Abstract: The article is devoted to the analysis of the value foundations underlying the reception and institutionalization of the communitarian concept of subsidiarity in contemporary Russian society. In contrast to the liberal interpretation of subsidiarity, which is grounded in the principles of negative liberty and individual autonomy, the communitarian approach views this principle through the lens of social solidarity, communal bonds, and collective responsibility. The subject of analysis is the contradiction between the theoretical appeal of the communitarian understanding of subsidiarity and the lack of empirical data on the readiness of Russian society to adopt it.
The authors examine the value structure of Russian society by analyzing traditional values of solidarity, hierarchy, and collective responsibility in comparison with individualistic orientations. Special attention is given to the study of the ideological foundations, social preferences, attitudes toward civic participation, and the nature of group identity among Russian citizens. The aim of the study is to determine which model of subsidiarity—communitarian or liberal—more accurately reflects the specific features of Russian political culture and the value orientations of contemporary Russians. The empirical basis of the research consists of data from two nationwide representative surveys conducted in 2023–2024 (N=1600) among four generational cohorts (ages 18–24, 25–39, 40–59, and 60+) across eight regions of Russia. The methodological framework is based on John Turner’s self-categorization theory, Shalom Schwartz’s theory of basic values, and the moral foundations theory developed by Jonathan Haidt and Jesse Graham. The scientific novelty of this research lies in the first systematic empirical testing of the communitarian concept of subsidiarity using large-scale sociological data from Russian society. For the first time, a comparative analysis is conducted to assess the compatibility of the Russian value system with various interpretations of the principle of subsidiarity. The main conclusion of the study is the identification of a fundamental contradiction between the declarative support for communitarian values (90.7% support the principles of equality and mutual assistance, and 74.9% consider it necessary to follow traditions) and the practical rejection of civic engagement (only 1.5% consider public activity meaningful). The study confirms the hypothesis that Russian political culture is more compatible with the communitarian model of subsidiarity than with the liberal one, but it also reveals significant obstacles to its institutionalization in the form of a crisis of intermediary institutions of civil society and the phenomenon of “passive subsidiarity.”

Abstract: The article is devoted to the study of the worldview foundations of intergenerational conflicts in contemporary Russian society. The research focuses on the analysis of value orientations across four generational cohorts: Generation Z (ages 18–24), Millennials (25–39), Generation X (40–59), and Baby Boomers (60 and older). Particular attention is given to the attitudes of different generations toward the core cultural universals of Russian society, including family values, historical memory, attitudes toward labor, justice, and moral norms. Special emphasis is placed on the analysis of moral universals as conceptualized by S. Schwartz and J. Haidt: namely, orientations toward compassion and care, ingroup loyalty, respect for authority, perceptions of purity and sanctity, as well as conceptions of honesty and fairness. The study considers the specificity of the Russian context, characterized by the simultaneous coexistence of four to five generations under conditions of accelerating social transformation, digitalization, and global crises.
The empirical basis of the study comprises the results of two nationwide representative surveys conducted in 2023 and 2024 (1,600 respondents each, with a margin of error of ±2.45%), supplemented by focus group discussions and analysis of social media data. A stratified sampling method was employed based on age and regional criteria. Data processing was carried out using the SPSS statistical software package.
A comprehensive analysis of intergenerational differences was conducted through the lens of moral universals, using the conceptual framework of contemporary moral psychology. The study established the existence of a stable core of Russian cultural universals that unite all generations around the values of family, peace, and historical memory, significantly reducing the conflict potential of intergenerational relations. A specific model of “symbolic dissent” among Russian youth was identified, manifested in a need for psychological autonomy while maintaining basic loyalty to institutional authority. The most problematic areas of intergenerational divergence were found in attitudes toward authority, traditional morality, and sexual freedom. Younger generations exhibit considerably greater tolerance for individual choice and a lower propensity for normative conformism. The study also revealed an ambivalence in Russian public consciousness regarding justice, reflected in the simultaneous support for both meritocratic principles and social equality. The findings indicate that intergenerational differences in Russian society are selective rather than total in nature.

