Russian-Spanish Relations in the Scientific and Educational Sphere after February 2022

Kargovskaia Elena ORCID: 0000-0001-7764-0565 Senior lecturer, Department of Foreign Languages, Peoples' Friendship University of Russia 117198, Russia, Moscow, Miklukho-Maklaya str., 6 kargovskaya-ea@rudn.ru Other publications by this author

Kuznetsova Viktoriia ORCID: 0000-0003-4545-1676 PhD in History Senior lecturer, Department of Foreign Languages, Peoples' Friendship University of Russia 117198, Russia, Moscow region, Moscow, Miklukho-Maklaya str., 6 kuznetsova-vv@rudn.ru Other publications by this author

Introduction. The adoption of sanctions against the Russian Federation after the start of its operation on the territory of Ukraine and the subsequent changes for Russia's position in the international arena, in particular, in the context of the development of Russian-Spanish relations, should be assumed to be largely negative: for example, at the time of 2020, Russia was in the Top 10 countries for the use of "soft power" according to Brand Finance^[1], and the tools of soft power, which we refer to, in particular, tools for building international relations in the scientific and educational sphere, have been successfully used by Moscow to create a positive international image of the country, to promote the domestic political agenda abroad. Thus, institutionalization of cooperation in the cultural and educational sphere played a significant role. At the same time, after February 24, 2022, the functioning of almost all institutions in this area was discontinued. The aim of the study is to identify the impact of the SVO on Russian-Spanish educational relations and to find ways to overcome the current situation. The objectives of the study include: development of the theoretical basis of the study in the framework of identifying the essence and morphology of "soft power", the features of the implementation of "soft power" in Russian-Spanish relations before the start of the SVO in Ukraine; identification of key institutions for the implementation of "soft power" in the field of educational cooperation between Russia and Spain; analysis of the features and problems of the implementation of these institutions after the start of the SVO on the basis of empirical data; identification of directions for the development of Russian-Spanish relations in the educational sphere in the future. 

A scientific problem. The key scientific problem considered in this study is the institutional factor of the implementation of "soft power" in Russian-Spanish relations: thus, the hypothesis is confirmed that this factor played a key system-forming role before the start of the SVO, and the main institutions of the implementation of "soft power" in the sphere of Russian-Spanish educational interaction are also identified.  

A practical problem. The practical problem of the study is related to the search for ways to implement "soft power" in Russian-Spanish relations in the field of education outside of the established legal and other institutions of international cooperation, the implementation of which was actually paralyzed after the start of its. It is also necessary to identify the institutions of the implementation of "soft power" in the relevant relations that are still functioning, to identify potential problems of their implementation that may arise in the future in connection with the continuation of the sanctions activity of the countries of the "collective West", to consider methods of preventing the occurrence of such problems and ways to overcome them. 

The theoretical basis of the study. The concept and morphology of soft power. The concept of "soft power" was first introduced by a scientist from the USA J. Nayem at the end of the 20th century.^[2], at the same time, soft power as a phenomenon within the framework of international relations has been used for a long time. It should be noted that it was at the end of the XX – beginning of the XXI century that this phenomenon was actualized for international relations^{[3, p.213]}: for example, soft power began to be considered as an instrument for achieving certain benefits, building international ties to obtain them, as an instrument of international interaction that avoids wars and conflicts, escalation of tension which has become especially dangerous in the context of the existence of several nuclear powers, as well as as an instrument for the realization of new cultural, educational, innovative interests of the state, which could not be realized through traditional "forceful" methods of influence ^{[4, p.69]}. Despite the relevance of this concept in the modern world, there is no unified approach in scientific circles as to the translation of this term, which was originally formulated as "soft power" (for example, the translations "flexible power", "flexible power", "soft power" ^{[5, p.91]}), and also to the definition of relevant terms, to the definition of the essence and morphology of this phenomenon, the features of its operationalization and institutionalization ^{[6, p.85]} of the methods, tools and resources underlying the implementation of soft power. 

Analyzing the approaches to the definition of the concepts of power and power of the state, we can identify the following: traditionally, the power and power of the state were understood through the degree of probability of one of the subjects of international relations realizing his will, regardless of the opposition^[7].

