The Republic of Iraq's "special" relations with the U.S. as a factor restraining the Iraqi ruling circles in their efforts to expand international contacts

Ryzhov Igor' Valerevich ORCID: 0000-0002-6417-1517 Doctor of History Professor, Head of the Department of History and Politics of Russia of Lobachevsky State University of Nizhny Novgorod; Senior researcher at the international interdisciplinary research laboratory “Study of World and Regional socio-political processes” of the Nizhny Novgorod State Linguistic University named after N.A. Dobrolyubov 23 Gagarin Ave., Nizhny Novgorod, Nizhny Novgorod Region, 603022, Russia ivr@fmo.unn.ru Other publications by this author     Dzhodzhi Nechirvan Dzhasim ORCID: 0009-0003-4335-9152 Postgraduate student; Institute of International Relations and World History; N.I. Lobachevsky National Research Nizhny Novgorod State University 23 Gagarin Ave., Nizhny Novgorod, Nizhny Novgorod Region, 603022, Russia nechirvan.tury@gmail.com

Strukova Marina Igorevna ORCID: 0009-0007-2294-188X PhD in History Associate Professor; Institute of International Relations and World History, Modern and Contemporary History; N.I. Lobachevsky National Research Nizhny Novgorod State University 23 Gagarin Ave., Nizhny Novgorod, Nizhny Novgorod Region, 603022, Russia m.strukova@yandex.ru

Introduction

The relevance of the study of US-Iraqi relations in the 21st century is determined by their significant impact on the political, economic and military architecture of the Middle East, as well as on global processes related to international security. Iraq, with its significant energy resources and strategic geographical location, remains one of the key States determining regional stability. Interaction between the United States and Iraq at the present stage is a complex and multilevel process covering political, economic and military aspects.

After the overthrow of Saddam Hussein's regime in 2003, the United States took key positions in the reconstruction and modernization of Iraq, determining not only the country's domestic policy, but also its foreign policy priorities. The 2008 Framework Agreement, which defined the long-term prospects for bilateral cooperation in the fields of security, economics and politics, became an important instrument of US-Iraqi relations. The current structure of US-Iraqi relations demonstrates both the opportunities for Iraq's development within the framework of cooperation with the United States, as well as significant limitations associated with political and economic dependence on Washington. At the same time, Iraq is making attempts to diversify its foreign policy contacts, strengthening ties with Russia and regional "centers of power," despite continued pressure from the United States.

Modern relations between the United States and the Republic of Iraq are presented in sufficient detail in the analytical work of American research centers such as the Middle East Institute, the Institute for Middle East Policy, the Center for Arab Studies, the Quincy Institute for Responsible Government Development, located in Washington, as well as in the publications of a number of Asian academic institutions such as the Islamabad Institute for Strategic Studies (Islamic Republic of Pakistan) and Pajajaran University in Bandung (Republic of Indonesia). Russian historiography is dominated by publications that consider the US-Iraqi relations, for the most part, in a historical context, and the period of interaction between the two countries after 2008 has not yet found detailed coverage.

Taking into account the above, the purpose of the author of the article is to assess the current state of US-Iraqi relations after 2008, identify the key factors influencing their development, and identify the tools and mechanisms by which the United States retains control over Iraq's foreign policy trajectory. Attention will be paid to the political, economic and military aspects of cooperation, as well as their impact on regional stability and the international situation of Iraq.

Results and discussions

The formation of American-Iraqi relations in the 21st century was carried out in close relationship with the foreign policy interests and strategic priorities of the United States, which allowed us to use bilateral relations to achieve Washington's key goals in the Middle East. The main directions of this policy were the strengthening of American dominance in the region, countering the influence of alternative global "centers of power" and opponents for regional influence such as Russia and China, as well as control over political processes and security in strategically important countries of the region ^{[1, p. 425]}.

