The genealogical and topographic method of reconstruction of the Russian city of the XVII – XVIII centuries. (Using the example of Orel city).

Kushelev Il'ya Evgen'evich Postgraduate student 11 Rozhdestvenka str., office 2, Moscow, 107031, Russia cushelewilja@yandex.ru

Studying the demography of a Russian city in the late Middle Ages and Modern times before the regular period carries great potential for new knowledge about the dynamics of the urban planning process during this period. At first glance, it may seem that genealogical studies and statistical calculations lead the researcher of urban history away from his subject. However, this is not the case. The importance of this kind of research is due to a number of reasons. The first of these is the very structure of the Russian city, the main cell, the "module" of which is an individual estate. Not a profitable house, as in the bourgeois era, or an apartment building, as in the Soviet and modern times, where the personal composition of the inhabitants and their fluidity do not matter for ideas about urban history, but the courtyard of an urban family, embedded in the socio-topographic structure of this city and personalized — marked with a specific surname of its owners — it becomes the main unit of the urban planning structure. The history of rural settlement is the history of urban planning and development. Genealogical research on an individual family, inextricably linked with its residence in a given courtyard, becomes genealogical and topographic, already entering the field of urban planning. It is of great importance for the reconstruction of medieval planning, and it becomes the key to recognizing and outlining earlier stages in its formation. At the same time, we are talking about the courtyard layout, about the inner-city parcel of the city, that is, the deepest and most detailed level of study of its structure. At this level, the connection with genealogy occurs naturally, by itself.

Reconstruction of the courtyard layout of some ancient Russian cities in the 17th century was successfully carried out by E. M. Karavaeva, A. S. Shchenkov, L. D. Mazur ^{[35, 37, 41]}. The prospects of such a reconstruction are due to the fact that it was based on the material of Scribal and Watch Books. A special feature of scribal descriptions is the active and sometimes very detailed topographic mapping of the objects being considered, the indication of neighbors and mutual location. The history of the city of Orel in the 17th century and the associated features of the source base do not provide the same opportunities for reconstruction. We do not know his sixteenth-century scribal books. In the Scribe's Book of the Oryol District of 1594-1595 ^[15], individual urban lands are only mentioned as topographic landmarks. A significant flaw in the source base is due to the fact that, starting with the census of the 1640s, it is no longer drawn up in the form of scribal records with detailed topographical information, but in the form of census books with a list character, and for the period of the last detailed scribal work - the 1620s — Orel as a settlement temporarily disappears from the map. the political map of the Russian state. The scribal character is preserved only by descriptions of the circumferential boundaries, the boundaries of settlements with agricultural land, since their surveying was carried out. The block of urban planning documentation, represented by building, refusal, salary books, etc. documents reflecting the manipulation of urban real estate, either did not reach us at all, or reached us in an incomplete or fragmentary form.

This feature of the sources prompted the search for other methods of recreating the layout of the city in the 17th century, in an attempt to obtain the necessary result from those sources that exist. They partly determined the "genealogical" bias of the work.

Orel was not originally a trade and craft type settlement. Its transformation from a military camp to a trade and craft city, from a city of warriors to a city of merchants, took place in the last quarter of the 17th - first half of the 18th centuries, and more likely at the expense of internal resources than with the influx of population from outside. The gradual, uneven transition of people from the military to the posadsky, "merchant" estate was reflected in the motley, "variegative" composition of the Sloboda population since the beginning of the 18th century, and only the genealogical principle allows us to identify a stable beginning in this motley picture. A huge array of documents from the period of the General Land Survey of 1778-1779 — plans of the pre—regular city, Field notes of land surveyors, yard plans — allow for a complete reconstruction of the inner-city parcel - yard layout, indicating the owners of the yards and their class affiliation before the restructuring of the city according to the Regular Plan. Presumably, this work will make it possible to apply the "reverse swing" method (A. S. Schenkov): superimposing demographic sections on certain time milestones on a ready-made reconstruction can reveal the contours of the city's layout at the beginning of the 18th, late, and even mid-17th centuries, if there was a certain stability in the ownership of courtyard plots. From this, the purpose of the proposed study is clear — to determine the family and ancestral composition of all population groups of the city of Orel, its dynamics during the XVII–XVIII centuries. and to identify a stable, unchanging core in it. The method being tested is hypothetical. But even in the absence of the expected results — if the demographic data attached to the plan does not show stable clusters, groups of courtyard plots, isolating earlier planning segments — such a study has independent value in studying the urban history of Orel, its social structure and settlement system, and the impact of their dynamics on the urban planning process.

The proposed work is based on an impressive array of sources. None of them has been published before, and only fragmentary information has been extracted from some of them, so all of them are being fully researched and introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. Some of them are newly identified.

The first known lists of Orlyans, serving people, date back to 1635, the time when the city began to rebuild after 20 years of desolation, and are associated with the restoration of the personnel of the Oryol garrison for the period before the destruction of the city by the Lithuanians in 1611-1615. The governor was primarily concerned not with a new device, but with the "investigation" of old service people in those cities where they "dispersed" after the Lithuanian devastation. Their lists are available in the "Documents concerning the construction of the city of Oryol after the Lithuanian devastation at the old Oryol settlement" ^{[5, l. 156-157],[5, l. 189, 268],[5, l. 305-308],[5, l. 321-325 vol.]}. This study does not concern the significant, in the XVII century — even the majority of the Oryol garrison are Boyar children. This class of military men, although called "Eagles", did not live in the city itself, which sets a very interesting theme of spatial interpretation of the Russian medieval city, openness, a well-known "blurriness" of its borders, the discrepancy in the space of the city as a settlement with its demographic and military-administrative hypostasis, a topic that was touched upon earlier ^[36]. The accounting of ordinary military personnel, residents of the city itself — streltsy, Cossacks, gunners, Cherkassy — was reflected in the Painted, Reviewed lists, Estimated murals, Collapsible books. The lists of military personnel before the Lithuanian ruin are important because those who returned to Orel settled in their former places, and there is no doubt that the layout of the city in the second quarter of the 17th century to a certain extent repeated the layout of the XVI century: "And it was ordered to arrange Orlovsky all kinds of military personnel and giletsky people in the city and in the prison where he lived in advance, they sowed ... in their old places, where ... they lived before the Lithuanian ruin," the Orel voivode B. S. Koltovsky was instructed in a royal letter dated January 12, 144 (1636) ^{[5, l. 378-379]}.