Later, realistic concepts appeared, according to which the power of the state and its power were considered through the totality of different capabilities of a given state. At the same time, such resources included not only military power, but also, for example, according to G. Mortengau, material (industrial, geographical, demographic), intangible (national, diplomatic, moral, managerial)^[8], as well as strategic resources. Similar indicators were highlighted by K. Waltz, indicating that the implementation of power resources is carried out within the framework of systemic restrictions existing in the system of international relations ^{[9, p.28]}. As a result, the power and authority of the state were considered through the available resources and the ability to realize their interests through the use of such resources in the context of restrictions imposed by the established system of international relations, as well as determining the presence of resistance from other subjects of such relations. Thus, within the framework of neorealism, control over resources is transformed into control over events in the international arena, over the actions of subjects of international relations^[10]. 

Thus, the question arises whether force can be understood as soft if it underlies the influence on other subjects and coercive influence, even through the use of non-material resources (which, we believe, can include educational resources). In this regard, the neorealist approach is criticized: liberal bloc scientists point out that the concept of forceful influence in practice may be ineffective in many areas, for example, in the field of environmental and cultural cooperation ^{[11, p.165]}. It is also noted that soft power resources are unequal within the scope of their application, as well as their lack of equivalence in the context of the inability to measure some resources^[12].

 Thus, the understanding of force solely through coercive influence on other "players" and their relationships is not exhaustive, does not allow us to determine the morphology of the concept of force and power in international relations. As a result, the division of power into soft and hard forms the basis for identifying the structure of interaction between the state and other countries in order to achieve their interests in the field of international relations by different methods ^{[4, p.72]}. At the same time, the morphology of hard power is revealed within the framework of the previously cited neorealist concept, according to which the achievement of national interests is realized through coercive influence, forceful intervention, sanctions pressure ^{[13, p.171]}. 

As noted by J. Nay, soft power is not associated with the use of force in the traditional, neorealistic sense, to achieve one's interests, but is associated with the use of mechanisms of persuasion, co-optation, attractiveness^[11]. The phenomenon of attractiveness can be called a key one within the framework of the corresponding concept, while it is understood in different ways. Thus, J. Martin considers attractiveness through the imposition of a constructed pseudo-reality on the other side^[14]. We do not agree with this thesis because it is impossible to distinguish between soft and hard power with this understanding, since the formation of attractiveness in this case can actually be identified with the use of propaganda tools. It is noteworthy that many foreign authors, for example, F. Taylor, consider propaganda as a tool of soft power^[15]. A similar position is put forward by domestic scientists. According to G.Y. Filimonov, attractiveness is a highly intelligent system of influence used by the state in the international arena to receive support from citizens of foreign countries^[16]. E.P. Panova notes that attractiveness underlies the formation of a certain interpretation of objective reality^[17]. However, we also share these views due to the fact that propaganda can be considered as an instrument of external influence of a forceful nature, and therefore propaganda can be understood only as a distorted version of the implementation of the concept of attractiveness. 

This is confirmed by J. Nye himself. He noted the importance of persuasion and attraction tools that are not associated with power or economic influence^[11]. At the same time, persuasion is not the basis of soft power, while "natural" attractiveness is just such a basis. This attractiveness may also lie in the attractiveness of cultural practices, moral values of the nation, the political course of the country, and it is this attraction that underlies the conscious and voluntary formation of preferences of other actors. M.M. Lebedeva emphasizes that attractiveness should be opposed to any pressure and coercion ^{[3, p.214]}. 

P.B. Parshin offers 2 key definitions of soft power: 

1. Definition of non-terminological nature: within the framework of this definition, soft power is understood as the ability of an actor to achieve his goals through the use of such tools that will create the least harm (material or immaterial), in comparison with other potentially applicable tools. 

2. Terminological definition: the core of this definition is attractiveness according to J. Nayu, since the elemental composition of the phenomenon of soft power is axiological in nature, is associated with the values of national nature in the field of culture, social practices, the quality of education, etc.^{[18, p.17]}

The first approach seems to us too broad, which does not allow us to reveal the essence of soft power, since this definition is applicable to the understanding of force in general in the neorealistic sense. This approach, however, is consistent with the position of J. In relation to the "mutual force" (which J. Nye actually considered as an identity in relation to soft power). Thus, "mutual strength" consists in the use of such interaction tools that are beneficial for both sides of the relationship. At the same time, J. Nye noted that the most effective is the implementation of mutual force at the level of non-state, non-public interaction^[19]. 

