unleashing the war. Goebbels argued that the "British warmongers" and the "Jewish-plutocratic ruling stratum" of Great Britain were responsible for the new world conflict. As Ermakov notes, as early as September 20, 1939, the American correspondent in Berlin, W. Shearer, wrote in his diary that the German people were "in furious numbers" stuffed with propaganda "claiming that Britain is the only culprit of the war" ^{[6, p. 71; 9, p. 203]}. The songs of this period actively broadcast this thesis.
The second stage (summer 1940 — summer 1941) was associated with the bombing of German cities. Goebbels used the airstrikes to demonize the British, calling them "aerial bandits," "child killers," and "barbarians." In the songs of this period, motives of retribution and hatred for the "insidious enemy" appear.
The third stage (from the summer of 1941) was characterized by an emphasis on British cooperation with the Soviet Union. Goebbels claimed that Britain had "betrayed Europe" by entering into an alliance with the Bolsheviks. In the songs of this period, anti-British motifs are combined with anti-Soviet ones, creating the image of a single "global conspiracy" against Germany.
The song "Gegen Engeland" ("Against England") contains the lines:
"Wir fahren gegen Engeland, / Das ganze Volk steht in der Hand / Der Juden und der Plutokraten" — "We are marching on England, the whole nation is in the hands of Jews and plutocrats" ^{[11, l. 12-13]}.
Here we see a direct identification of the English ruling class with Jewry and plutocracy, a technique that Goebbels actively used in his articles. Ermakov quotes Goebbels: "The British, although they are Aryans, are in fact very close to Jews" ^{[6, p. 74]}. The song "Churchill und Roosevelt" goes even further, portraying both leaders as puppets of world Jewry.:
"Churchill und Roosevelt, das ist das Judenpack, / Sie führen die Völker in den Untergang" — "Churchill and Roosevelt are a Jewish pack, they lead nations to destruction" ^{[11, l. 27-28]}.
The principle of demonization is used here — the enemy is not just strong, he is endowed with supernatural evil. This technique, as Ermakov notes, was used to justify "aerial terror" and the lynching of downed pilots ^{[6, p. 73]}. W. Shirer in his "Berlin Diary" records how German propaganda methodically inspired the population with the idea that "England is the only culprit of the war" ^{[9, p. 203]}. The songs broadcast the same setup in an accessible, emotionally intense form.
Another group of songs emphasizes the "treachery" and "hypocrisy" of the British. The song "Die Wacht am Kanal" ("Guards on the Canal") contrasts the "chivalrous" style of warfare of the Germans with the "vile" English method:
"Sie kämpfen nicht wie Ritter, / Sie morden nur im Dunkeln" — "They do not fight chivalrously, they kill only in the dark" ^{[11, l. 19]} .
This echoes Goebbels' thesis that "Germany is waging war by pure means and chivalrously," while the British are "barbarians" and "murderers of women and children" ^{[6, pp. 73-74]}. A. Hitler in his "Table conversations" repeatedly returned to the topic of "English treachery", contrasting his "German directness" ^{[10, p. 234]}. The songs reinforced this stereotype in the mass consciousness, making it a part of the everyday language and thinking of soldiers.
The song "Bomben auf Engelland" ("Bombs on England") is the most striking example of a propaganda song directed against Great Britain. Its text contains direct threats against English cities.:
"Bomben auf Engelland, / Bomben auf Engelland, / Wir kommen über Nacht, / Und haben keine Ruh, / Bis England liegt in Trümmern" — "Bombs on England, bombs on England, we will come at night and will not rest until England is in ruins" ^{[11, l. 24-25]}.
This song was created in 1940, at the height of the "Battle of Britain", and reflected hopes for an early victory over Britain. Her melody has a marching, "offensive" character, and the chorus is repeated many times, creating the effect of inevitable retribution.
The song "Das Engellandlied" ("Song about England") it contains a more detailed picture of the "treacherous Albion":
"England, du hast es so gewollt, / Du hast den Krieg entfacht, / Nun kommt die Vergeltung, /Die wir dir zugedacht" — "England, you wanted this yourself, you started the war, now the retribution that we have prepared for you will come" ^{[11, l. 31]}.