The first and most obvious priority of the United States was to strengthen its presence in Iraq, which allowed Washington to respond quickly to changes in the balance of power and interests in the Middle East. The goal included constant monitoring of the regional situation, prevention of potential threats and minimization of risks of destabilization. The second aspect was the creation of barriers to strengthen the positions of alternative geopolitical "centers of power" in Iraq ^{[2, p. 137]}. The third direction was to use the American presence to control potentially "explosive" countries such as Afghanistan and Iran, which allowed the United States to maintain regional leadership and manage conflict zones. The fourth factor was the active use of the Kurdish issue as an instrument of influence on regional processes, including in Syria, Lebanon and Palestine.

An important goal of the American strategy was also to shape Iraq's foreign policy course in accordance with the interests of the United States. In practice, this meant supporting political elites who would not engage in confrontation with the United States and its key allies in the region, including Israel ^[3]. Such a policy helped to stabilize the situation in the Middle East in a configuration beneficial to Washington, while at the same time creating natural barriers to deepening Iraqi contacts with external actors.

These processes contributed to the formation of a special specificity of the US-Iraqi relations, where the predictability and manageability of Iraq's political line occupied an important place. The United States sought to minimize the risks of unexpected changes in Baghdad's foreign policy, which was achieved through the creation of so-called "natural political barriers" ^{[4, p. 217]}. They limited the room for maneuver for Iraqi politicians, excluding the possibility of in-depth cooperation with alternative centers of power, with the exception of those areas that directly corresponded to the interests of the United States, for example, countering terrorism and extremism.

The energy factor has also become a cornerstone of American policy in Iraq. Control over fields and energy supply routes allowed the United States not only to ensure its own interests, but also to provide its companies with access to profitable economic projects in Iraq ^{[5, p. 294]}. Thus, the American strategy assumed not only a political but also an economic foothold in Iraq, which contributed to strengthening their long-term influence.

However, this arrangement had certain benefits for Iraq as well. The development of relations with the United States opened up opportunities for attracting long-term investments and implementing projects to restore the country's social, economic and industrial infrastructure. This, in turn, has contributed to increasing Iraq's resilience to internal and external challenges, including extremism, organized crime, terrorist threats, and cyber threats. In addition, American investments have created new jobs, increased education levels, and contributed to social stability.

Thus, the specifics of the American-Iraqi relations in the 21st century consisted in the desire of the United States to use Iraq as a strategic springboard for the realization of its interests in the Middle East. Unlike modern hybrid wars, where proxy structures are usually directed against a specific enemy, Iraq in this context acts as a platform for ensuring a long-term US presence in the region and rapid response to emerging challenges and threats.

Cooperation with the Iraqi political elites has become a key tool for implementing this strategy. Washington provided political and economic support to those groups and leaders who showed loyalty to the United States and demonstrated willingness to follow its foreign policy line. An important element of this policy was not so much the complete exclusion of Iraq from cooperation with other countries as the control over its foreign policy initiatives ^{[6, p. 263]}. The United States actively contributed to the development of the Iraqi security forces, helped strengthen public administration, and supported economic reforms.

In turn, the deepening of U.S.-Iraqi relations opened up access for Iraq to loan programs, technological resources, and investments that contributed to the modernization of the country's economy and defense capabilities. This allowed Iraq to overcome the crisis and increase its competitiveness in the international arena.

In many ways, the "special status" of US-Iraqi relations is based on a systematic and long-term approach, which is regulated not only by political agreements, but also by specific documents, such as the Framework Agreement on Long-term Cooperation and Friendship between the Republic of Iraq and the United States of America in 2008 ^[7]. This document defines the key vectors of cooperation and is aimed at ensuring stable and predictable interaction between the two countries. Its most important goal is to create a stable relationship structure that will serve the interests of both sides in the short, medium and long term ^[8].

The political context of the 2008 Framework Agreement reflects the strategic importance of the Middle East for the United States. In this case, US-Iraqi relations contribute to strengthening Iraq's role as one of the most stable and significant relays of American policy in the region, allowing the United States not only to strengthen its influence, but also to stimulate the interest of other countries in the region in deepening bilateral relations with Washington ^{[9, p. 49]}.