Also in this context, it is necessary to consider the position of A.I. Sukharev, who noted that soft power is realized through the provision of benefits to the counterparty in the relationship, through which the realization of national interests is achieved ^{[20, p.39]}. Thus, interaction with the use of soft power tools should be mutually beneficial and attractive to all parties. However, such definitions do not allow to identify tools, soft power resources. 

The second approach seems to be more correct, but incomplete. Thus, it can be called morphological, since it allows you to identify certain elements of soft power. However, in our opinion, it does not fully reveal the elemental composition of soft power as a system. 

Relevant, in this regard, is the analysis of positions regarding the sources of soft power:

1)     The approach of J. Naya: this author names cultural elements, axiological elements of political culture, values, principles of foreign policy as sources of soft power^[11]; 

2) The campaign of Stoletov O.V. and Chikhareva I.A.: these authors also identified cultural, axiological elements, as well as models of economics and national policy^[21]; 

3) The approach of Filimonov G.Yu.: this author identifies diplomatic elements (subdivided into elements of public and cultural diplomacy), the foundations of national and international policies, including in the field of education and information interaction ^{[22, p.69]}; 

4) P.B. Parshin's approach: this author identifies such elements as image (implemented through media production tools, tools to increase interest in the state language, sports competitions); decency (implemented through legal, law enforcement and human rights instruments), integration (implemented through tourism development tools, increasing the popularity of national education, etc.)^[18]; 

5) Softpower30 rating: within the framework of this rating, cultural, technological, public elements, education, engagement, etc. are highlighted^[23]

After analyzing these approaches, we have revealed the following: the selected elements are not of the same order, there is heterogeneity in the typologies, since resources and tools for the implementation of soft power are mixed within these approaches. In this regard, defining the morphology of soft power, we propose to distinguish 2 groups in its elemental composition: a group of resources and a group of tools. At the same time, we propose to include cultural and image elements, elements of foreign and domestic policy, elements of the national economic model and elements of decency. We propose to include instruments of policy (international and national) in the field of international relations, culture, information, education, tools for the formation of a global image and decency, as well as integration tools. 

We believe that this approach will be consistent with the previously given terminological definition of P.B. Parshin, as well as with the approach of J. Naya to the concept of attractiveness. Thus, soft power is realized at the expense of attractiveness, while the resources on which attractiveness is based, and accordingly, soft power resources, can be called axiological and ideological elements (models of political and economic development, cultural values, image elements). In addition, such resources should become the basis for mutually beneficial influence, the basis for the use of mutual soft power through the above groups of tools. 

It is noteworthy that within the framework of all the above positions, culture is considered as a resource of soft power. However, education as a soft power resource is not allocated. In this regard, we can point out the following: culture is really understood as an effective basis for international relations^[24]. 

Thus, having considered different approaches to the concept of culture, we come to the conclusion about the need for its broad understanding as a set of elements of material and immaterial (ideological, axiological nature), united in an integral system in the context of their functional purpose – orientation to meet the cultural needs of a certain community. Political scientists, as well as theorists of international relations, come to a similar broad understanding. In this regard, by part of culture we will also understand education in a broad sense (as a set of intangible elements – knowledge, ideas, values, etc.), which are assimilated by an individual within the educational process (as a system of purposeful, organized, communicative actions aimed at acquiring knowledge ^[24]). At the same time, we believe that education as a resource should be used with the use of the above tools of interaction both at the state and non-state level. 

In this regard, we come to the conclusion that soft power is a system of resources of an ideological and axiological nature, related, in particular, to the educational sphere, and implemented within the framework of instruments of beneficial interaction for both sides, excluding any forceful influence, any coercion, and therefore most effectively implemented at the non-state level. Next, we turn to the analysis of the features of the use of soft power by Russia. 

Russia's "soft power": approaches of scientists and politicians. According to the opinion of the modern Russian scientist M.M. Lebedeva, the Russian Federation uses soft power, as a rule, precisely within the framework of the neorealist concept.

That is, coercive instruments in the political and economic spheres are often considered and used as soft power^{[3, p.218]}. According to G.Y. Filimonov, soft power consists in the use of non-military coercive resources, as well as other elements of state power in international relations. At the same time, the author calls mainly the resources of economic and political coercion as soft power resources. Nevertheless, according to the author, elements of non-public interaction, for example, through cinema, are not excluded. It should be noted that the previously cited positions of G.Y. Filimonova regarding attractiveness as an element of soft power indicate that in the modern domestic scientific environment, elements of force coercion are not excluded in the framework of non-public interaction, in particular, in the cultural and information sphere ^[16].