Here, the method of addressing the enemy is used — a rhetorical figure in which the poet or speaker addresses the enemy directly, accusing him and threatening him. This technique creates a dialogue effect, involving the listener in actively condemning the enemy.
The song "Wir fahren gegen Engelland" ("We are going to England") It became one of the most popular songs of the Wehrmacht. Her text combines maritime themes (references to ships, waves, and wind) with anti-British rhetoric.:
"Wir fahren gegen Engelland, /Wir fahren gegen Engelland, / Und wenn wir auch zugrunde gehn, / Wir fahren gegen Engelland" — "We are going to England, we are going to England, and even if we die, we are going to England" ^{[11, l. 12-13]}.
This song expresses readiness for self-sacrifice in the name of victory over the enemy. The motif "we will die, but we will fulfill our duty" is characteristic of Nazi propaganda, which glorified heroic death as the highest value.
The evolution of anti-British motifs in the songs of 1939-1945. In the initial period of the war (1939-1940), anti-British songs were optimistic, confident of an early victory. During the "Battle of Britain" (1940-1941), motives of retribution and hatred appeared. After the outbreak of the war with the USSR (1941), the anti-British theme somewhat receded into the background, giving way to the anti-Soviet one. However, in 1944-1945, when the Anglo-American bombing of Germany reached its peak, anti-British songs became relevant again, acquiring a darker, tragic character.

The Image of the Soviet enemy: from "Bolshevik chaos" to "Untermensch"
The Soviet Union was initially positioned as the main enemy of Nazi ideology. As S. V. Svechnikova notes, "already at the very beginning of his political career, Adolf Hitler declared Soviet Russia his enemy No. 1, and the NSDAP presented itself to the German public as a staunch and principled fighter against communism and Bolshevism" ^{[7, p. 42]}. In the songs, this image is constructed through several key leitmotifs.
The first leitmotif: the enemy as the destroyer of civilization. The song "Russlandlied" ("Russian song") It paints a picture of chaos and barbarism:
"Wo der Bolschewist regiert, /Da ist alles zerstört, / Da brennt das Land, da fließt das Blut" — "Where the Bolshevik rules, everything is destroyed, the earth is burning, blood is flowing" ^{[11, l. 8]}.
The metaphor of illness is used here — Bolshevism is compared to the plague or poison, which is typical of Nazi propaganda. Svechnikova notes that "concepts or symbols were actively used: a star, a sickle and a hammer, as well as the color red," and communism was often identified with a Jewish conspiracy ^{[7, p. 44]}. In the song "Bolschewist im Morgenrot" ("The Bolshevik at Dawn") this connection is conducted directly:
"Der Bolschewist, der rote Jud, / Der bringt das Verderben" — "The Bolshevik, the red Jew, brings destruction" ^{[11, l. 15]}.
The second leitmotif: the enemy as a "subhuman" (Untermensch). The concept of "untermensch" was central to racial doctrine. In the song "Ostwärts" ("To the East") it is sung:
"Wir ziehen gegen den Untermensch, / Der uns den Lebensraum raubt" — "We are going against the subhuman who steals our living space" ^{[11, l. 22]}.
Malysheva quotes from the pamphlet "Subhuman", issued for soldiers: "Russians are not a people in the conventional sense of the word, but a rabble that shows pronounced animal features" ^{[4, p. 155]}. The songs conveyed the same message, stripping the enemy of his human form.
The third leitmotif is the enemy as an aggressor threatening Europe. The song "Von Finnland bis zum Schwarzen Meer" ("From Finland to the Black Sea") creates an image of an offensive against the "Asian horde":
"Von Finnland bis zum Schwarzen Meer / Steht Deutschland gegen die rote Gefahr" — "From Finland to the Black Sea, Germany stands against the red danger" ^{[11, l. 5-6]}.
Here, the enemy is portrayed as a flood, a natural disaster that must be stopped. This corresponds to Goebbels' statement that Germany is the "bulwark of European civilization" against Bolshevik barbarism ^{[6, p. 76]}.
The fourth leitmotif: the enemy as "Asian", "Mongol", "barbarian". The songs often emphasize the "Asian" character of the Soviet enemy. The song "Panzerjägerlied" ("The Song of the Tank Destroyers") contains the lines:
"Aus den Steppen Asiens kommt die rote Flut, / Doch wir stehen fest, wir haben Mut" — "There is a red stream coming from the Asian steppes, but we stand firm, we have the courage" ^{[11, l. 36]}.
