Francafrique under attack of "Mali Kura" (new Mali) and challenges for France

Sidibe Umar ORCID: 0000-0003-2584-5029 Postgraduate student; Department of Theory and History of International Relations; P. Lumumba Peoples' Friendship University of Russia 117198, Russia, Moscow region, Moscow, Miklukho-Maklaya str., 7, sq. 417 umarsidibe@yandex.ru

introduction

The term "Francafrica" has an origin that differs from the widespread opinion about its authorship. Contrary to the popular version attributing the first mention of the term to Ivorian President Felix Houphouet-Boigny, this expression was actually used by French journalist Jean Pio in the newspaper "L'Aurore" on June 6, 1945. Jean Pio in his article spoke about the need for "cohesion of the France-Africa bloc" as a fundamental element of French power ^[1]. Later, the journalist Thomas Deltombe proposed to create a system similar to the British Commonwealth, uniting the former French colonies, and suggested calling it "Francafrica" ^[2]. It was in this context that the term was first coined, emphasizing not so much equality as the dependence of African countries on France and possibly France on former colonies ^[3].

In the context of relations between France and Mali, the term "Francafrica" reflects Mali's long-term dependence on French politics and economics. Despite the fact that independence officially took place in 1960, Mali remained the focus of French attention through economic and military agreements ^[4]. This was part of France's broader strategy to maintain its interests in African countries, especially in former colonies.

The emergence of the concept of "Mali Kura" in political rhetoric, especially during the period of opposition to the power of President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita ^[5] and after the coming to power of Assimi Goit and Prime Minister Shogel Kokalla Maiga, marked a new stage in the development of relations between the two countries. "Mali Kura", which means "New Mali", has become a symbol of breaking with the legacy of Francafrica and striving for full political and economic independence. This term was used to denote the course of state reform ^{[6, pp. 4-7]}, a reassessment of its partnerships and orientation towards new international alliances, in particular with Russia, Turkey and China.

Mali Kura: The evolution of Mali's political identity and its implications for Franco-Malian relations

The political evolution of Mali is a complex process, rooted in the post-colonial period, when the country, like many other former colonies of France, became involved in the Francafrica system. This model of relations, established after independence in 1960, assumed close cooperation in the economic, military and cultural spheres ^[7]. Despite its formal independence, Mali remained dependent on France for a long time within the framework of a system that supported francocentric elites and contributed to the preservation of Paris' influence in the region ^{[8, p. 596]}. Francafrica, as is known, implied not only economic dependence, but also close political ties, often expressed in support of authoritarian regimes in exchange for loyalty to France ^[9].

However, the events of recent decades have significantly changed the political landscape of the country. The key moment was the crisis of 2020-2021, caused by a series of military coups ^[10], which finally severed the threads of old political and economic relations with France. As a result of these coups, the military came to power, led by Colonel Assimi Goita, who became a symbol of the new deal for Mali. One of the first decisions of the new regime was to review the country's foreign policy priorities, including its relations with France ^[11]. It is noteworthy that against the background of anti-monopoly sentiments in society, the concept of "Mali Kura" began to gain popularity, which expressed the desire for full sovereignty, liberation from external control and independent policy.

The criticism leveled by the Government of Shogel Kokalla Maiga against France, especially since Assimi Goit came to power, has become one of the central elements of Mali's new foreign policy. Officials, in particular Maiga, have repeatedly accused France of destabilizing the country and even supporting terrorist groups operating in Mali ^[12]. This accusation was made against the background of growing discontent with the presence of French troops in Operation Barkhan, which was initially aimed at fighting extremists in the Sahel region.

Maiga, in his rhetoric, stressed that France, despite its declared intentions, was actually unable to stabilize the situation in Mali. Moreover, he hinted that the actions of the French troops, on the contrary, aggravated the conflict, and accused Paris of plotting with terrorist groups

These accusations provoked a serious international reaction ^{[13, p. 344]}, as they called into question the entire concept of the French military operation in Mali, which, since 2013, has been considered a key element in the fight against terrorism in the Sahel.

So, the concept of "Mali Kura" is based on the idea of creating a new state that abandons the previous neocolonial schemes and seeks alternative ways of development ^{[6, pp. 4-7]}. Economic and political reforms aimed at diversifying international relations have become an important part of the new Government's program. One of the key measures in this direction was the withdrawal of French troops, which have long been the main force in the fight against terrorist groups in the Sahel region.

The decision to withdraw troops and cancel military agreements with France was the culmination of a long process of weakening Franco-Malian ties ^[14].