This approach is also confirmed by other Russian scientists. For example, E.G. Shirokova considers soft power also in the context of the formation of conscious elements of certain groups responsible for the attitude towards other groups, which can strengthen or weaken the positions of the latter. At the same time, this author calls the information war as an instrument of soft power^{[25, p.103]}. S.K. Pestsov and A.M. Bobylo consider soft power through the prism of behavior strategies that ensure the influence of an attractive actor on other subjects^{[26, P.81]}. A.P. Tsygankov considers the theory of international relations as an instrument of soft power which is formed by the forces of the state and in the future has an impact on other countries ^{[27, p.112]}.  

In Russia, interest in "soft power" has been observed since 2000, since Vladimir Putin assumed the post of President of the Russian Federation. Since that time, in order to strengthen the country's international image, "soft power" has been considered as one of the most important tools of Russia's foreign policy. For the first time in official documents, mention of the need to promote a positive perception of the Russian Federation in the international arena appeared in the Concept of Foreign Policy of the Russian Federation, approved by By the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation in 2000^[28] In the 2013 Concept, in paragraph 20, the term "soft power" was already used. In particular, it stated that "an integral component of modern international politics is the use of soft power tools to solve foreign policy problems, primarily the capabilities of civil society, information and communication, humanitarian and other methods and technologies, in addition to traditional diplomatic methods"^[29]. 

Within the framework of the National Security Strategy of the Russian Federation of 2021, it is indicated, in particular, the need to address the issue of "moral leadership and the creation of an attractive ideological basis for the future world order" (Article 19)^[30]. At the same time, the text of the document traces a cross-cutting idea of creating the attractiveness of the Russian Federation, its competitive advantages through development in all areas. However, the models and tools of such development are not indicated in the essentially programmatic document, of course. In the Concept of Public Policy of the Russian Federation, soft power is indicated as one of the key tools of the state, while it is indicated that the tools should exclude force (in connection with which Russia will participate in the creation of a regulatory framework for the use of such tools at the international level), as well as that they should be aimed at creating a positive image To inform other actors in the international arena about the positions of the Russian Federation^[31]. 

Also, within the framework of the Concept of Public Policy in the field of international development assistance ^[32], it is indicated that Russia should participate in the formation of a new system of international relations. Moreover, the responsibility of the Russian Federation for such formation is postulated.  It should be emphasized that none of the above program documents establishes how and what specific soft power tools will be used. 

It is also important to note that the implementation of the "soft power" policy pursued by States is accompanied by the development of the institutional structure, resource and information and image support. 

The institutional nature of soft power (on the example of Russian-Spanish relations in the educational and scientific spheres). Analyzing the legislation of the Russian Federation, we come to the conclusion that so far Russia has implemented soft power tools in the context of institutionalizing their use. Thus, institutionalization is based on the above-mentioned program documents, as well as by-laws of various ministries and departments that establish the basis for cooperation in various fields. Also, special agencies are being created in the Russian Federation to implement soft power tools in the international arena (for example, Rossotrudnichestvo^[33]). In general, analyzing the cooperation of the Russian Federation and Spain in the educational sphere, it can be noted that from the very beginning of this cooperation, relations have been institutionalized: there was a legal basis for the implementation of various relationships, agreements were signed between individual universities, etc.^{[34, C.28]} These include, in particular, the "Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Kingdom of Spain of April 12, 1994"^[35], "Agreement between the Government of the Russian Federation and the Government of the KingSpain on Scientific and Technological cooperation of November 15, 2001"^[36], "Program of cooperation between the Russian Federation and the Kingdom of Spain in the field of culture and education for 2005-2007 (Russian, Spanish)"^[37], "Declaration on Strategic Partnership between the Russian Federation and the Kingdom of Spain of 3 marta 2009"^[38] and others.

At the same time, it should be noted that in the Russian Federation, the Ministry of Education and Science (Ministry of Education and Science) is fully responsible for educational policy: Thus, according to Presidential Decree No. 215^[39], the Ministry of Education regulates this area, forms the foundations of educational policy, while the control in this area is carried out by the Government of the Russian Federation, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs coordinates the international activities of the Ministry. 

Based on the analysis of normative acts, as well as other materials contained in open sources, we conclude that the use of soft power of the Russian Federation in the field of education and science is regulated on the basis of normative legal acts, while the cooperation of private entities, such as universities, is based on international agreements and acts of the Ministry of Education and Science.