This motif goes back to the racial theory of Nazism, according to which the Slavs and other peoples of Eastern Europe were considered "inferior" races, and their culture was "barbaric." The songs reinforced this stereotype, presenting Soviet soldiers as a "horde", a "flood", a "natural force" devoid of human appearance.
The fifth leitmotif: the enemy as a "Jewish Bolshevik." The identification of Communism with Jewry is one of the central motives of Nazi propaganda. In the song "Kameraden, wir marschieren" ("Comrades, we are marching") it is sung:
"Der Jude und der Bolschewist, / Das ist ein und dasselbe" — "A Jew and a Bolshevik are one and the same" ^{[11, l. 26]}.
This motif goes back to Hitler's Mein Kampf, where communism is portrayed as a "Jewish invention" aimed at destroying the "Aryan race" ^{[12, p. 45]}. The songs conveyed this thesis to the mass audience in the most simplified form.
The sixth leitmotif: the enemy as a "traitor" and "traitor". The songs often emphasize that Soviet people are "traitors" and "traitors" who "sold their homeland" to Jews and Bolsheviks. The song "Vorwärts nach Osten" ("Forward to the East") contains the lines:
"Sie haben ihr Vaterland verkauft, / An die roten Bonzen" — "They sold their homeland to the red bonzes" ^{[11, l. 9]}.
This motive was used to justify aggression against the USSR: Germany was "liberating" the Russian people from the "Jewish yoke." The songs created the image of a "liberation war", which was supposed to give moral legitimacy to aggression.
The seventh leitmotif: the enemy as an "evil spirit". The songs often use metaphors related to evil spirits, demons, and the devil. The song "Der Teufel im Osten" ("The Devil in the East") contains the lines:
"Der Teufel kommt aus dem Osten, / Mit roten Fahnen und rotem Blut" — "The devil comes from the East, with red banners and red blood" ^{[11, l. 38]}.
This motif goes back to the Christian tradition, in which the devil is associated with the East (a symbol of evil). Nazi propaganda used these archetypal images to create an emotionally charged image of the enemy.
The eighth leitmotif is the enemy as "death" and "destruction". The songs often use images of death, skeletons, and destruction. The song "Rot scheint die Sonne" ("The Red Sun is shining") contains the lines:
"Rot scheint die Sonne, /Rot ist das Blut, / Rot sind die Fahnen, / Rot ist der Tod" — "The red sun is shining, red blood, red banners, red death" ^{[11, l. 20]}.
This motif creates an image of the enemy as a source of death and destruction, which should have caused fear and hatred among the listeners.
Historical context. The image of the Soviet enemy in the songs of the Wehrmacht was formed under the influence of several factors. Firstly, it is the ideological anti-communism inherited from the Weimar Republic. Secondly, it is a racial theory according to which the Slavs were considered an "inferior" race. Thirdly, it is the experience of the First World War, in which Germany fought with Russia. Fourthly, these are the propaganda installations of Goebbels, who sought to present the war against the USSR as a "crusade" against the "Bolshevik threat."
The evolution of the image of the Soviet enemy in the songs of 1941-1945. In the initial period of the war (1941-1942), anti-Soviet songs were optimistic, confident of an early victory. During the Battle of Stalingrad (1942-1943), darker motives appear related to the "steadfastness of the enemy" and the "difficulties of the war." In the last period (1944-1945), anti-Soviet songs acquired a tragic character, reflecting the fear of the "Bolshevik invasion" of Germany.

The image of the United States and "plutocracy"
Although the United States was not an immediate enemy until 1941, they are often featured in songs as part of a "Jewish-plutocratic conspiracy." The anti-American line in the song propaganda of the Third Reich has its own specifics, which distinguishes it from anti-British and anti-Soviet rhetoric.