After the completion of the restoration work and the rebuilding of the settlements in the late 1630s, a census of all military ranks of people and the surveying of their lands was carried out. Among these censuses, no material was found on Pushkarskaya Sloboda, a book on Pokrovskaya-Pyatnitskaya Cossack sloboda was recently discovered by the author in the fund of Military affairs of new disassembly ^{[3, l. 287-300]}. The data on the Oryol pushkars are supplemented by the found Estimated Painting of the city of Oryol in 1643, which was incorrectly designated in 1674 in the inventories of the RGAD ^[30]. This document provides a complete list of all the military personnel of the Eagle in the first decade after the restoration. The newly identified sources include the Oryol Census Book of 1664 ^[12], which became known thanks to an article by RGADA staff ^[34]. It shows a significant drop in the population in the aftermath of the fatal epidemics of the 1650s and the wars of the 1660s. The first official monument with a list of courtyards of the Orlyan — Posadsky people is the Census Book of 1678: the restoration of the Posadsky settlement begins on the ancestral lands of the Black Settlement of the XVI century ^[13]. There are no population lists in the Clerical and boundary book of the church and rural lands of the city of Oryol and the Oryol district of 1684-1685 ^[14], it became the basis for the reconstruction of the general territorial structure of the city ^[36]. The reviewed list of G. Orel in 1697 ^[32] summarizes the demographic process in the 17th century. The heading on the maintenance of trade trades and tollage articles by the owner of the yard shows that the military class for the most part was not engaged in trade and handicrafts, as other authors easily and confidently write about it: "But there are no trade trades and tollage articles behind it," — in order to feed the servicemen it was necessary to plow the land and sow grain. The transition of the city of agricultural warriors to the traditional type of trade and craft settlement took a long time and quite late. Its beginning was reflected in a set of documents from 1718-1721, the materials of the First Revision of the imperial period of Russian history. These include the "Census Book of Oryol" of 1718 ^[10]; "Surveys of newcomers, residents of Oryol" of 1721 (incorrectly referred to as "Orlova" in the archival inventory) ^[29]; "Supplementary tales ... about dragoons, archers, pushkars, Circassians of Oryol" of 1719-21 ^[28]; "The census book of rent—paying shops, courtyards, kitchen gardens, taverns and blacksmiths in the city of Oryol" (incorrectly referred to as "Orlov" in the inventory) in 1718 ^[9].

The census book of 1718, created during the transition to a per capita salary, combines the principle of a household and per capita census, and all residents of the city — of both sexes and all ages - are included in it.: This is no longer found in any document of the period under study; it can be used to determine the total population of the Eagle. It is too early to judge whether the order of this census corresponds to the location of courtyards on the ground, but it remains exactly the same in all subsequent revisions. The evictions "from that courtyard" are noted "after the correspondence in 710" (the so—called Landrat census), i.e. the process of separation of a complex family and a new household formation is visible, which is not always associated with the occupation of a new courtyard place - those who separated often settled in hired places: among other things, the cutting of old extensive service plots into several yards — 3-5. The structuring of the material in the book shows the changes that have begun in the social structure and social topography of the city. A settlement as a territorial unit is giving way to a church parish, and it is the temple and membership in its parish community that begin to act as an organizing principle in the urban space — the composition of settlements is becoming more and more class-heterogeneous: the transition of former military personnel to the estate begins. Their courtyards remain in their places, but they change their status — they turn from military servants' courtyards into rural ones. They can be identified as the former Streletskys, Pushkarskys, Dragoons, Cherkasskys by a characteristic surname indicating ancestral affiliation to one of the groups of serving people: without the results of genealogical research, it becomes impossible to control the structure of the old settlement at this stage. The phenomenon of hiring a Sloboda service yard by representatives of the posadsky estate is spreading, or leaving for a hired place when a complex family is divided. All the newcomers did not have their own yards — they lived only on hired land. The book demonstrates the quantification of a considerable stratum of clerical clerks during this period, and the main localization of their yards in the Yegoryevsky and Vvedensky parishes, i.e. in the mountainous, left-bank Zaorlitskaya part of the city. The census of townspeople indicates what the family "feeds" on, if "by work", then sometimes the type of work is indicated; if "by their craft", then the profile of the craft; for merchants, what they trade. It is written on which land the yard stands — "Chernoslobotskaya", Pushkarskaya, "noemnaya", and what kind of "parish" it is. "Tales of alien People" provides an answer to one of the most important questions about the nature of population growth, the geographical range of places of origin, the routes of arrival of new people in Orel, their living conditions in the city and their occupation. As it turns out, they accounted for a negligible percentage of the increase, did not build their own yards, and were mainly engaged in hired menial work, without exerting any influence on the urban planning process. However, the arrival routes of a significant part of them reveal in a completely new way the position and image of Orel as a city on the river - a large river cargo port.

The Orel Census Book of 1748 includes materials from the Second Revision ^[8]. Like the Book of 1718, it is structurally organized by church parishes with the allocation of serving people in special articles, only now their lists are at the end of the book. The second revision included only males, regardless of age. By 1748, the number of archers, gunners, Circassians and dragoons was growing two and a half times compared to 1718, despite the continued transition of the military to the estate. This indicates the stability of the military class in Orel, which in the second half of the XVIII century. will form a class of odnoklassniki.

In addition to the listed large—scale assembly materials, information for this work is also drawn from other, more concise sources: these are mainly Murals and Estimated murals of the Orel voivodes - L. A. Mikulin 153 (1644) ^{[2, l. 184-187]}, O. S. Sokovnina 163 (1655) ^{[6, l. 417-420]}, Prince V. Dulov 169 (1661) ^{[6, l. 313-315]}, Osip Turgenev 170 (1662) ^{[6, l. 596-597]}, Elisey Sinyavin 173 (1664) ^{[6, l. 625-626]}, Duma clerk Semyon Zaborovsky 165 (1657) ^{[6, l. 309-310]} They contain statistical data on all groups of Eagle's military personnel, which makes it possible to trace the overall dynamics of their numbers. A newly identified fragment of the Estimated annual painting of the city of Orel in 1685 with a list of archers (80 people) was also used, the end of the list is lost ^[31].

In addition to these sources, the materials of the Third (1763) and Fourth (1782) revisions, stored in the funds of the State Agrarian Academy of Sciences ^{[26, 27]}, were used to understand the fate of the indigenous, military population of Orel in its subsequent history after the drastic social changes of the first half of the 18th century. The latter contain complete lists of odnoklassniki of all four urban settlements — direct descendants of Streltsy, gunners, Dragoon Cossacks and Cherkassy. The study of these lists makes it possible to assess the level of stability and preservation of the main gene pool of the city, and in comparison with the materials of the General Survey of 1778, as well as all the data from previous sections, to reach important aspects in understanding its planning structure and functional system.

Finally, the plans of the Oryol settlements of 1908-1915 discovered in the Land Survey Fund of the GAOO ^[1]; ^[16-22] confirmed three hypotheses of the author at once: about the preservation of the territorial structure of the settlements from the XVI century, and the genealogical structure from the XVII century. — before the October Revolution, and about the rural agglomeration around the Catherine city as a vestige of this structure.

The reconstruction of the territorial map of Orel since the 16th century ^[36] makes it possible to reliably determine the maximum population in the first period of its existence, based on data on the area of urban agricultural land. The vast territories of arable land clearly did not correspond to the number of persons allocated — the size of the allotment of each Sagittarius, gunner, Cossack, Cherkassy in the 17th century is documented. There is only one explanation for this — since these lands were allocated to the city in the XVI century and were calculated based on the number of persons allocated, the population of the Eagle of the XVI century had to correspond in number to their area. The calculation, based on the well—known norms of the 17th century, is made by dividing the total area of farmland in the settlement by the size of one allotment - it gives the number of employees in the settlement, and, accordingly, the settlement yards. Even if the rate has changed, it is likely to be insignificant, and the margin of error will be appropriate. It is already clear that the population of Orel during the period of its greatest military importance at the end of the XVI century was huge — it is difficult to find another explanation for such gigantic areas of "Graz" lands, which were mostly empty in the XVII and XVIII centuries.