Thus, it should be concluded that despite the fact that the soft power program documents postulate the need for interaction at the state level, in the educational sphere even such interaction is regulated by the state and actually depends on the regulatory and institutional public basis of such interaction. 

It should be emphasized that the Spanish-Russian educational and scientific cooperation before the start of its development was experiencing a period of extraordinary growth. Thus, in the analysis of the historical experience of cooperation between Russian-Spanish educational interactions in 1991-2019, it is noted that relations between Spain and Russia in the humanitarian sphere were one of the successful and priority areas of bilateral relations. Until February 2022, bilateral cooperation not only intensified, but also diversified. There was a qualitative and quantitative increase in indicators in this direction ^{[34, C.194]}. For example, an important place in the system of bilateral educational cooperation was occupied by the activities of Russia and Spain in the field of joint educational programs. Until February 2022, there was an active development of this direction, which led to an increase in the number of Russian-Spanish joint educational programs and double degree programs, after which graduates received the opportunity to have state diplomas of both countries ^{[34, p.196]}. In this regard, it is important to note that in 2018 ^[40] and 2021G.^[41] within the framework of the double postgraduate program between the University of the Balearic Islands and the Peoples' Friendship University of Russia, two successful dissertations were defended. Along with the Russian academic degree, applicants received a diploma with a doctorate (PhD) in the program "History, History of Art and Geography" University of the Balearic Islands.

However, it is important to emphasize that after the start of ITS in Ukraine, there is an actual abolition of all the above-mentioned institutions of soft power in the field of Russian-Spanish educational cooperation, which will be discussed further. 

Practical results of the study. Institute of International Agreements and Relations between Public Authorities. Two weeks after the start of the special military operation (SVO) in Ukraine, Spanish Minister of Culture Mikel Iseta officially joined the "culture of rejecting everything Russian" ^{[42, p.70]}. Thus, in a statement dated March 9, 2022, the Ministry of Culture and Sports of Spain urges "to suspend current projects and initiatives with the Russian Federation, as well as to cancel those that were planned and have not yet begun" ^[43].

It should be noted that Germany was one of the first European countries to refuse to cooperate with Russia in the field of culture, science and education. So, on February 25, 2022, the head of the German Ministry of Education and leading German research organizations published a statement on the immediate freezing of scientific activities between Russia and Germany. This was followed by similar reports from France, the Netherlands, Denmark, Lithuania, Finland, etc.^{[42, p.72]}

In March 2022, the Spanish Ministry of Science and Innovation announced a number of measures to suspend scientific, academic and institutional cooperation with Russia and Belarus. Thus, the Minister of Science and Innovation of the Iberian Kingdom, Diana Morant, announced that the Ministry will not sign new contracts or agreements with either Russian or Belarusian educational institutions. She also invited her international partners to suspend any cooperation with these countries in major international research projects and joint programs. In addition, the Ministry suspends all ongoing bilateral projects involving Russian research organizations ^[44].

Another serious step towards severing Russian-Spanish scientific and educational ties was a joint communique signed in early March 2022 by the Confederation of Scientific Societies of Spain (CRUE), the Conference of Rectors of Spanish Universities (COSCE) and the Federation of Spanish Medical Scientific Associations (Facme), in which these organizations appealed to the Spanish government to freeze scientific cooperation with all state institutions of Russia^[45].

Joan Subirats, Minister of Spanish Universities, also joined the suspension of cooperation with Russian organizations. He announced that the Ministry was freezing the signing of an agreement on cooperation with the Russian Federation (RF) ^[46].

Thus, at the moment, the agreements on cooperation in the field of education and science have not been canceled, but their validity has been suspended. 

Institute of Membership in international and regional educational organizations. In March 2022, the Pan-European Federation of Academies of Sciences (All European Academies) suspended membership in this organization of Russia and Belarus ^[47]. Also, the Association of European Universities (European University Association) froze membership in its ranks of 14 Russian universities, arguing that the Russian Union of Rectors supported the President of the country V.V. Putin and his decision to hold its in Ukraine ^[48]. As a result, Spanish universities did not stand aside and joined the categorical position of their colleagues from other European countries on the issue of suspending any scientific interaction with Russian educational institutions.