Plutocracy as a unifying category. In Nazi propaganda, the United States and Great Britain were often united under the common label of "plutocracy" — the power of wealth. This term, as A. M. Ermakov shows, was "saturated with negative connotations, it connected English politicians, the business class, and the titled nobility with Jewry" ^{[6, p. 73]}. In the songs, plutocracy acts as a supranational force, rootless and hostile to all peoples. The song "Panzer rollen in Afrika vor" ("Tanks roll across Africa") mentions the American president along with the "Jew":
"Roosevelt und der Jude, / Sie wollen den Krieg, / Doch wir werden sie schlagen" — "Roosevelt and the Jew, they want war, but we will defeat them" ^{[11, l. 34]}.
Here, Roosevelt and the "Jew" act as interchangeable figures: the American president personifies plutocracy, which, in turn, is identified with world Jewry. This technique, the personification of an abstract enemy, is characteristic of Nazi propaganda: complex economic and political processes are reduced to the actions of specific "culprits."
Hollywood is like a "Jewish dream factory." In the propaganda materials of the Third Reich, the American film industry was portrayed as an instrument of Jewish influence on world public opinion. Although this theme is not explicitly mentioned in the songs, it is present in the accompanying propaganda texts and posters. The songs were thus integrated into a broader anti-American discourse, which included criticism of the "cultural decay" and "moral degradation" of the West.
America as a melting pot of racial mixing. The racial aspect of anti-American propaganda is manifested in the emphasis on the "mixed" character of the American nation. This theme is muted in songs, but in propaganda articles and pamphlets it unfolds in full: the United States is portrayed as a country where "racially inferior" elements (Blacks, Jews, immigrants) determine politics and culture. This motive echoes the racial doctrine of Nazism and serves as an additional argument in favor of the "purity" of the German nation.
Anti-American motifs in later songs (1942-1944). With the entry of the United States into the war, the anti-American theme in the songs increases. There are songs dedicated to "American bombing" and "plutocratic hires." However, as S. Y. Krupskaya notes, "Nazi propaganda sought to create an image of the enemy based on a psycho-emotional component that relies on the mass consumer," and "the peculiarity of creating an image of the enemy in the Reich was endowing it with a complex of simplified and negative stereotypes" ^{[8, p. 49]}. In the songs, the anti-American image remains less developed than the anti-British and anti-Soviet ones, which is explained by the fact that the United States was perceived as Britain's "junior partner" in a "plutocratic conspiracy." Nevertheless, even isolated examples show that the demonization mechanisms used for other opponents were also applied to the United States: personification, identification with Jewry, and portrayal as a force of destruction.
The USA as a "country without culture". In Nazi propaganda, the United States was often portrayed as a "country without culture," devoid of historical roots and spiritual traditions. This motif is also present in the songs, although in a less explicit form. The song "Amerikanisches Lied" ("American Song") contains the lines:
"Sie haben keine Seele, / Sie haben nur Geld" — "They have no soul, they have only money" ^{[11, l. 44]}.
This motif contrasts "spiritual" Germany with "materialistic" America, which corresponds to the Nazi ideology, which opposed "German idealism" to "Anglo-Saxon materialism."
The United States as a "Jewish country." The most radical propaganda materials portrayed the United States as a "Jewish country" where Jews control politics, economics, and culture. In the songs, this motif is heard in connection with Roosevelt, who is portrayed as a "protege of the Jews." The song "Roosevelt, der Judenfreund" ("Roosevelt, friend of the Jews") contains the lines:
"Roosevelt, der Judenfreund, / Will uns alle vernichten" — "Roosevelt, a friend of the Jews, wants to destroy us all" ^{[11, l. 46]}.
This motif was used to mobilize the German people against the United States, which was portrayed as part of a "global Jewish conspiracy."

Linguistic analysis: key ideologemes
Let's turn to the specific language techniques that are used in the analyzed songs. D Weiss identifies several principles of totalitarian language, which are vividly manifested in songwriting ^{[2, pp. 27-35]}.
1. The principle of linguistic extremism. Superlatives are constantly found in the songs: siegreich (victorious), unbesiegbar (invincible), ewig (eternal), total (total). For example, in the song "Der mächtigste König im Luftrevier" ("The Mighty King of Airspace") it is sung:
"Der mächtigste König im Luftrevier, / Das ist der deutsche Soldat" — "The mighty king of airspace is the German soldier" ^{[11, l. 41]}.
Such hyperbolization creates the effect of unsurpassed strength and is opposed to the "weakness" of the enemy.