Abstract: The article explores the process of institutionalizing memory of Stalinist political repressions in post-Soviet Russia, with a focus on the role of state and private organizations in shaping the historical narrative. A comparative analysis of the activities of state and public organizations in contemporary Russian society is presented. The study examines the theoretical concepts of collective memory by M. Halbwachs, J. Assmann, and A. Assmann, as well as the memory politics of P. Nora. Particular attention is given to the dynamic process of institutionalizing memory, which includes both the "working through" and "overcoming" of the past. In the context of Stalinist repressions, this is expressed through the creation of museums, memorials, and research organizations, as well as the formation of institutional support for the state's narrative on the repressions. The main focus is on the differences between official and alternative memory institutions, such as the Russian Historical Society and public organizations, including "Memorial." The key features of their activities are characterized, including the influence of state policy on scientific research and public initiatives. The research is based on an interdisciplinary approach that integrates historiographical methods, sociology of memory, and critical discourse analysis. On this basis, the typology of memory organizations and their role in shaping collective representations of the repressive past is explored. The analysis shows how the institutionalization of memory about the repressions has become an important tool in shaping civil identity in the context of Russia's political transformation. The mechanisms of commemoration, the role of social and political institutions in preserving historical memory, and their influence on public consciousness are identified. It is established that state organizations are oriented toward transmitting the official interpretation of historical events, while private structures aim for a critical rethinking of the repressive experience and its incorporation into public consciousness in order to prevent similar phenomena. The results of the study demonstrate the ambivalence of the process of institutionalizing memory in the context of competing narratives about the Soviet past and highlight the need for dialogue between different actors in memory politics to form a consensual representation of the traumatic historical experience.

Abstract: The article presents the main aspects of the author's theoretical and methodological construct for studying the worldview models of modern Russian society. The object of the study was the processes of worldview formation in the consciousness of generations of modern Russia, the subject was the theoretical and methodological basis for studying the worldview models of Russians in generational and regional dimensions. The history of the concept of worldview in philosophy and social sciences is considered in detail, the features of its conceptualization in modern dictionaries and reference books are revealed, and the heuristic potential of using the concept of worldview proposed by K. Jaspers as a complex process of internalization of the socio-cultural worldview base with subsequent objectification of subjective experience is shown. It is the insurmountable gap between the objective and the subjective in Jasper's concept of worldview that allows us to record generational differences based on the principle of "meta-contrast". The theoretical and methodological basis of the study was a critical conceptual analysis, the concept of worldview by K. Jaspers, as well as the theory of self-categorization by J. Turner with its key concept of "meta-contrast". All this theoretical and methodological work took place in the context of a model approach to worldview. As a result of the study, it was established that more than two hundred years of development of the concept of worldview led to its extreme vagueness and comprehensiveness, which could not but negatively affect its heuristic potential. To correct this situation, a model approach to worldview was proposed, which made it possible to operationalize this concept for subsequent quantitative research of mass consciousness in order to identify connections between the worldview base of Russians and its ideological derivatives.

Abstract: The article presents some results of a questionnaire survey conducted by the staff of the Southern Federal University with the participation of colleagues from other educational and scientific centers in November-December 2023 on an all-Russian representative sample (N=1600). The aim of the study was to clarify, refine and test the author's methodology for analyzing the ideological models of public consciousness of modern Russians in the generational and regional dimensions. The object of the study was the processes of formation of worldviews in the consciousness of generations of modern Russia, the subject - the ideological models of Russians in the generational and regional dimensions. The theoretical basis was J. Turner's concept of self-categorization, as well as the principle of "meta-contrast". The basic method for collecting empirical data was a questionnaire survey in eight regions of Russia. Four main age cohorts were identified for the study: 18-24, 25-39, 40-59 and 60+ years. The questionnaire survey was preceded by a series of focus groups in order to identify key characteristics of generational self-categorization. As was established during the study, certain worldview constants are found in the consciousness of Russians that unite all generations both in their self-categorization and in their opposition to other generations, as well as in their cognitive-value preferences. These same constants are also manifested in the opposition of one’s own generation to other – younger and older – generations. At the same time, older generations clearly act as a projection of their own ideas about what is proper: all age cohorts attribute superior qualities to older generations. Such uniformity in the description of older generations also allows us to speak more about cultural constants of worldview models projected onto the image of the older generation than about real generational differences.