The calculations made showed the following distribution of the number of representatives of military groups in Orel: about 1,200 Cossacks and Streltsy combined (the fact of joint management was established; the Streltsy allotment itself was quite small), 40 gunners and about 50 townspeople. Taking into account all family members, the total population in Orel in the 16th century was about 5,000 people or more. Orel was originally a very large city, both in terms of territory and number of inhabitants.

After studying the materials of all the censuses listed above for the period from 1640 to 1748, groups, "bundles" of surnames were identified in each settlement, which persist throughout this period of time, moving from census to census and forming the ancestral, genealogical backbone of the settlement.

The roll-call censuses of all Orel Streltsy for 1640, 1643, 1664, 1685 (incomplete), 1697, 1718 and 1748 have been preserved. They are supplemented with data on the total population for 1645,1648, 1655, 1661, 1662, and 1664. There are lists of Streltsy and Cossacks from 1635 (characteristically, their union) who "came down from the Eagle" after the Lithuanian devastation. The composition of the Streltsy hundreds recovered after 1636, not only numerically, but also personally. Voivode B. S. Koltovsky in October 1635 for the first time came "to the Eagle" from Mtsensk with a detachment of 73 archers and 9 gunners: "... And I, your servant, comrade, taking with me the Orel archers and gunners and zatinschikov, went to the Eagle. And at the first camp, my lord, I had seventy-three archers at the review, and nine gunners and zatinschikov. And I, your servant, will go Head over heels with them" (my italics are I. K.) ^{[5, l. 131]}. Thus, the lists of Orel military personnel were known ("yes and no"), the Oryans did not disperse uncontrollably "across the rosy city", a significant part of them settled in Mtsensk (almost half of the Streltsy), and the lists compiled later in Orel — on October 24 and December 17 — complement those who appeared, they include netchiki. Soon enough, voivode B. S. Koltovsky managed to almost completely restore the Orel Strelet army: in the spring of 1636, it already consisted of 172 people ^{[5, l. 268]}. Those Streltsy who appeared in 1635 on the list of nethiks ^{[5, l. 189]}, in 1640 were included in the household census: Matvey Malakhov, Rodion Moleev, Khariton Pavlov, Kuzma Borodin, Timofey Zanin, Moisey Soyminov, and others ^{[33, l. 388-397]}.

The staffing of the Streletsky hundreds — 200 people — is recorded in the lists of 1640 and 1643. They were divided into 4 fifties and 20 tens, which were headed, respectively, by Pentecostals and foremen. The list of 1640 shows the territorial location of hundreds — "in the prison" and "beyond the prison." The number of "watchful" and "sharp-witted" hundreds is not equal — 110 are stationed in the prison, 90 yards behind the prison. By name, both lists coincide by almost 100%. The personal composition of the guard tens is quite stable — foremen are changing, and "shuffling" in the guard tens is significant. In this regard, it is problematic to talk about displaying the structure of hundreds on the urban plan. Both lists are the earliest known record of the genealogical framework of Streletskaya Sloboda, which remained stable over the next century and later. Most of the surnames remain on the map of the city in 1697, 1718, and 1748, as well as during the General Survey of 1778.

Table 1. Ancestral skeleton of Streletskaya sloboda.

If in 1697 the majority of military personnel were not engaged in crafts, trade and crafts, then at the time of the 1718 census the process of military transition to the estate was already in full swing. Of the 189 Streletsky yards in 1697, 93 became in 1718 — half. The courtyards did not disappear — they changed their status, they moved from Streletsky to Posadsky, but they retained their place and belonging to the former Streletsky surnames. Therefore, they should be searched for in the list of posadsky in the relevant church parishes.:

Table 2. Distribution of posadsky from Streltsy by parishes.

Some Streltsy plots are rented out, including to former Streltsy who have transferred to Posadsky. In some cases, apparently, the owner had already moved to the manor, but the yard was still part of the Streltsy land, and this former Streltsy had to pay for his yard as for a rented one. So the wording found in the documents: "lives in a Sagittarius (hired) place" for a former Sagittarius does not always mean moving to another courtyard.

In general, after comparing the lists of 1640, 1697 and 1718, it is necessary to state the absolute preservation of the Streletskaya Sloboda family fund: all surnames, with the exception of only a few, pass from list to list, most of them on the principle of direct kinship, i.e. in later names they become patronymics, in addition to sons, widows and brothers of the same persons appear. The list of 1697 retains 75% of the family names of the list of 1640 (142 out of 189 surnames), 75 people from the list of 1718 are the same people as in 1697, as well as their blood relatives — sons, widows, brothers. The 1697 census, like all previous ones, was a household one, so the number of service "units" is equal to the number of yards, which should be determined based on what is indicated in the 1687-189 seasoning book: it can be said that it has hardly changed since the 1630s.

To understand the general dynamics of the population of Streletskaya Sloboda in the 17th century, we present the final data on known dates.

Table 3. Dynamics of the number of Streltsy in the 17th century.

This series of data shows the "pulsating" dynamics of the settlement's population, which, however, is firmly "tied" to the initial set of 200 units. Falling in the middle of the century, the curve rises back to its original value by its end. Considering this and knowing about the direct correlation of the service unit and the urban courtyard, it can be concluded that the built-up area of the city, its settlements, hardly had a pronounced growth during this period; the courtyard spaces that had been empty for some time were being redeveloped with the restoration of the population that had fallen.

The ratio of Streletsky and posadsky yards in the settlement in 1718 is shown in the table. The total number of male Archers is 156, which is one and a half times less than in 1664 (215). However, the ratio is leveled if we take into account the transition to the estate: Collectively, both categories give us a value already known to us, approaching 200 yards, the stability of which indicates the spatial stability of the Streletsky settlement for almost a century.

Table 4. The ratio of posadsky and Streletsky courtyards in 1718

The list of 1748 repeats the sequence of persons in the list of 1718, i.e. it retains its courtyard structure, and reveals the same principle of direct kinship as the previous lists. By 1748, the male population of Streletskaya Sloboda reached 304 people — such a change can only be explained by an increase in the birth rate: the territorial growth of the settlement, apparently, was insignificant - in the list of 1748, at the end of the list, generally coinciding with 1718, there is a continuation, a small "tail" or remainder, which may indicate an increase the number of yards. Nevertheless, according to the 1748 census, there is no active household formation, which cannot be said about the list of 1782. The growth and branching of families lead to the fact that in place of 1 household of representatives of this surname in 1718 and 1748. in 1782, there were already 3, 5 or more households of their children and nephews. A comparison of these data with Field Notes from 1778 ^[25] suggests that new yards were formed by crushing larger plots. The revision of 1782 shows the preservation of the main block of Streletsky surnames, which we know at the end of the 17th century. There are 181 single-family homesteads in the settlement. The fact that the courtyards of old surnames with direct kinship, known since the 17th century, were found on the 1778 Plan far from the city center, along the very edges of the blocks adjacent to Polesskaya Square, suggests that the border of the urban settlement in 1778 passed approximately where it was in 1718, and in 1687 . In general, it seems that the settlement's buildings were not crowded, the estates were not initially adjacent to each other, there were vacant lots between them, which were later occupied by people who settled in the settlement "for hire", as stated in the Field Notes of 1778. At the same time, already in the 17th century. all the blocks were built up according to shared streets between Vyshnaya Korchakovskaya and Verkhny Cherkassky lane.