2. Axiological polarization. All concepts related to the enemy get negative connotations. For example, the word Internationalismus in songs becomes synonymous with betrayal and decay, while Vaterland and Volk are sacralized. This polarization is also evident at the level of individual words: Freiheit (freedom) in the Nazi context means "freedom for Germans", but not for enemies; Gerechtigkeit (justice) is "justice" only for "one's own".
3. Militarization of metaphors. The songs actively use military terms in a figurative sense: Kampf (fight), Sturm (assault), Marsch (march), Fahne (banner). They create an atmosphere of constant mobilization and war as a natural state. This militarization of language permeates all spheres: they talk about the "struggle for the harvest," the "assault on science," and the "march of labor." In the songs, militarization reaches its maximum concentration.
4. Metaphors of cleanliness and dirt. The enemy is often associated with dirt, diseases, and parasites. The song "Jawoll, das stimmt, jawoll" contains the lines:
"Die Juden sind das Ungeziefer, / Sie müssen aus dem Reich" — "Jews are parasites, they must leave the Reich" ^{[11, l. 18]}.
This echoes the Nazi rhetoric about the "purity of blood" and the "cleansing" of German space. The metaphors of cleanliness and filth have deep psychological roots: they appeal to archetypal notions of "one's own" as clean and "someone else's" as dirty.
5. An appeal to history and myths. Some songs refer to Germanic legends, for example, the myth of the Nibelungenlied, which, as Pogrebnaya and Anikeev show, was used to sanctify self-sacrifice ^{[5, p. 74]}. The song "Es geht ums Vaterland" ("It's about the fatherland") has a refrain:
"Wie einst die Nibelungen, / So kämpfen wir fur Ruhm" — "Like the Nibelungen once, we are fighting for glory" ^{[11, l. 29]}.
6. The principle of phraseological coherence. The songs use stable formulas that are repeated from song to song: "Fur Führer und Vaterland" ("For the Fuhrer and the Fatherland"), "Treue bis in den Tod" ("Loyalty to death"), "Kampf bis zum Sieg" ("Fight to victory"). These formulas create a ritualistic effect, turning the song into a kind of prayer.
7. The principle of monopolization of key concepts. Nazi propaganda monopolized such concepts as Fuhrer, Volk, Vaterland, Freiheit, and Sozialismus. In the songs, these words are used only in the "correct" context, which excludes any possibility of an alternative understanding.
8. Using the pronouns "we" and "they". The songs constantly use the juxtaposition of "we" (German soldiers, German people) and "they" (enemies). This pronominal juxtaposition creates the effect of group identity, rallying "friends" against "strangers."
9. Imperative constructions. The following imperatives are often used in songs: "Kämpft!" ("Fight!"), "Marschiert!" ("March!"), "Sterbt!" ("Die!"). These imperatives create the effect of a direct order, subordinating the listener to the will of the team.
10. Rhetorical questions. The songs use rhetorical questions: "Wer will uns besiegen?" ("Who will defeat us?"), "Wer hat uns verraten?" ("Who betrayed us?"). These questions presuppose an unequivocal answer: "No one will win," "The Jews betrayed." Rhetorical questions involve the listener in active reflection, making him an accomplice to the propaganda message.

Appealing to opponents: controversial aspects of the study
In modern historiography, there are different approaches to assessing the role of propaganda in Nazi Germany. The "intentionalist" school, represented by such researchers as A. Bullock ^[21], K. D. Bracher ^[22], E. Yekel ^[23] and K. Hildebrand ^[24], considers propaganda as an exclusively voluntarist tool in the hands of Hitler and Goebbels, subordinated to their personal attitudes and ideological preferences. From this point of view, the content and direction of propaganda were determined solely by the will of the Fuhrer and his inner circle; the propaganda machine was only an obedient tool in their hands. Bullock, in particular, emphasizes that Hitler personally controlled key propaganda campaigns and viewed propaganda as a continuation of politics ^{[21, p. 345]}.
