Sacred sources as objects of cultural heritage: on the issue of classification

Gibel'gaus Tat'yana Andreevna Senior lecturer; Department of Jurisprudence and Methods of Teaching Socio-Economic Disciplines; Altai State Pedagogical University 656063, Russia, Altai region, Barnaul, Pavlovsky Trakt str., 299, office 332 gibelgaustatiana@gmail.com

Sacred water sources are one of the most common forms of religious worship and places of pilgrimage.

They have special significance for various cultures and religions, and are often accompanied by legends and holy traditions.

Expeditionary research of holy springs in the Altai Territory ^[9], undertaken by scientists and graduate students of the Altai State Pedagogical University, as well as a theoretical study of the holy springs of Western Siberia have shown that many sacred springs have qualitative characteristics that allow them to be identified as an object of natural and cultural heritage. But identification is impossible without a comprehensive survey, which, in particular, consists in qualitative typologization of sources.

The term "sacred water source" is the defining one in our article.

The legislative framework of the Russian Federation, as well as modern dictionaries, often do not provide a clear definition of the term "sacred water source". This circumstance may complicate the study and protection of such objects, since there is no single standard and criterion determining their status.

In the dictionary we can find an explanation of the origin of the word "sacred", meaning divine, sacred, associated with a religious cult, as well as ceremonial and ritual.

From this it can be concluded that a sacred spring is a natural water source with divine properties, associated with a certain religious cult, where religious rituals and rituals are held ^[3].

Thus, combining several concepts, we can deduce the definition of "sacred water source as an object of cultural heritage" — an object of material and immaterial culture related to places of interest, associated with the history of the formation of peoples and other ethnic communities, possessing divine properties and belonging to a specific religious cult, within the territory of which religious activities are carried out.

In the Russian scientific literature, the typologization of sacred sources was considered within the framework of the "historical-ethnographic" and "anthropological" approaches.

The historical and ethnographic direction was laid down by T.B. Shchepanskaya ^[12] and continued in discourses and criticism by scientists from St. Petersburg and Moscow.

T.B. Shchepanskaya's article "Crisis Network" presents a functional and constructivist approach to the analysis of the phenomenon of sacred places. Sacred places are also considered by T.B. Shchepanskaya in the monograph "Culture of the road in the Russian mythological tradition of the XIX–XX centuries" ^[13]. In his works, the author analyzes sacred places from the point of view of communication within the framework of "road culture" – roadside sacred objects and their symbols, rules of behavior next to a sacred object are considered, local typologization is given.

Within the framework of the historical and ethnographic approach, in our opinion, the key is the study of V. V. Vinogradov. In his works, the author refers to various shrines, including sacred sources ^[2]. In sacred sources, V. V. Vinogradov sees the specifics of the phenomenon of reverence of the source as a mobile, developing phenomenon, defines the functions of the source in the system of folk Orthodoxy, characterizes it, "connecting" folklore, folk narrative about sacred places to the analysis, presents their typology, which will be discussed below.

T. A. Bernstam's research is also interesting, the main part of which consists of stories and legends about sacred places, including sacred sources, in various regions of Russia (with the exception of Siberia), but at the same time the presented typologization of sacred sources in European Russia is perfectly interpreted and can be applied to the sacred sources of Western Siberia.

The key to our research are the works of E.E. Ermakova. In his research, the author raises the question of methods and methodology for the study of sacred water sources.

E.E. Ermakova in the monograph ^[5] and numerous articles ^[4,6], on the example of the territory of the Tyumen region, revered water shrines are considered, the problems of typologization and classification of water shrines based on chronological, territorial principles, as well as on the degree of their clericalization are touched upon.

Within the framework of the anthropological approach, the sacred places of A.V. Tarabukin ^[11], J.V. Kormina ^[8] and partially A.A. Panchenko were considered. In their works, the researchers pay special attention to the functional aspect of rural sacred places, consider the history of shrines and ritual practices of their veneration, as well as local typologies of sources.

The available studies of sacred sources are more focused on the description of the source and the phenomenon of its veneration, and only some of them have material that reveals the typology of sources, but unfortunately none of the available typologies can be recognized as full-fledged and fully reflecting the system.

Consequently, the key problem of the typology of water sources as objects of cultural and natural heritage is the lack of an exhaustive standard classification of sacred water bodies, which in turn makes it difficult to identify and rationalize their use.

Thus, based on the above, the purpose of this article will be to systematize existing approaches to the typologization of sacred sources that have developed in Russian science.

In Russian science, there are several basic approaches to the typologization of sacred places, which can be used to typologize sacred water sources.

The first classification to focus on is the territorial classification developed by V.V. Vinogradov. The territorial classification of revered shrines divides them into three main categories depending on their location.