It is important to add that the European Commission has also suspended cooperation in the field of research and innovation with Russian organizations under the Horizon 2020, Euratom and Erasmus+ programs. In particular, the European Commission has decided that it will not conclude new contracts or agreements with Russian or Belarusian educational organizations and suspends all relevant payments under these programs ^[49]. It is worth noting that, according to the Spanish Service for Internationalization of Education (SEPIE), as of March 2022, 79 Russian students studied at Spanish universities under the Erasmus+ program ^[50].

Thus, Russia and domestic universities were excluded from participation in European regional organizations on the issue of education. In addition, domestic universities were excluded from participating in international educational programs. 

Institute of Bilateral International Relations of Universities. One of the first Spanish higher education institutions to suspend relations with more than 40 Russian universities was the University of Seville. The rector of the University of Seville, Miguel Angel Castro Arroyo, decided to freeze all ties with Russian educational organizations immediately after the statement of the ex-rector of the University of Cordoba and ex-president of the Conference of Rectors of Spanish Universities, Jose Carlos Gomez Villamandos, in which he called for the termination of any educational contacts with Russia as a result of its in Ukraine ^[51]. A similar position was adopted by the University of Valencia. 

Russian Russian University, in addition to the termination of its activities within the framework of educational cooperation with Russia, decided to suspend all activities of the Russian Center, which opened its doors on the basis of the University of Valencia in 2019. The purpose of the Russian Center, in addition to expanding knowledge of the Russian language and culture, is to support mobility and diploma programs in the framework of dual programs between the University of Valencia and leading Russian universities. Russian Russian University Rector Maria Vicenta Mestre Escriva noted that although the activities of the Russian Center are of a cultural and academic nature, nevertheless, the popularization of the Russian world should be stopped, since it is funded and supported by the Russian government. Also, the University of Valencia, in coordination with other Spanish universities that have cooperation agreements with Russian universities, has agreed to suspend mobility programs with Russia, including dual degree programs for the 2022-2023 academic year ^[52].

It is worth noting that in the 2021-2022 academic year, as part of the mobility programs, five students of the University of Valencia studied at various Russian universities, and ten students from the Russian side studied at the University of Valencia. After the start of the SVO, the University of Valencia recommended that Spanish students in Russia immediately return to their homeland. As for Russian students studying at the University of Valencia, the Spanish university advised them to return to their country, promising to provide administrative and economic support ^[53].

The University of Granada, which has about thirty agreements with Russian universities, also announced the suspension of educational and scientific cooperation with Russia. However, the University noted that a commission has been formed at the university, which, in coordination with the Spanish authorities and university associations, will study each case of ties with Russian organizations and make a decision on it separately.  It was also later noted that the University broke off relations only with Russian state structures and this gap does not apply to Russian universities. Russian Russian Center for the Promotion of the Russian Language and Culture^[54] is also under the control of the University of Granada, which announced that the institution will take full control of the Russian Center for the promotion of the Russian language and culture^[54].

The University of Cadiz, in addition to freezing Russian-Spanish scientific and educational ties, also suspended the activities of the Pushkin Institute, which was opened on the basis of the university in 2017 and which is the Russian equivalent of the Cervantes Institute. The Pushkin Institute's website states that every cultural event organized within its walls is a holiday, therefore, while the conflict between Russia and Ukraine has not been resolved, the Institute believes that there are no grounds for further entertainment activities, and therefore all cultural events are suspended, except for online classes in the Russian language^[55].

The University of Barcelona, after suspending relations with St. Petersburg State University, sent notes to its Spanish students that they should immediately return to Barcelona to continue the academic year. Later, the university administration explained that it had made this decision after a meeting with the rectors of several European universities and an agreement between them to suspend existing cooperation with Russian educational institutions as a protest and a measure of pressure on the Russian government. The University of Barcelona also noted that it does not undertake obligations to ensure the return of students and recommends that they contact the Spanish Embassy to find the optimal route home^[56].

The University of the Balearic Islands has suspended for an indefinite period the implementation of joint educational projects with the Peoples' Friendship University of Russia on dual master's and double postgraduate programs.

Four Spanish universities that are part of the Alliance of Russian-Spanish Universities – Carlos III University of Madrid, Oviedo University, Rovira y Virgili University and the University of Valencia - have also decided to temporarily suspend the launch of new activities or programs that fall under the scope of this alliance. The Spanish partners stated that the ties established between the universities are academic in nature and should always prevail over the political situation, however, they consider it impossible to continue cooperation, since they believe that conflicts should be resolved only peacefully. The statement also noted that this decision was made within the framework of the recommendations of the European Commission, the Government of the United States of America, the Confederation of Scientific Societies of Spain, the Conference of Rectors of Spanish Universities and the Federation of Spanish Medical Scientific Associations^[57].