The Cossack and then dragoon villages of Pokrovskaya and Pyatnitskaya formed the most extensive territorial formation in the structure of the medieval Eagle. Such truly gigantic land areas could be denied salaries only to the appropriate number of serving people, from which we concluded that the number of city Cossacks in the 16th century Eagle was more than 1,000 people and that this group of the military class repeatedly prevailed over all others. However, the situation changed in the following century. We know about the number of Cossacks after the Time of Troubles together with the number of Streltsy — 500 people ^{[5, l. 431]}. The newly revealed accompanying documents of the scribal case of 1684, dating back to the 1630s and 1640s, contain data on two Cossack hundreds on the eve of the Lithuanian devastation - Pokrovskaya and Pyatnitskaya ^{[3, l. 288-290]}. The dynamics of the number of Dragoon Cossacks in the 17th century is shown in the table, with a sharp jump occurring by the end of the century.:

Table 5. Dynamics of the number of Dragoon Cossacks in the 17th century.

It is obvious that the demographic process within different settlements in the 17th century was not parallel: in Streletskaya, while temporarily decreasing, it steadily maintained its initial high level, while in Cossack-dragoon areas the dynamics steadily increased. As a result, by the end of the 17th century, Dragunskaya Pokrovskaya-Pyatnitskaya Sloboda, as in the 16th century, was again the largest in the city not only in terms of area, but also in terms of population.

The family of characteristic Oryol Cossack-Dragoon surnames is shown in the table. The demographic framework of Dragoon settlements was finally formed by the end of the 17th century, in parallel with the growth and stabilization of their population. In the future, it did not undergo major changes, the population of the Zaoksky part of the Eagle grew naturally from this ancestral community. The list of 1718 for the first time after the list of 1638 shows the division of dragoons (former Cossacks) into Pokrovsky and Pyatnitsky, which were added in 1697. New surnames firmly joined their ancestral backbone, became characteristic in terms of belonging to these settlements.

Table 6. Ancestral skeleton of Pokrovskaya-Pyatnitskaya sloboda.

The expansion of the Posadsky element here is not as intense as in the Lower City.:

Table 7. The ratio of manor and dragoon households in 1718

The very principle of the formation of the rural population is different. If the villages of Mesopotamia are characterized by a transition from military to Posadsky — this can be seen by the predominance of old military surnames among the last, then in Pokrovskaya sloboda Posadsky are represented mainly by surnames that are not part of its ancestral fund.:

Table 8. The namesake composition of the posadsky population of Pokrovskaya Sloboda in 1718

The dynamics of the development and population of Draunskaya Sloboda can be seen here:

Table 9. Dynamics of Dragoonskaya sloboda in the first half of the XVIII century (excluding posadsky).

The number of households did not grow in the same proportion as the population. Its density increased, as did the density of buildings, but not the area of the settlement. As we have already seen from the Streltsy lists, the book of 1748 repeats the order of enumeration of households in 1718, and there is a characteristic remainder, a "tail" of just over 30 names that do not match the household list of 1718 — this will obviously be an indicator of the expansion of the settlement. Inside the list, you can see the branching of genera; new or reappearing ones, for example, the Babenkovs (for the first time in the list in 1697), compensate for those who dropped out; the main block coincides. As a result, the total number of yards in the main part of the list is the same. (Table 10). The situation is similar in Pokrovskaya Sloboda. The names Poznyakov, Birlov and Kovyrshin come from the district children of the Boyars, who shared estates with Pyatnitskaya Sloboda (the village of Lavrovo — Poznyakov, Kovyrshin).

Table 10. Dynamics of household settlement of Dragoonskaya sloboda in 1718-1748 according to Census books.

The location of the Pushkar courtyards in Ostrog, in the parish of the Epiphany Church, on both sides of the so-called "Redovaya Road", i.e. in the block between modern Living Room Street and the shore of Orlik and opposite, is known from documents cited by A. G. Puparev, a total of 36 courtyards for the period 1630s–1640s ^{[39, pp. 3, 4.]} These courtyards stood in the same places in the XVI century.: "And before that, Sire, we, your serfs, were given places in the yards of the prison. And now those of our courtyards, which we, your serfs, used to own before the Lithuanian ruin, have not been given to anyone, they lie empty" ^{[5, l. 322]}. The stable localization of Pushkarskaya Sloboda is indicated here by the fact that the Pushkar courtyards belonged exclusively to the Epiphany parish in 1718, despite the fact that the main part of the Pushkar lands was located far from here, beyond the Studen Top. There is little doubt that the settlement existed from ancient times on those lands: in the Vicinity of the Marshes before the Lithuanian ruin there were 11 yards of messengers ^{[14, l. 59 vol.]}, the presence of buildings on a small island of Pushkar land from Studenoe Top to Tsarev Ford, sandwiched between the church and Posad lands, is evidenced by the title of the boundary the plan of 1778 ^[7].

Data on the number of gunners before the Lithuanian ruin differ from one source to another. B. S. Koltovsky testifies to 76 persons of the rank of pushkin ^{[5, l. 431]}, the petition of the gunners in the royal name of 1635 is about 56 ^{[5, l. 322]}, the petition referred to by A. G. Puparev is about 36 ^{[39, p. 3-4]}. The latter is consistent with our calculations.

The famous composition of the Orel gunners will vividly "sound" on the city map in the 19th and 20th centuries, and this echo will remain in classical Russian literature. In 1697, the names of 27 people were from the list of 1643, 31 from the list of 1664, and 8 representatives of new surnames. As in other groups of service people, there are surnames that occur both there and there.: Novogorodtsov, Antsyforov, Krutikov, Fedyukin, Kolachnikov, Telegin, Chebotarev, Shetokhin — Streletsky; Kosheverov, Vorotnikov — Dragoon. Representatives of the same genus were enrolled in different groups of military personnel, and there were transitions from one group to another. In general, as in all other groups of the population of Orel, the "bunch" of Pushkar surnames turns out to be firmly rooted and does not crumble either in the 17th century or in subsequent times. This constancy can be traced even in the subgroups of the Pushkin rank: of the 4 collars in 1643, 2 surnames remained – Boldyrev and Minaev, in 1697 their children and grandchildren already made up two halves of the collars, with the addition of new ones – Zelenins and Zakurdaev. The names of the Azarov and Kurbatov families have been fixed in state-owned blacksmiths since 1664.

Table 11. Ancestral skeleton of Pushkarskaya sloboda.