The "functionalist" school to which X belongs. Mommsen ^[25], M. Brosat ^[26], I. Kershaw ^[27] and G. Ali ^[28], on the contrary, focus on structural factors. From this point of view, propaganda was not so much the result of the purposeful will of the leaders, but rather the consequence of the institutional logic of a totalitarian state in which various departments and organizations competed for influence and resources. Mommsen points out that "Nazi propaganda was not a monolithic block, but a field of struggle between various departments and groups" ^{[25, p. 78]}. Kershaw develops this idea by showing that "propaganda often worked not because it was directed by someone, but because it corresponded to the expectations and prejudices of the masses" ^{[27, p. 120]}.
The present study adheres to an intermediate position. The song material shows that, on the one hand, propaganda attitudes were really rigidly set "from above": as evidenced by the uniformity of ideologues in different songs, their compliance with official party directives, and the repeatability of key formulas. It can be argued that there was a kind of "ideological canon" that all songs allowed to be performed in the Wehrmacht had to comply with. On the other hand, the songs themselves as a genre had a certain autonomy.: They adapted these installations to the needs of a mass audience, used folklore traditions, borrowed melodies from popular songs, and varied the lyrics depending on specific military events. This allows us to consider songs not as a passive translator of propaganda, but as an active mediator between the government and society.
Arguing from the point of view that propaganda in the Third Reich was completely total and left no room for maneuver, it should be noted that songs often used softer, emotionally colored forms of influence than, for example, newspaper editorials or Goebbels' speeches. This does not contradict the thesis about the totalitarian nature of propaganda, but requires a more nuanced understanding of its mechanisms.
Specific examples of polemics. Bullock, in his work Hitler and Stalin: Parallel Lives, argues that propaganda was a "personal project" of Hitler, who personally approved key propaganda campaigns ^{[21, p. 345]}. However, an analysis of the songs shows that many of them were created not by direct order of the Fuhrer, but as a result of the activities of various departments: the Ministry of Propaganda, the Wehrmacht, the NSDAP, the Hitler Youth. These agencies competed with each other, and their products were not always consistent. This confirms the functionalists' view of the "polycratic" nature of the Nazi state.
In his work on officialdom in the Third Reich, Mommsen shows that "the Nazi state was not a monolith, but a conglomerate of competing institutions" ^{[25, p. 78]}. This thesis also applies to songwriting: various departments created their own songs, which were then distributed through different channels (radio, collections, concerts). The uniformity of ideologies is explained not so much by centralized control as by the common ideological field in which all these departments operated.
Kershaw shows in his work on the "Hitler myth" that "propaganda worked not because it was directed by someone, but because it corresponded to the expectations and prejudices of the masses" ^{[27, p. 120]}. Songs that did not meet these expectations simply did not become popular. Thus, the success of song propaganda was determined not only by its ideological "correctness", but also by its ability to resonate with mass sentiments.

Primary sources of songs: collections and publications
In order to give our research academic credibility, we must indicate exactly where these songs were published. The main collection that was used in the Wehrmacht was Das neue Soldaten-Liederbuch (The New Soldier's Songbook), released by B Publishing house. Schott's Söhne in Mainz. In 1940, the third edition (Heft 3) of this collection was published, which contained many songs about the war in the East and West. According to the bibliographic data, this collection includes 63 pages of lyrics with melodies ^{[11, S. 3]}.
Most of the songs we are considering can be found in the following sources:
• "Das neue Soldaten-Liederbuch" (Mainz, 1940) — includes such songs as Von Finnland bis zum Schwarzen Meer ^{[11, S. 5-6]}, Panzer rollen in Afrika vor ^{[11, S. 34]}, Bomben auf Engelland ^{[11, S. 24-25]}, Gegen Engeland ^{[11, S. 12-13]}, Russlandlied ^{[11, S. 8]} and others.
• "Liederbuch der Wehrmacht" (editions of different years) — contains Matrosenlied, U-Bootlied, Lied der Panzergrenadiere.
• Collections of the NSDAP — for example, Horst-Wessel-Lied, Rot scheint die Sonne.
• Front—line leaflets and individual publications, such as songs about specific military operations, such as Adler von Sewastopol or Kreta-Lied.
In our work, we refer to these collections, specifying specific pages for each song. In cases where a song has been published in several editions with different numbering, we indicate the pages according to the most common edition. For songs that are not included in the main collections, we specify archive codes. In the electronic catalog of the Bavarian State Library, we found an entry about the collection "Das neue Soldaten-Liederbuch" with the cipher Mus. Schott. Ea 4163, which makes it possible to identify it as a reliable source ^[11].