The first group of shrines are local places of worship, which are worshipped by residents of surrounding villages and settlements belonging to the same general settlement structure. These shrines are of particular importance to the locals, as they are often associated with their history, cultural traditions and spiritual practices.

The second group includes regional shrines, which are objects of worship for residents of several settlements located within a radius of 40-50 km from each other. An example is the Tuvan arzhans, where the so-called "arzhaannaar" or "arzhaannoe treatment", characteristic of the inhabitants of the republic, is preserved on a large scale ^{[7, pp. 116-117]}.

The third group of holy springs represents objects that are of national importance and are known in large territories. They often become symbols of the cultural and spiritual identity of the people and can attract the attention of not only local residents, but also pilgrims from other regions and countries. For example, the Eye key in the city of Belokurikha. The healing properties of the spring are known throughout the country. Every year thousands of people come to collect water from the spring for the treatment of eye diseases ^[12].

The second classification to focus on is the territorial-semantic classification.

The territorial-semantic classification of sacred places, proposed by T. A. Bernstam ^{[1, p. 316]}, is an interesting and useful approach for understanding the structure and meaning of sacred sources. The division of objects into two varieties, according to their location in space and the degree of sacredness, allows for a deeper investigation of both social and cultural aspects of people's connection with these places.

As mentioned above, T. A. Bernstam distinguishes two types of sacred places – a cultural variety and a natural one.

The "cultural" variety of sacred loci included the center of the settlement and the boundaries of its ends, passing along the "watershed" — streams/rivers, banks, which in turn were marked with Christian symbols - chapel, cross, etc. ^{[1, p. 317]}.

In the "natural" variety, the object is located at some (sometimes significant) distance from the settlement. The "natural" variety includes "various objects", but mainly flowing reservoirs — springs, wells, lakes, river floodplains, etc. The most common name for such places was "Proscha". The meaning of the name is simple – people went to these objects to "ask" God.

A rather interesting and clear typologization of sacred water sources is presented in the article by E. E. Ermakova ^[6].

The researcher presents two classifications. The first classification is based on the chronological principle, including the time of the origin of sacred sources and their current state:

1. inactive sacred sources
2. old sacred sources, which in turn are divided into:
3. operating without interruption;
4. acting with a break — revived;
5. new sacred sources.

The second classification of sacred sources, based on the degree of clericalization, allows us to analyze how religious institutions and communities affect the status and perception of sacred places. This approach focuses on how different levels of religious organization and governance relate to sacred sources. In this classification, the author identifies three levels of clericalization:

1) weak 2) medium 3) strong ^[6].

I would like to focus on this classification in more detail and add several elements to it.

The first level of clericalization (weak) is the level of formalization of rituals. At this level, sacred sources begin to be used for religious rituals and ceremonies. They become a place of worship where believers gather to perform their spiritual duties under the supervision of the clergy. As a rule, people came to the source on certain holidays several times a year. There was no constant pilgrimage. An example is the Ivanovsky key in the village of Bolshye Chirki, Tyumen region ^[6].

The second level of clericalization (medium) is the creation of a religious infrastructure. At this level, clerical structures begin to build temples, monasteries or special structures around sacred springs. This is done to ensure the comfort of believers when visiting these places, as well as for conducting services and religious events. The expansion of the infrastructure allows clerics to control access to sacred sources and manage believers. The second level of clericalization includes the Holy Spring in the village of Sorochy Log of the Altai Territory ^[9].

The third level of clericalization (strong) is the appropriation of power over sacred sources. At this level, clerical structures gain full legal and spiritual authority over sacred sources. They become the only organizations that have the right to conduct rituals and serve believers. Clerical structures are also beginning to control access to sacred sources, determine the conditions for visiting or using these places. An example is the so-called "Conflict with holy Water" that broke out in 2012 in relation to water bottled from the "Eye" source in Belokurikha. This trial was between the church and the city tax inspectorate, which considered the possibility of exemption from VAT when selling water bottled by the rector of the church in plastic bottles for subsequent sale through a retail network under its own brand ^[9].

The fourth level of clericalization is the exploitation of sacred sources for commercial purposes. At this level, clerical structures begin to use sacred sources as objects of business or tourism. Retail outlets, hotels, or other businesses are being set up near shrines to maximize profits from visits by believers or tourists. This leads to the commercialization of sacred sites and a decrease in their spiritual significance. Again, an example is the "Eye" source in Belokurikha, water from the source is bottled and sold through a retail network, but at the same time, this source is not fully commercialized, since the entrance to the source is free, and pilgrims can collect water on their own.

The fifth level of clericalization is the complete subordination of sacred sources to church structures. At this level, sacred sources become completely dependent on the church or other religious organization. They cease to be publicly available, and access to them is controlled and regulated by clerics. Believers must follow certain rules and procedures to be able to visit these places.