The data from 1718 show an active influx of the posadsky estate into the city center: at that time there were only 36 Pushkarsky and 75 posadsky yards in the exclusively Pushkarsky Bogoyavlensky parish. Some of the former gunners ended up in the Streletsky Nikolsky parish on hired Streletsky lands; some, in the same place, on their own — the Kotelnikovs, the greatly expanded Serebrenikov family, the Vlasovs: Pushkarskaya sloboda from the XVI century partially occupied the left side of the Redovaya Road, falling into the territory of the Nikolsky parish. Among the 75 manor yards of the Epiphany parish, there are few Pushkar surnames — Antoshin, Serebrenikov, Chupakhin, Selchyukov, Ozarov, Ovchinnikov, Kurbatov, Of which only 8 families live in their old Pushkar yards — the former state blacksmiths brothers Matvey and Sidor Lazarev, the Kurbatov children, Vasiley Volodimerov, Antoshin and his nephews, 2 Kochetov families, Danila Mikhailov's son Serebrenikov, Sava and Karp Fyodorov are the Serebrenikov children (Nikolsky parish). Many townspeople of the Epiphany parish (18 courtyards) hire courtyard places from Streltsy — the former, apparently, is clear, the division and correspondence "sloboda — parish" is blurred. This, of course, was influenced by the close proximity of both temples and courtyards of different settlements. On the other hand, the serious social shifts that the city has been experiencing in these decades have led to the fact that the rented or owner's yard was not always located near the parish church of its residents. For example, the Ovchinnikovs and Selchukovs, remaining in the Pushkarsky Epiphany parish, moved to live on Chernoslobodskaya and Pushkarskaya polevaya zemlya. Some, very small, part of the Pushkar courtyards in Bogoyavlensky and Nikolsky parishes (11 courtyards) are rented out by the posadsky.

As a result, there are not many old Pushkarskys among the 75 manor yards of the Epiphany parish, only about 20. The Pushkars, becoming "merchant" people, were evicted either to hired places nearby, to Streletskaya Sloboda, or to Chernoslobodskaya or Pushkarskaya land beyond the Studen Top — it became too crowded on the territory of their settlement near the Epiphany Temple. The 1778 plan shows 3 small blocks here. Nevertheless, in 1718 they were officially considered Pushkar lands ^{[10, l. 463 vol.]}. According to the field notes of the General Land Survey of 1779, it is clear that there are almost no old Pushkar surnames in these quarters, some of them are on the other side of Moskovskaya Street, in Nikolsky parish — Zelenin, Serebrenikov, Antoshin, Dubrovin, Kulabukhov ^[24]. It must be assumed that by the second half of the 18th century, Pushkarskaya Sloboda had almost completely, with the exception of individual families who moved to the townships, freed the city center from its settlement, moving to its ancient scribal lands beyond the Studeny Top. And already here in 1778, many well—known surnames were found - Kulabukhov, Vlasov, Antoshin, Boldin, Zakurdaev, Minaev, Kanunnikov, Shetokhin, Anishchev, Makarov, Krasilnikov ^[23]. As the Plan of 1778 shows, Pushkarskaya Sloboda formed 4 blocks behind the Studeny Top, the contours of which can be guessed on the 1877 Plan of the city of Orel by the surveyor Drevitz, where the inner-block parcel is indicated. In addition, the shape and orientation of the courtyards in this part of the already regular network of blocks are sharply different from the surrounding regular rectangular cut — they run diagonally to the red lines, partially with a bend, "swirl" inside the block. This allows us to talk about the safety of the courtyard layout from a pre-regular time.

The dynamics of the number of persons of the rank of Pushkin in Orel in the 17th century is as follows:

Table 12. Dynamics of the number of persons of the rank of Pushkin in the XVII century.

In general, we can see a slightly fluctuating but steady number of gunners in the 17th century Eagle — 30-35 military units, which is less than the values known to us from the evidence of the 1630s in the 16th century, but corresponds to the area of arable land. By the end of the century, the population had increased dramatically by 2 times with natural growth.

In the 18th century, the pushkars moved from the city center to the settlement behind the Studyback. The settlement existed here already at the end of the 17th century. In 1687, 90 Pushkar yards could not fit in the narrow strip between the Redovaya Road and the Oryol River near the Epiphany Church with shops and other buildings of the Oryol Trade located here. In the Scribe's Book of 1685, opposite the church Afanasyevskaya and Yegoryevskaya lands, the Danilov Pochinka lands are indicated not as "Pushkarskaya land", but as "Pushkarskaya Sloboda", the Pushkar courtyards behind the Studen Top are shown in the Drawing of Oryol in 1741 — before the Vodomoy pothole, followed by "Pushkarskaya polyavaya zemlya". Of all the Oryol settlements, Pushkarskaya is the only one that has undergone such a "migration", all the others remained in their places. From 1718 to 1748, the settlement's population and the number of households increased, to 91 households by 1778 ^[23]. Not all of them are of Pushkar family names and rank, but it is here that the largest percentage of odnoklassniki has been preserved in comparison with other settlements.: almost 60% are 52 yards, not counting the yards of former gunners who had become merchants and burghers by that time. The peculiarity of the arrangement of single—family courtyards — in groups on a single vast "marriage" place - also prevails in this settlement. The Pushkars turned out to be the most conservative social group of the military city, stable in preserving its characteristics, showing some inertia towards its transition from a military type to a trade and craft type. Perhaps this was due to the restriction of their rights to engage in trade and crafts by the Cathedral Code of 1649, unlike the Streltsy, who were free to do this on an equal basis with the townspeople without taking on a burden.

The village of Studenaya was Cossack in pre-Soviet times, but it is impossible to say whether these were Circassian Cossacks. The first list of Oryol Cherkassy dates back to 1640 (34 people), the next — to 1643 (38 people). Almost all the surnames match, the order of enumeration is completely different, so it is not yet possible to establish a connection with the location of the courtyards on the ground. Several new names appear – Filon Kuznets, Ivan Oltukhov, Ivan Filonov. In 1660 Cherkasskaya Sloboda was settled again, repeatedly. In 1664, only 10 surnames remained from the first two lists, and they were probably the children of the former Cherkassas. There are 48 people (yards) in the settlement. New surnames are hardly expressive, all derived from male names — Saveliev, Sidarov, Grigoriev, etc., as, indeed, in previous censuses. But there are also memorable, characteristic ones — Berdnikov, Tkach. Surnames from other groups of the service class appear — Streletsky Radin, Androsov.

The reviewed list of 1697 finally convinces us that Cherkassy was the most unstable category of the population of Orel — the namesake composition is changing dramatically again. There were two halves of Cherkassovs in the city at that time, only 46 people (both here and above are military units) — as you can see, their number even decreased, which is the opposite of the general trend in all other groups. Moreover, the censuses of both 1697 and 1718 did not reflect, like other settlements, the completion of the crystallization of its ancestral composition. To the surviving old ones, many new surnames are added — Shishkov, Shmulya, Dubinin, Telnoy, Lut, Korastelev, Shchedrikov, Rateev, Budyntsov, Kamarev, Slesar, Kalmyk, Sedoy, Smirnoy, Shetalov, Novikov, Korenev, Golikov. However, in 1718, in Cherkasskaya Sloboda, which all belonged to the Resurrection parish, there were only 23 courtyards and very few names from the most developed list of 1697 — Dubinin, Sakolenok, Shchedrikov, Korenev, Lutov, Novikov, Smirnoy, Golikov, Korastelev, Rasputnoy. Among the 36 manor yards of the Voskresensky parish, there are only two Cherkassy surnames — Fedorov and Sedoy: Circassians are even more conservative than Pushkars in their transition to the estate. In the lists of 1748 and 1782, the generic structure of 1718 is fixed — for this period it is already possible to speak about the stabilization of Cherkassy settlement, the latest in terms of all other Oryol settlements. The revision of 1782 here, as in Streletskaya Sloboda, shows an increase in the number of households with the same surname. The projection of the family composition onto the 1778 Plan gives the same picture of the free arrangement of single—family households as in Streletskaya Sloboda, and the constancy of borders at least since the end of the 17th century. The gaps were actively filled by "merchant" people who came here, including those from single-family households in other settlements, as well as representatives of the nobility, who formed here even a separate block with P. B. Sheremetev, E. R. Dashkova, I. A. Golovkin.