The University of Cordoba has taken the most "peculiar" position within the framework of the "culture of rejecting everything Russian". Thus, the ex-rector of the University of Cordoba, Jose Carlos Gomez Villamandos, said that although the university does not maintain relations with Russian educational institutions, nevertheless, Cuban and Iranian researchers work at the University, who do not reject the special military operation conducted by Russia on the territory of Ukraine, therefore the University of Cordoba intends to break off relations with them, unless they will not act directly against their ^[58].

According to K.V. Blokhin, a political scientist and leading researcher at the Center for Security Research of the Russian Academy of Sciences, in the foreseeable future there is no prospect of a softening of the international situation and simplification of the situation around Russia. Moreover, the degradation of international relations is predicted. K.V. Blokhin notes that "the rejection of everything Russian" speaks of "the multidimensional and prolonged nature of the confrontation between Russia and the West — the war of civilizations"^{[59, p.32]}.

Thus, the implementation of Russia's soft power within the framework of inter-university cooperation (at least in relation to the largest universities) has been suspended. At the moment, some universities in Spain still continue to cooperate with domestic universities privately, in addition, a large number of Russian students are still studying in Spain. 

Institute of Cultural Centers. The Cervantes Institute and its examination centers (except the Adelante center in St. Petersburg) continue their activities in Russia, where anyone can take official exams confirming knowledge of the Spanish language, recognized all over the world (DELE, SIELE). Russian Russian Center As mentioned, the University of Granada has stated that the full management of the Russian Center for the promotion of the Russian language and culture will come under the control of the institution ^[54]. Thus, within the framework of this institute, there is a certain imbalance: Spanish cultural centers continue to operate in Russia, while the operation of domestic cultural centers in Spain has been suspended. 

Prospects for further development of Russian-Spanish relations in the field of education and science in the context of the use of soft power. The official representative of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia, M.V. Zakharova, noted that, unfortunately, there is nothing positive in the fact that the Spanish authorities so easily and quickly joined the anti-Russian sanctions, since both the economic sector and the cultural and humanitarian sector suffered from this. In her opinion, the prospect of the development of scientific and educational relations does not demonstrate positive dynamics, since not only the current bilateral projects and ties have been frozen, but also the suspension of work on the documents of the legal framework ready for signing ^[60].

As of December 2022, it is extremely difficult to assess the prospects of Russian-Spanish cooperation in the scientific and educational sphere. Obviously, until the conflict between Russia and Ukraine is resolved, no Spanish university or organization will be able to resume relations at the official level with Russian state institutions or educational institutions. In general, we can say that if the conflict is persistent and prolonged, then joint bachelor's, master's and postgraduate degree programs, as well as joint publications of articles by Spanish and Russian scientists, may be under threat of final closure.

Conclusions. To date, we are witnessing the termination of the implementation of almost all of the above-mentioned institutions: for example, interstate agreements have been suspended, Russia and domestic universities have been excluded from European organizations and programs. Cooperation with some Spanish universities continues in private, however, the largest universities have already suspended agreements with domestic universities. In this regard, we can point out the following: the long and actively formed system of implementing soft power tools in the field of education in Russia today has been under threat. Such a large–scale institutionalization of this sphere, designed to consolidate relations and increase their effectiveness, due to recent events, has led to the opposite results - the termination of relations at the official level has led to almost complete paralysis of relations in the field of education. The solution to this problem at the current stage can be proposed by J. Hiring is a concept of mutual strength, implemented on the basis of private principles. Thus, non-public organizations in both countries still have the opportunity to continue to establish relationships. Also, in our opinion, at the current stage, the Russian Federation should focus on the development of soft power resources in the context of the impossibility of using most of the institutionalized soft power tools in the field of education. It follows from this that it is necessary to develop the national education system, promote the innovation of scientific activity, prepare regulatory frameworks for the development of private international relations in the educational sphere, as well as popularize education in Russia and domestic culture through the use of information tools. Such activities will help prepare the ground for even more effective institutional cooperation between Spain and Russia in the field of education at the time of changing the difficult international situation for the better.