The economic dimension of U.S.-Iraqi relations occupies a key place in the framework of the 2008 Framework Agreement. Economic cooperation between the United States and Iraq covers several strategic areas, including assistance to Iraq in economic development, strengthening production capacities and transition to a market economy. An important aspect of cooperation is to support Iraq's fulfillment of international obligations in the areas of investment, humanitarian, political, economic and industrial cooperation. Considerable attention is being paid to attracting financial and technical assistance for the creation of modern social, industrial, transport and energy infrastructure, as well as for the implementation of educational and scientific projects. In addition, significant work is underway to assist in the return of illegally exported funds, support Iraq in the process of paying off foreign debt and eliminating the consequences of military operations. Additionally, favorable conditions for trade are being created, including U.S. mediation in negotiations with third countries to restore economic cooperation.

Based on the provisions of the Framework Agreement, the United States has strengthened its position as one of Iraq's key economic partners. An important milestone in this process was the signing of the 2005 Framework Agreement on Trade and Investment, which entered into force in 2013 ^[10]. As part of this agreement, the U.S.-Iraq Trade and Investment Council was established, which met in 2014 and 2019.

To stimulate economic activity, Washington granted Iraq the status of a developing beneficiary country under the Universal System of Preferences ^[11]. This made it possible to activate the activities of American companies in strategically important sectors of the Iraqi economy, including energy, defense industry, information technology, automotive and transport infrastructure.

The volume of bilateral trade in goods between the United States and Iraq approached $4.6 billion, of which $0.8 billion accounted for exports of American goods to Iraq, and $3.8 billion accounted for shipments of Iraqi goods to the United States, consisting almost entirely of petroleum products ^[12].

The bilateral strategic dialogue in August 2020 became a landmark event in the development of economic relations. Within its framework, the Government of Iraq signed memoranda of understanding with American companies in the amount of 8 billion US dollars ^[13]. The agreements cover a wide range of areas, including energy, infrastructure, and technology projects, and demonstrate the commitment of both sides to strengthen the bilateral economic partnership. Thus, economic cooperation between the United States and Iraq is focused on the reconstruction and development of the Iraqi economy, which, in turn, contributes to strengthening Iraq's position in the international arena. For the United States, this approach is an important tool for stabilizing the situation in the Middle East and demonstrating the benefits of cooperation with Washington for other countries in the region.

The security sector is the third important element in the structure of long-term cooperation between the United States and Iraq within the framework of the 2008 Framework Agreement. Unlike the political and economic components, security cooperation is more concise, but no less significant. It is aimed at ensuring stability and stability both within Iraq itself and in the broader context of regional security in the Middle East. The most important task in this direction is to provide Iraq with security guarantees, which implies protection from external threats encroaching on the sovereignty, territorial integrity and airspace or waters of the country ^[14]. At the same time, the fight against terrorism and illegal armed groups, which threaten both the internal stability of Iraq and the security of the region as a whole, is a priority. The emphasis is on the neutralization of terrorist infrastructure, the elimination of financing channels and the destruction of logistics chains supporting extremist groups ^[15].

Special attention is being paid to the modernization of the Iraqi armed forces. In this context, US assistance programs contribute to improving their professional training, improving technical equipment, and strengthening the institutional foundations of the military organization. Considerable emphasis is placed on increasing transparency in the management of the army and strengthening civilian control over military structures, which plays an important role in preventing military coups and strengthening democratic institutions in Iraq ^[16]. These efforts are coordinated with the support of the Office for Security Cooperation, which operates at the U.S. Embassy in Baghdad. The structure acts as a key tool in the implementation of joint projects aimed at increasing the combat capability of the Iraqi forces and strengthening partnerships in the field of defense.