Orlovsky Posad, as a settlement at the fortress, has never been a place of settlement of the Posadsky people. This has been said more than once. Posadskaya Sloboda has never been directly adjacent to the fortress core, nor has it formed a territorial and spatial triad characteristic of a commercial and craft city: fortress — torg — posad. The first known census of non—military households in Orlovsky Posad dates back to 1646 ^{[11, l. 516-521 vol.]}. 17 of them are the siege yards of the boyar children. It should be noted that despite the large number of the Orel "military town" — more than 1,000 boyar children at the end of the 16th century and 800 after the restoration — Orel itself never had a large number of siege yards — the military landlords did not seek to settle in the city. According to the Census Book of 1646, "the courtyards of the nobles and Orlyans of the boyar's children were located in and outside the prison, and they had courtyards suitable for the siege period": M. O. Pushchina with her unfaithful son boyar F. O. Goltyaev, Poramon Zhilin, Sergei Nosin, Omelyan Ornautov, Warrior Kozin, Vasily Tsurikov, Mikita Tsurikova, Merkul Orekhov, Peter Roslyakov, Mikhail Zhilin, Artemon Bulgakov, Kalina Chunikhin, Gavril Tenetilov, Nefeda Muraveynikov, Taras Palshchikov, Ignatya /An/dreyanova, Vasily Kharechkina. These are the first representatives of the noble class who lived in Orel, which we know about in documents, and this list was exhaustive at that time. Judging by the fact that janitors lived in all 17 siege yards, some with their families, and two with boyar children, they were not primitive siege cages, but full—fledged city yards. Among the janitors there are surnames Streltsov — Kireev, Sysoev, who later became dragoons; Streletsky since 1664. the surname Torokanov was borne in 1646 by a walking man, that is, from the former posadsky, the same applies to the surnames Maslenik, Podtychinin.

In addition to these 17 siege yards of the boyar's children, "on the Eagle in the prison were the yards of the visiting wives of the merchant people of boyar Nikita Ivanovich Romanov, and those yards they have for grain purchases and other goods that come to them for a while" ^{[11, l. 515 vol. – 516]} — Sereshka Mikhailova with the attendant Ivashka Kondratiev, Fomka Oltukhova with a walking man Ivashka Yakovlev, Trifon Oltukhov with a retired sagittarius Vaska Sipin, Omelka Rogatkin with a beggar Ondrushka the Blind, Titka Filatov with a walking widow Ofrosinitsa, Tikhon Markov without a tenant, in total — 6 yards. The "walking people" mentioned here again are the ruined townspeople who lost their independent farming ^[40]. Presumably, there were a lot of such people scattered in the yards of the Orlyans in the city — they or their children and grandchildren would be among those who in 1672 would declare the "old town" and lay the demographic foundation of the Posad settlement, which thus did not lose its ancestral connection with the Black Settlement of the XVI century.

The first complete list of posadsky is given by the Census Book of the city of Oryol and the county in 1678 by the scribe E. M. Norov and the clerk Savvin Repyev ^[13]. It says that "the Posatskaya settlement on the Eagle behind the ostrog was newly built in 184 (1676 – I. K.) on Posatskaya land." At that time, there were 39 yards with 100 male residents and 1 soldier's yard on this old Chernoslobodsk land. 21 the manor house stood in hired places and was scattered across the Sloboda lands — Streletsky, Pushkarsky and Cossack-Dragoon. 35 people lived in the "rented" yards.

In the surnames of the posadsky people, their ordinariness and mediocrity are immediately noticeable in comparison with the expressive surnames of the servicemen. Most of them are formed from male names — Petrov, Mikhailov, Fedorov, Timofeev, Filipov, Antonov, Yakovlev, Vasiliev, Semenov, Ivanov, Mikiforov, Andreev, Ilyin, Stepanov, Lukyanov, Maximov, Borisov, etc. But some stand out — Aristov, Potanin, Shevelev, Mesnikov, Suslov, Nobokov, Gribachev, Cheremukha. Several surnames coincide with the service personnel known to us — Ovchinnikov, Plotnikov, Dubrovin, Suvorov.

The number of visiting trading yards is increasing — from 6 in 1646 to 15, but in 1678 these are completely different people. The geography of the regions from where merchants come to Orel is expanding. In addition to Kaluga, these are Kolomna, Belev, Moscow, and the Tsar's palace villages near Moscow. Muscovites are beginning to play a special role in the commercial and economic life of Orel. These are representatives of Sadovaya and Kadashevskaya settlements — Kadashev residents Brusentsovs, Ostafievs, gardeners Ivanovs, Chanin, Boastful. In addition to the prison, the visiting trading yards were located as a separate "settlement" "in Dragoonskaya sloboda across the river on the church land of Nikita the Martyr of Christ" — 8 yards.

In line with the general trend of those years, the ancient noble aristocracy from the central regions of the country poured into Orel: their old lands were depleted, and the southern Russian chernozems of the former borderlands in the second half of the 17th century. we are already far away from the borders of the state. This explains the appearance in the center of the city of courtyards "for arrival and siege time" by boyar I. M. Miloslavsky, who took over the lands of the village of Saburova with the former latrine of Streletskaya across the river from his Father, boyarin, Dvoretsky and gunsmith B. M. Khitrovo, okolnichy A. S. Khitrovo, representatives of the village of Saburova directly adjacent to the city, Streletsky and Cherkassky. the families of which at the end of the XVIII century. owned villages in the Nepotsky camp along the banks of the Oka River — Verkhny and Nizhny Gonyuchy (modern times). Kasyanovka), boyarin, Prince Y. P. Trubetskoy, boyarin, Prince I. B. Repnin, stolnik P. M. Pushkin, stolnik Prince I. I. Dashkov, boyarin P. M. Saltykov, stolnik M. L. Pleshcheyev. It should be noted that in V. M. Nedelin's reconstructions, the location of their courtyards is not shown quite accurately. Nedelin, who interpreted the concept of "another prison" in this case as the so-called "prison of Prince Vasily Dulov" ^{[38, pp. 126-128]}, placed all these courtyards near the Epiphany Church, between the temple and the Redovaya Road. In fact, they were located much more freely, interspersed with courtyards and shops of "various ranks of people", including the quarters on the other side of Redovaya Road, in the parish of St. Nicholas the Wonderworker, as we know thanks to the recently discovered plan of the center of Oryol in 1699. Here stood the courtyards of Trubetskoy and Khitrovo. On the same side, apparently, was the courtyard of I. M. Miloslavsky, as indicated by the description of the Orel Auction in 1718 ^[9].