Abstract: The article analyzes the dynamic characteristics of the concept of the "Russian world" based on a series of sociological studies of student consciousness in the South of Russia (2015–2021) conducted by the staff of the Southern Federal University. The actualization of this concept in student consciousness occurred against the backdrop of the Ukrainian crisis of 2014 and underwent a certain transformation from 2015 to 2021. The methodological basis of the study was a series of focus groups and a questionnaire survey. In the process of analyzing the data collected by means of the questionnaire survey, factor, correlation and regression types of statistical analysis were used. As a result, the specifics of the decontestation of the concept of the "Russian world" in student consciousness were established, as well as a change in the conceptual framework for interpreting this concept. In particular, it was found that in 2015, the decontestation of the concept of the "Russian world" in the structure of values ​​of student consciousness occurred in the right ideological spectrum (up to right-wing radical interpretations), but in 2019, this concept is more often placed in the cultural and civilizational context in the structures of student identity. Key factors influencing the process of decontestation of the concept of the "Russian world" were also identified. The general conclusion based on the results of the study is that despite the fact that these variables substantively intersect with the three meanings of the concept of the "Russian world" presented in the media space of modern Russia (imperial-civilizational, super-ethnic and Orthodox-civilizational), the shifts occurring in student consciousness indicate deeper changes - about the increasing rootedness of the concept under study in the structures of student identity, and not just at the superficial level of ideological attitudes.

Abstract: The article presents some of the results of a questionnaire survey of students in the South of Russia, conducted in 2019. The subject of the study carried out in the article was the emigration moods and attitudes of the student youth of the South of Russia, and the goal was the explication of the factors on which these attitudes depend. The theoretical and methodological basis of the study was the author's concept of cognitive-ideological matrices, which implies the study of the pre-reflective level of individual and group consciousness in order to identify proto-ideological elements (ideologemes and concepts) that form an individual's predisposition to a particular ideology. On this basis, the article identifies the deep motives of the emigration attitudes of student consciousness and solves the problem of establishing the strength of the connection between socio-economic and value-ideological factors in the formation of these attitudes. As a result of the analysis, it is shown that value factors prevail over socio-economic ones. It has been established that the ideologically conditioned attitude towards emigration from the country was formed in the context of the values of the liberal and social-democratic ideologies, which, in turn, turned out to be consonant with those proto-ideological concepts of self-identification that were formed in the process of early socialization of student youth. The general conclusion of the study: ideological values and attitudes are derivatives of the deep mechanisms of cognitive-value matrices, at the level of which proto-ideological elements are formed, which, in turn, form an individual's tendency to perceive certain ideological values. The theoretical significance of the work lies in the refinement and development of the modern theory of ideologies due to a deeper understanding of the mechanisms for the formation of ideological concepts, and the practical significance lies in the development of applied aspects of the study of ideological dynamics in the mass consciousness.

Abstract: The main goal of this article is the approbation of the explanatory model of cognitive political censorship based on empirical material of the 2018-2019 presidential electoral campaign in Ukraine. The cognitive censorship represents a specific type of political censorship, which emerged simultaneously with “new media” and adaptation of traditional media to new realities of the “information overflow”. In this type of political censorship, access lockout to undesirable information (ideas) is done not through lockout of texts, but cognitive abilities that allow perceiving and interpreting these texts. The empirical part of this research includes monitoring of media information and online space, using the platforms “Medialogy”and “YouScan”. The critical discourse analysis was used to identify the strategies of cognitive censorship, presented in a number of sources and genres of politically important media information. The article identifies and analyzes at least three strategies of cognitive political censorship, suggesting weakening of the basic cognitive abilities: distraction, falsification and absurdity. The results of this research are valuable for further conceptualization of newest forms of political censorship, and represent practical importance for analysis of political processes in Ukraine.