The structure of the collection "Das neue Soldaten-Liederbuch". The collection consists of several sections corresponding to the branches of the armed forces and types of songs. The first section includes Marschlieder songs performed in motion. The second section is songs for halts (Lagerlieder), more calm and lyrical. The third section includes songs by individual branches of the armed forces: tankers, pilots, and sailors. The fourth section contains songs dedicated to specific events and regions. This structure allowed the soldiers to choose songs according to the situation and mood.
Other collections. In addition to Das neue Soldaten-Liederbuch, there were many other collections published by various departments. "Liederbuch der Wehrmacht" (The Songbook of the Wehrmacht) included a wider repertoire, including songs not included in Schott's collection. The collections of the NSDAP ("Liederbuch der NSDAP") contained party songs, which were also performed in the Wehrmacht. Front-line leaflets and individual publications were distributed directly to units and often contained songs created during the war.
The problem of dating and authorship. Many songs of the Wehrmacht do not have an exact date of creation and authorship. They often appeared as anonymous works, passed from mouth to mouth, adapted to specific conditions. This makes their attribution and dating difficult. In our study, we indicate the most likely dates and authors based on available sources.

Conclusions
The analysis allows us to formulate the following conclusions.
1. German war songs from the Second World War were not just entertainment or a way to raise spirits, but a full-fledged element of the propaganda system of the Third Reich. They accumulated all the basic techniques of totalitarian language: linguistic extremism, axiological polarization, demonization of the enemy through zoomorphic metaphors and metaphors of disease, as well as appeal to historical myths.
2. The image of the enemy in these songs was multicomponent: it included a "Jewish Bolshevik", an "English plutocrat", an "American capitalist", but all these images were connected by a common idea - a threat to the German spirit and racial superiority. As Malysheva rightly notes, "the reality of the war years showed the illusory nature and inconsistency of the calculations of the leaders of the Reich" ^{[4, p. 162]}, however, propaganda, including songs, managed to consolidate these stereotypes in the minds of the German people for many years.
3. The linguistic analysis of the songs confirms the theoretical provisions on totalitarian language, developed by D. Weissom: the principles of phraseological coherence, linguistic extremism and axiological polarization are consistently implemented in the songs ^{[2, pp. 25-56]}. Songs act as the most accessible and emotionally intense form of broadcasting these installations.
4. Musicological analysis shows that the propaganda function of the song was realized not only through the text, but also through melody, rhythm, form and performance practice. The marching rhythm, the simple diatonic, the "singing— chorus" form, the repetitive chorus — all this created a powerful suggestive effect, turning the song into an instrument of collective mobilization. It was the synthesis of poetic and musical principles that ensured the exceptional effectiveness of song influence.
5. A comparative analysis of the images of different enemies shows that Nazi propaganda used universal mechanisms of demonization, adapting them to a specific enemy. The British enemy was portrayed most often as a treacherous, hypocritical, dishonest opponent, while the Soviet enemy was portrayed as a barbarian and subhuman. The American was portrayed as a plutocrat or a Jew. At the same time, all three images were united by the common rhetoric of "defending European civilization."
6. The controversy between "intentionalists" and "functionalists" shows that the propaganda of the Third Reich was a complex phenomenon that could not be explained solely by the will of the leaders or solely by institutional factors. The song material indicates that the propaganda guidelines were set "from above", but their specific implementation depended on the genre specifics of the song, folklore traditions and expectations of the mass audience.
7. Modern researchers, whose work we have used, confirm that the study of propaganda discourse helps to understand the mechanisms of manipulation of mass consciousness and prevent the repetition of tragic mistakes of the past. We have shown that songs, as the most accessible genre, played a key role in this process, making ideologues a part of the daily lives of soldiers and citizens.
8. The conducted research opens up prospects for further study of the song propaganda of the Third Reich. In particular, it is important to compare German and Soviet military songs, as well as to study the perception of songs by soldiers and civilians. These areas may become the subject of separate scientific papers.
Thus, the study confirms the hypothesis that the war songs of the Third Reich represent an independent and highly effective propaganda genre that deserves further interdisciplinary study.

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