In addition to the courtyards of the capital's nobility, in the center of Orel, the buildings, both then and after that, were of a mixed nature, there were courtyards of the local "elite", which it is interesting to correlate with the list of 1646. In Nizhny Novgorod, obviously, in the same places, there are the courtyards of the Zhilins, Bulgakovs, Tsurikov, across the Oryol River, "in the parish of the Church of St. George the Passion-Bearer" — the courtyards of the Zhilins, Ornautovs, Nekrasovs. The rest of the lists do not match, in 1678 some names left, new ones appeared: Uvara Maslova — in the Lower and Upper towns, Z. S. Obolmasova, widows of M. S. Ovsyanikova, F. V., M. V. and Maxim Telegins, T. G. Latyreva, I. I. Mishkov — in the Upper. For the first time, the peasant courtyards of Fyodor Faddev in Nizhny Novgorod, Ivan Syanov – "beyond the river beyond the Eagle" are shown.

The total number of courts of nobility, noblemen and officials in Orel in 1678 was 29. Together with the 21 village yards outside the village settlement — a total of 50 yards — it was significantly outnumbered by the yards of streltsy, gunners and Cossacks (dragoons) — the main population of the Eagle. However, these few courtyards beyond the Oryol River, as well as the estates of the Boyarsky children — Zhilins, Lamonov, Opalkov, Mishkov, and their siege yards in this part of the city — directly adjacent and included in the "Gratsky" lands, determined the peculiarity of the formation of this area as a privileged one. In 1718, there were a total of 31 deanery yards in St. George's and Vvedensky parishes. For comparison, there are 6 in the Epiphany parish, and 3 in Nikolsky. If the population of all other parts of the city was mixed, and in the interfluve sector at that time it was already quite diverse, then a monosocial trend is quite obvious here. This makes the Zaorlitskaya part stand out sharply from the rest.

The 1718 census of the Orel Posad population is the closest known to us since 1678. In the parish of the Assumption Church, the church of the Posadskaya Sloboda, there are already 149 posadsky yards, there are no others. Of the old manor names, according to the list of 1678, Potanin, Gribachev, Suslov, Myasnikov, Antonov, Yakovlev, Plotnikov, Kozarinov, Ovchinnikov, Cheremukhin, Suvorov, Semenov are preserved. The old Posadsky Shevelevs and Stepanovs are registered in the Epiphany parish. But apart from them, the list of 1718 contains a whole scattering of characteristic, memorable manor names that appear for the first time, and in the future many of them will already determine the courtyard map of the city until the large-scale social upheavals after 1917. No less than a number of surnames come to the village from military ranks.

Table 13. Distribution of Russian surnames by origin

According to these lists, there is a multiple predominance of Streltsy surnames, half as many as Pushkar and Dragoon surnames, which confirms the conclusions made earlier about the varying degree of intensity of the transition of military personnel to posadsky in different groups of military personnel. It is impossible to pass by a large number of surnames that contain the name of a craft or craft at their root. Surnames of this type are found not only among the townspeople, but also initially, in the very first lists of military personnel, which suggests that they include former townspeople, of the "pre-Lithuanian" period, who enlisted after 1635.

The book on shopkeeping and household places in 1718 confirms the conclusion that the serving people in Orel were not engaged in trade — it was exclusively the prerogative of the posadskys. Of the 95 shops at the Orel Auction, only 1 belonged to the dragoon Afonas Poryvkin, the rest to the Orlyan Posadsky people. But not all posadskys were engaged in trade, many of them were mentioned in the Census Book of 1718 that they "feed their laborers", it is often specified which: bondur (Bondyrev), "Kuznetskaya", "chebotarnoy", "tailor bridge", haulage, "bake kolachi and make sheepskins" (Ovchinnikovs), they make fireplaces, hats (Shapochnikov), krashenins (Krasilnikov), wax candles, "copper earrings", "silver earrings", "black goats", pots and bricks, "they beat cattle in the Meat row", "they beat hemp oil", "they have ... a kvass industry" "they plow the land and sow with bread," "they walk in ploughs" (or "ploughing work"), "they cut hemp and make ploughing gear." The Oryol Posad people traded fish, bread, "dechtem", hops, wood chips, bast, "leather", "apples", "abs", lard, hemp, honey, horses, cattle, "leftovers", "kolach and kvass", "wood chips and ... glass dishes", "ploughing gear", "in the Meskin row", "in the Mesny row", "pouring bread", "driving through the villages". 68 yards do not pay taxes "for poverty" — there are many poor people in the estate of the Eagle, this catches the eye when reading the list. There are also those who "drag around the world."

In 1718, there were 400 rural households in Orel and 399 military personnel — an equal number. In addition, there are 40 deanery yards, the yards of priests of 9 parish churches and the yards of the top of society, which were not written in the Census books. The total number of courtyards thus amounted to no more than 1,000, which was less than in the 16th century. This is another proof of the imaginary so—called "growth of the city." In the period from the end of the 17th century to the end of the 18th century, there was a marked increase in the population due to an increase in the birth rate, however, this growth, apparently, does not cause a corresponding expansion of urban settlements, which accommodates an increasing number of inhabitants by compacting buildings and increasing population density. The fact that the increase in the number of yards was due to the division of existing large plots is evidenced by the 1718 Toll Book: it mentions the sloboda places of service with the number of yards from 2 to 5. The Boundary Regulations of 1766 even specifically prohibited such fragmentation of single-family plots. At first, the appearance of manor yards did not give an increase in settlement: for example, in Dragoon settlements, according to the 1718 Rent Book, all manor yards were hired, i.e. they were built on old dragoon sites.

Regarding the opinion about the increase in the city's population from the outside, the documents give every reason for skepticism. It remains unclear where most of the original posadsky surnames came from — whether they were walking people who lived "behind" the servicemen; or the former military, passing into the draft, were called by new surnames corresponding to their trade — but all the "newcomers, residents of the city of Orel" for 30 years before 1721 are known to us by name, and none of them has their own yard, most of them "forage for menial labor", some for "tailor work", almost half of them "walk in the fields" "in kosher". In total, 75 people arrived in Orel within the specified period, which is a very small number. According to the 1748 census, only a few of them stayed in the city. It is characteristic that in most families of newcomers there are no children. Thus, the migration of the population to Orel is random and does not affect the demographic process. However, it reveals one of the main characteristic features of the city, which is highlighted with particular clarity in these seemingly insignificant circumstances. Although the geography of migration is quite wide — it is Syzran, Pskov, Novgorod, Velikiye Luki, Arkhangelsk, Tula, Ryazhsk, Moscow, Usman, Olonets, Smolensk, Suzdal, Starodub, Vitebsk, Krichev, Pronsk, Tobolsk district, Yelets, Krapivensky district, the majority of those who came to Orel come from cities and counties of the Volga region and Volga regions: Kolomna, Serpukhov, Kashira, Mozhaisk, Yelatma, Tarusa, Kaluga, Murom, Pavlov, Ryazan, Pronsk, Syzran, Nizhny Novgorod, Kostroma, Yaroslavl, Simbirsk, Cheboksary, Tver. They all came to Orel on Struga, where they were hired as kashevars ("koshevers"). This suggests that the main transport route connecting Orel with other regions of Russia was the river route. The role of the Oka River as the main transport artery is clearly revealed here, in all its significance. The connection of the Eagle with the river is seen differently than we used to imagine: the Eagle is a city on the river, connected with it directly and actively; the role of the Oka is not "recreational", as we perceive it in modern times; the river is the core of the city, its main life string, the axis around which its functional revolves the system. Orel is a port city, the water area of the Oka River within its limits is a parking place for many ships, the entire Oka embankment within the boundaries of the urban settlement is a port with several berths on both banks, where warehouses for goods are located, mainly bulk barns, with a towpath and boatmen. Ships, their masts and sails have been the main feature of the image of this city for hundreds of years, and the working days of its inhabitants unfolded on the river, the whole existence of the Eagle was conditioned by the river and seemed to be "saturated" with the river smell.