Geopolitical challenges for France in the region

The withdrawal of French troops from Mali was the result of a series of social protests against France in Mali ^[15] and marked the beginning of a series of actions taken by the Government of Mali to be in line with the goals of the Mali Kura program, namely, the restoration of the state, the reorientation of partnerships based on the principles of respect for the sovereignty of Mali, non-interference in the internal affairs of the State and consideration of the national interests of Mali ^[16].

This new regime of governance, imbued with a series of reciprocal measures in Mali's diplomacy towards France, had a significant impact on the subregion and caused a domino effect ^[17], manifested in the form of military coups in Burkina Faso and Niger, where France maintained the greatest support in the region.

The strengthening of ties between these countries and external actors such as Russia, China and Turkey has redefined traditional alliances and cast doubt on the future of French influence. The balance of power has changed, and it has not turned out in favor of France ^[18].

Mali, seeking to get rid of all the levers of French influence, has also overestimated its relations with regional organizations such as the Economic Community of West African Countries (ECOWAS). Indeed, ECOWAS has approved the so-called "revolutionary" ^[19] military coups in Mali, Niger and Burkina Faso ^[20]. However, ECOWAS took illegal actions that did not comply with any provisions of its documents, and, as it was obvious, was under strong pressure from the regime of Emmanuel Macron ^[20].

The withdrawal from ECOWAS marked the birth of a new sovereign alliance, the Alliance of Sahel States ^{[20, p. 113]}. This reflects the continuation of the Mali Kura foreign policy, the desire to get rid of Franco-Malian relations in order to implement a more independent foreign policy.

Also, one of the key elements of the political dynamics of Mali Kura is the issue of language and communication. Abandoning French as an official language is an important part of the process of self-determination ^[21]. It also indicates broader cultural changes that may lead to a revision of educational policy and communication systems ^{[6, pp. 20-27]}. The closure of the French media, first in Mali, which preceded Mali Kura, and then in Burkina Faso and Niger, also symbolizes a break with the previous policy.

These measures of rupture were often explained by some as disinformation ^[22], and by others as propaganda of terrorism ^[23]. What different States have in common is that new governments seek to control the information space in order to strengthen their positions and reduce the influence of external narratives.

The fight against terrorism in the context of the Mali Kura policy: new paradigms and consequences for Franco-Malian relations

One of the main reasons for the deterioration of relations between Mali and France is the dissatisfaction of the local population with the effectiveness of the French military intervention in the fight against terrorism. One of the main reasons for the crisis in relations between Mali and France was the suspicion of the Transitional Government of Mali that the French armed forces may cooperate with terrorist groups in the country. ^[24]

For almost a decade, France's military presence, starting with Operation Serval in 2013, has not led to significant improvements in the country's security ^[25]. On the contrary, the situation only worsened, which caused an increase in public discontent and suspicion about the true intentions of the French authorities ^[25]. Local residents began to perceive French operations as more than just a fight against terrorism, but rather as a continuation of neo-colonial policy ^[26].

The survey "Malimeter" from the Friedrich Elbert Stitfund organization is shown in the graph below, where you can see that 57% of the population accuse French troops of collaborating with terrorist organizations and armed groups.

Table 1. Schedule of accusations against Operation Barkhan: Malimeter 2019 ^[26].

Amid growing discontent among the population and a general decline in security, Mali has made a decisive choice in favor of finding new partners to fight terrorism. This decision became the basis of the new Mali Kura strategy, which involves reorienting the country's foreign policy and abandoning dependence on France. The local security forces, or FAMA, have become a central element of this new strategy, and the people of Mali have begun to show confidence in their efforts to combat extremism.

French operations such as Operation Serval and Tacuba, which was created under the auspices of France ^[27], are no longer perceived as reliable tools for combating terrorism. Instead, many Malians are confident that their own forces, operating within the framework of a new counter-terrorism paradigm, can deal with threats more effectively. This new dynamic allows Mali not only to seek alternative approaches to ensuring security, but also to strengthen national sovereignty.

conclusion

The new policy of Mali, reflected in the concept of "Mali Kura", calls into question the traditional relations between France and African countries, designated by the term Francafrica. Political crises, military coups and the desire to restore sovereignty have led to a significant deterioration in relations with Paris. This became especially noticeable after the withdrawal of French troops. Against the background of the growing influence of players such as Russia, China and Turkey, France is facing the need to review its strategy in the region. In this new reality, Paris must focus on developing a more balanced approach to cooperation based on the principles of equality and mutual respect. Only by adapting its policy to changing conditions and new challenges will France be able to maintain its influence in West Africa and cope with the risks associated with growing instability in the region. Thus, the future of the French presence in Mali and other countries depends on Paris' ability to rethink and redesign its approaches to cooperation and interaction with African States, and in particular with Mali.