Abstract: This article presents some preliminary results of a comprehensive study of the radical right-wing ideologemes in the minds of the student youth of the Rostov Region, conducted in 2015 by the team of scientists from the Southern Federal University and the Southern Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences. The theoretical foundation of this study consists in the author's concept of political ideologemes developed on the basis of integrated linguistic and political-philosophical concept of ideologeme (M. Bakhtin, F. Jameson, and others). M. Frieden's conceptual-morphological approach and R. Griffin's concept of "groupuscular right" were also used in the conceptualization process of theory of radical right-wing ideologemes. These theories have been adjusted to Russia's political and socio-cultural specificity. The study obtained precise data regarding the common among students’ radical right-wing ideologemes, as well as the ideas and values that have a certain potential of development into the radical right-wing ideologies. The second part of the article is devoted to the analysis of the level of popularization within the students' consciousness of the fascist ideology – radical nationalism. It is demonstrated that the student environment has three levels of identification with the right-wing ideology.  The group of respondents who consciously identify themselves average) 13-15% of the representatives of liberalism, conservatism and national patriotism.

Abstract: Based on the material of the comprehensive sociological research of far right ideologemes within the consciousness of student youth of Rostov Oblast conducted in the 2014-2016 by the group of scholars from the Southern Federal University and Southern Scientific Center of the Russian Academy of Sciences, this article analyzed the specificity of ideological conceptualization of the patriotic sense and idea. The subject of this research is the patriotism in modern Russia. The author thoroughly examines the theoretical and methodological issues of the study of patriotism, as well as proposes the cognitive-constructivist model of its analysis.  In the concept of implementation of such model, the work analyzes the potential of integration of the idea of patriotism into the key political ideologies of modern Russia. Special attention is given to the far right interpretations of the patriotic sense and dangers associated with the exploitation of patriotism by the far right groups. The author’s concept of political ideologemes formulated based on the notions of Mikhail Bakthin’s “doubtful and Slavoj Žižek’s “floating signifiers”, comprised the theoretical base of the complex sociological study. In the process of conceptualization of the far right ideologemes, the author also used Michael Freeden’s conceptual-morphological approach and Roger Griffin’s notion of “groupuscular right”. The aforementioned concepts were adjustet to the Russian political and sociocultural specificity. The author demonstrates that the attempts of determination of the “validity” of patriotism lead to multiplicity of its descriptions and discredit the examined phenomenon, as well as the means of its research. On the applied level, the work presents the systematized data of the survey pertaining to the peculiarities of conceptualization of the patriotic sense within the consciousness of student youth of Rostov Oblast. The author illustrates the impact of peripheral concept upon the formation of this feeling in the context of various ideologies, including the far radical interpretations. Based on the conducted analysis, the potential of the far radical interpretations of the idea of patriotism among youth is being determined. 

Abstract: This article presents certain preliminary results of the complex research on the far-right ideologemes within the consciousness of the student youth of the Rostov Oblast, conducted in 2015 by the scientific team led by S. P. Potseluev. The first part of the work is dedicated to the analysis of the rate of spreading of one of the two primary concepts of fascist ideology – palingenetic myth, within the student consciousness. The theoretical base of this research consists of the author’s concept of political ideologemes, developed upon the integrated linguistic and politico-philosophical notion of ideologeme (Mikhail Bakhtin, Fredric Jameson, and others); Michael Freeden’s concept-morphological approach, as well as Roger Griffin’s “corpuscular" web of far-right extremists are also used in the course of this research. The aforementioned theories were adjusted to the Russian political and sociocultural specificity. The research yielded specific data on the spread of far-right ideologemes within community, as well as on the ideas and values that can potentially develop into far-right ideologies. It is demonstrated that the imperial interpretation represents the sociocultural specificity of palingenetic myth on the consciousness of the youth of the Rostov Oblast.