How did the described territorial and demographic complex transform after Catherine's reforms and in what form has it reached our time? In the letters of Count M. F. Kamensky, 1802-1803, discovered by the author in the funds of the Russian Geographical Society, there is such evidence: "... many people were given penniless places from the treasury, both nobles and merchants, and with the relocation of the former owners of odnodvorets from those places from coercion to Novy sloboda ..." ^{[4, l. 123 vol.]}. In 1864, odnodvorets were renamed state peasants. The plans of the settlements of the beginning of the XX century revealed in the SSAU, explicated by the family names of the owners of the plots — the state peasants of these settlements — made it possible to link the results of territorial and demographic research, showing that in 1908-1915 not only the ancient borders of the Sloboda lands did not change, but also the ancestral composition of the population living on them — direct descendants of Streltsy, Cossacks, gunners and Cherkassy, the indigenous inhabitants of Orel, who were displaced by Catherine's reform beyond the designated "urban boundary" and preserved the original way of life in the part of the city cut off from the core from the XVI century (see illustrations). There was a kind of "exodus" of a significant part of the indigenous population, who did not fit into the new standards of urban life, to their scribal settlement lands, thanks to which both the structure of these lands and the forms of management on them remained. The process of urban evolution appears here as if in an "inverted", reverse perspective, centrifugal, relative to the generally accepted urban doctrine — it is not the village that nourishes the city, gravitating towards it, but the ancient, primordial city that "unfolds" into the surrounding rural space, preserving its foundations in it. The ancient Eagle, the Eagle of the XVI–XVII centuries. was preserved in the rural district of the city of Modern times, "moved" into it.

The urban concept, based on the opposition of the city to the rural environment, begins to fluctuate significantly after the conducted research. The city is no longer seen as an abstract, impersonal mass of neighborhoods and "buildings." The basic unit of the urban planning structure is an individual homestead-the household of a specific family with a surname and ancestral history of residence here. This unit — homestead-household — is personalized, it has a personal expression. The city appears as a city of people in the truest sense of the word, its social "module" — the direct equivalent of an urban planning module — is the family of the owners of the city yard. This kind of mindset fundamentally distinguishes it from the modern one, just as monody differs from polyphony or harmonic mindset in music. Echoes of this are still present in address books of the 19th century, where the street was indicated and not the house number, but the name of its owner: "Sadovaya St., house of so-and-so." Personal, personalized urban topography is evidence of the same organization of the urban planning structure. This certainly makes the city related to the village, in the spatial organization of which lies the same nominal principle.

The identification and assessment of the role of agricultural land in the overall structure of the city, its functional system, social topography, and organization of life in general made it possible, based on the areas of its agricultural lands, to calculate its population in the 16th century — about 5,000 people or more — and conclude that Orel in the 16th century was a large city, barely Lee is not the largest among the neighboring ones. At the same time, it was established that the main population of the Eagle of the XVI century — more than 1,000 military families — were urban Cossacks.

The conducted research casts doubt on the textbook idea of the city as a settlement of a trade and craft type. The eagle was a specific type that developed in the southern Russian borderland in the XVI–XVII centuries. — a military camp populated almost exclusively by serving people, with a secondary role, and in a certain period — the complete absence of the village population. Because of this, the Eagle had to undergo a change of socio—economic structure in the late 17th and first half of the 18th centuries. The version that the servicemen were actively engaged in trade is crumbling in the light of the documentary evidence presented. The original warehouse of the city has forever left its mark — the presence of the odnodvorets estate on its social palette in the XVIII and XIX centuries, along with the preservation until the October Revolution of the vast areas of clerical lands around the urban settlement and the rural agglomeration formed here by these indigenous citizens, odnodvorets, essentially urban settlements — this specific territorial and socio-topographic The organization of the city has become an imprint of its military and military past.

The studied data show the stability and immutability of the main gene pool of the city, and suggest that its demographic base was made up of the indigenous population, which grew by internal growth, through natural fertility, and not by an influx from outside. In general, one gets the impression of a well-known "tightness" of the city, which also destroys familiar stereotypes, including about the hierarchy and nature of urban-rural relations: the processes that we observed in the geopolitical aspect, when the rural district arose as a product of the city, as a result, found their parallel in demography — the popular opinion about the increase of the urban population by the rural contingent as a kind of permanent and natural process turns out to be pure fiction.

The thesis of continuous growth and "development" of the city is questioned. During the second half of the 17th century, the "pulsating dynamics" of its population was revealed, and a clear increase was visible only by the end of the century — through the natural expansion and division of large families, with an increase in building density and population, but not with the general growth of residential settlements.

According to the proposed hypothesis, the established demographic, topographic and genealogical constants may make it possible in the future, if there is a complete courtyard reconstruction of the city in 1778, to identify the contours of its layout at earlier stages of its formation.

Fig. 1. Pushkarskaya Sloboda and its Surrounding Marshes in 1908, Part 1. Its preservation in the scribal boundaries of the XVI–XVIII centuries is obvious ^{[17, l.10]}.

Fig. 2. Pushkarskaya sloboda in 1908, Part 2. The explication contains the indigenous Pushkar surnames of the 17th century ^{[17, l. 10]}.

Fig. 3. Streletskaya sloboda within the scribal boundaries of Studenoi Sloboda in the 16th century in 1908-1909. The southern part ^{[21, l.10]}.

Fig. 4. Streletskaya sloboda within the scribal boundaries of Studenoi Sloboda in the 16th century in 1908-1909. The northern part.

Fig. 5. Streletskaya land in the Zaorlitskaya part in the scribal borders of the XVI century in 1908-1909. Now it is a cheerful settlement in the city of Orla. The explication contains Streletsky surnames of the 17th century ^{[21, l. 2]}.

Fig. 6. Cherkasskaya sloboda within the scribal boundaries of Studenoy Sloboda in the 16th century in 1909. The northern part. The explication includes Cherkassy surnames of the XVIII century ^{[22, l. 1]}

Fig. 7. Cherkasskaya sloboda in the scribal borders of Studenoi Sloboda of the XVI century in 1909, the southern part.

Fig. 8. Pyatnitskaya Sloboda on its clerical lands of the XVI century in 1910 ^{[18, l. 8]}.

Fig. 9. Explications to the Plan of Pyatnitskaya Sloboda contain indigenous Cossack surnames from the 17th century.

10. The village of Luzhki on the scribal lands of the Pyatnitskaya sloboda of the XVI century in 1910 ^{[19, l. 1]}.

11. The village of Polovets on the scribal lands of the Pyatnitskaya sloboda of the XVI century in 1910 ^{[19, l. 1]}.

Fig. 12. Explication to Fig. 10 and 11. Part 1. The list contains Cossack surnames of the 17th century.

Fig. 13. Explication to Fig. 10 and 11. Part 2. The list contains Cossack surnames of the 17th century.