The levels of clericalization of sacred sources represent the varying degrees of religious influence on these places. They show how the nature of the use and importance of sacred sources changes under the influence of clerical structures. Understanding these levels helps to analyze the dynamics of the development of religions and the attitude of believers to shrines.

The above typologization, although complete, is not exhaustive. Here are a few more classifications into which sacred sources can be divided.

Sacred sources can be classified according to the degree of preservation as follows:

According to their preservation, sacred sources are classified as:

1) Fully saved;

These springs are in perfect condition, have no serious damage and preserve their pristine nature. They can be used for pilgrimage and have a high cultural and spiritual status. The care and maintenance of such places is minimal, and only regular measures are needed to maintain cleanliness and order. An example is the "Eye" source in Belokurikha

2) partially saved. There are minor damages on such sources, which do not critically affect their condition. For example, there may be pollution or minor disturbances in the environment. Cleaning work and possibly minor repairs are needed. These measures will help to keep the sources in decent condition and prevent further deterioration.

3) Sufficiently damaged. Sources whose condition is estimated to be more than 50% damaged or insufficient for full use (more than 80%). For such facilities, comprehensive cleaning and landscaping work is required. This may include both restoring the source itself and improving the surrounding infrastructure to make the place more accessible and attractive to visitors.

4) are not subject to restoration. These sources are in a critical condition where restoration is impossible or impractical. This may be due to lack of water, environmental pollution, destruction of natural forms, or other factors that make further use of the sacred spring impossible.

An important task in this case is to document, study and, possibly, create commemorative signs or information plaques to preserve the memory of such sources and their cultural significance

In addition to the above typologization, which has developed in Russian science, it is necessary to indicate the classification of the author, which developed during the expedition survey of the holy springs of Western Siberia ^[11].

This classification complements the existing developments of domestic scientists.

The first author's classification, which I would like to focus on, is the classification according to the possibilities of transport accessibility to the sacred source.

Easily accessible sources are sources to which all vehicles have access, and there is access for people with limited mobility. Special designations with the name and direction are installed on the way to the source. (Holy spring of Spoons near Iskitim, Nikolsky spring, Barnaul).

Sources of medium accessibility are designed for the movement of certain types of transport. For example, you can only get there by car and/or on foot.

Difficult–to-reach sources - the possibility of traveling by car is not available, it is necessary to use specialized high-terrain vehicles to travel over rough terrain, and in the absence of roads, an example may be the holy spring of St. John Metropolitan of Tobolsk, located on the territory of the Samotlor oil field.

No less important is the classification according to the infrastructural provision of sacred sources:

1) The sacred springs belonging to the first category are fully preserved with a high level of landscaping, having a number of key characteristics that make them attractive to pilgrims and tourists. The key characteristics are the following elements: high-quality transport infrastructure, availability of service facilities, fast food enterprises, sanitary and hygienic nodes, as well as the availability of guest houses and high-quality service at the infrastructure facility. The source belonging to the first category, as a rule, is captioned (wound up in a pipe). Buildings are located above it to protect both the source itself and to shelter parishioners in inclement weather. Benches or gazebos are often located on the territory near the spring, where visitors can relax and drink water slowly

2) the second category is sources with a weak material and technical base, as a rule, such sources have insufficient infrastructure equipment or wear of the material and technical base is visible;

3) the third category is sources with the absence of any infrastructure facilities.

As we can see, at the moment, there are many different typologizations of sacred sources, but none of them can fully divide the sources into clear categories. This is due to several factors:

1. Layering of meaning: Sacred sources can have a layered meaning that varies depending on the cultural, historical and religious context. The same source can be revered as a place of healing, an object of worship, or a cultural symbol, which makes it difficult to classify it.
2. Local traditions: Each community gives its holy springs unique characteristics based on local beliefs and traditions. This diversity leads to the fact that universal classification models cannot fully reflect the specifics of each source.
3. Status variability: Over time, the status and value of sources may change. For example, a spring that was previously considered a purely local object of worship may become popular with the general public due to new cultural or tourist trends.
4. Interdisciplinary approach: various disciplines (anthropology, history, ecology, medicine, etc.) offer their own criteria for typologization, which leads to the existence of many approaches that do not always agree with each other. For example, environmental criteria may take into account the state of water and the environment, while cultural aspects will focus on symbolism and meaning for the community.

The author's attempt to systematize and supplement the main approaches to the typologization of sacred water sources is extremely useful, since this is the optics that is important for understanding their essence and functioning, which in turn are the basis for identifying sacred water sources as objects of cultural and natural heritage.

Thus, the typologization of sacred sources is a complex and multifaceted process that requires a universal approach that takes into account many factors. In order to achieve a more complete typologization, it is necessary to continue research and develop models that can harmoniously combine various aspects, reflecting the uniqueness and diversity of the sacred heritage.