Cooperation in the field of security is aimed at achieving both American and Iraqi interests. For the United States, a key priority is to prevent Iraq from becoming a hotbed of terrorism, to prevent states such as Iran from strengthening their positions, and to ensure control over strategically important regions. From the American point of view, the military presence in Iraq allows us to control not only the internal processes in the country, but also the situation in neighboring countries such as Syria, Turkey and Lebanon. In turn, for Iraq, strengthening cooperation with the United States in the field of security opens up access to modern technologies, weapons systems and training of military specialists.

An important feature of the US-Iraqi security cooperation is the ambivalence of the US approach to the issue of military presence in Iraq. Formally, it is explained by the need to support stability and combat terrorism, but in practice it is also a tool for controlling Iraq's political elite and strategically important facilities in the country. After the territorial defeat of ISIS in Iraq in 2017, the United States announced the transition of its military presence to an advisory and supportive role ^[17]. However, the continued presence of American private military companies in Iraq, despite the official end of active hostilities, indicates Baghdad's continued dependence on Washington's security support.

Iraq's dependence on the United States is evident not only in the defense sphere, but also in the political context, where the United States seeks to maintain loyal politicians in key positions in Iraq, whose activities correspond to American strategic interests. U.S. policy limits Iraq's ability to establish deeper ties with alternative centers of power such as Russia and China, whose economic and political interests in the region largely contradict Washington's interests. It is important for the United States to minimize the risks of the strengthening of these states in Iraq, which, in turn, affects Baghdad's choice of its foreign policy priorities.

Maintaining the American military presence in Iraq gives the United States strategic advantages in controlling the regions of the Middle East, especially in the context of the consequences of the Arab Spring. The US military and political influence through Iraq allows them to effectively respond to regional threats and coordinate efforts with other allies in the region. At the same time, the Iraqi authorities are forced to balance between the need to maintain US support and the desire to strengthen their independence in foreign policy.

Washington's official rhetoric pays special attention to the formation of a "stronger Iraq" ^[18], capable of relying on the support of various ethnic and religious groups, maintaining a monopoly on the use of force and maintaining stable relations with regional neighbors and Western partners. However, behind the facade of official rhetoric, there are other, more pragmatic goals of American policy. The set of strategic initiatives involves not only strengthening Iraq's potential, but also its involvement in the system of international cooperation on terms beneficial to the United States. Formally, this policy is aimed at creating prerequisites for the development of Iraq as an independent and stable state, but in practice this leads to an increased American presence and the transformation of Iraq into a "proxy", broadcasting the interests of the United States in the Middle East. Such a strategy involves the implementation of many programs in the political, economic, investment, cultural, humanitarian and defense spheres, which, despite their external focus on the development of Iraq, have as their ultimate goal the preservation of American control and influence in the region.

Conclusion

Based on all of the above, it can be concluded that the US-Iraqi relations represent a complex and multilevel system in which the strategic interests of the United States and the national interests of Iraq are closely intertwined. The United States continues to play a key role in the political, economic and defense spheres of this country, using its influence to control strategic processes in the Middle East and prevent alternative global players such as Russia and China from strengthening their positions. At the same time, for Iraq, cooperation with the United States remains an important tool for economic recovery, strengthening defense capabilities and attracting long-term foreign investment. However, it is obvious that despite significant pressure from the United States, there is a tendency to expand Iraqi-Russian relations, and with the emergence and strengthening of Shiite groups in the country closely linked to Iran, it creates additional opportunities for deepening Iranian-Iraqi cooperation. At the same time, the American presence in Iraq, including military and private structures, continues to serve as an instrument of control over the country's political processes and economic resources, limiting the space for the development of alternative foreign policy vectors. Despite this, the Iraqi leadership demonstrates a desire for a multi-vector foreign policy aimed at reducing dependence on one external partner and at finding a balance in international relations. The implementation of such a policy requires strategic flexibility on the part of the Iraqi government in order to minimize the possible risks and costs associated with geopolitical pressure from the United States, especially ahead of the new White House administration taking office in 2025.