The Effectiveness of Mexico's Humanitarian Diplomacy to Address the Challenges of a Pandemic

Dmitrieva Valentina Andreevna ORCID: 0000-0003-4827-3043 MA in International Relations, graduate, School of Governance and Politics, MGIMO University 107014, Russia, Moscow, Egerskaya str., 1 valentina_dmitrieva@bk.ru

The SARS-CoV-2 pandemic turned out to be a serious humanitarian challenge for the world community and required a quick response from governments to reduce the socio-economic consequences of the spread of the virus. The Mexican Government refused to follow global and regional trends and ignored the deteriorating epidemiological situation for a long time. According to researchers A. Barrientos ^[1], S. Hoffman ^[2], E.E.R. de la Cruz ^[3], this aggravated the internal situation in the country, leading to an increase in socio-economic challenges. It is natural that the consequences of the pandemic for Mexican society have been comprehensively investigated. Thus, the issues of social protection of the population ^[1], the situation of the indigenous population ^[2], the vulnerability of girls and women ^[4], the economic consequences of government measures ^[3], the activation of drug cartels ^[5] were investigated. Thus, the scientific community has concentrated mainly on the internal consequences of the pandemic.

At the same time, the Government of Mexican President Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador saw in the current situation an opportunity to pursue an active foreign policy course in several political areas: increasing the role of the state in the international arena; strengthening relations with key partners of the state (the United States of America, China, Japan, Argentina, the countries of Central America and the Caribbean).

As a result, the humanitarian situation of Mexico is presented in academic literature and official publications in two ways: on the one hand, serious internal socio-economic problems of Mexico are highlighted due to ineffective actions of the government, on the other hand, significant successes are observed in the implementation of the foreign policy course. At the same time, there are no publications in the academic literature that would analyze the relationship between Mexico's active humanitarian foreign policy in 2020-2022 and the strengthening of the country's internal socio-economic problems against the background of the pandemic, and could also answer the question of the effectiveness of the government's foreign policy strategy for solving a number of humanitarian problems. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to assess the effectiveness of the country's humanitarian diplomacy in solving domestic political challenges exacerbated by the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic. 

This article uses the term "humanitarian diplomacy", popularized in the 2000s, to describe the humanitarian dimension of Mexico's foreign policy ^[6]. Here, this term refers to the definition developed by X. O'Hagan: Humanitarian diplomacy is a foreign policy tool that allows expressing international sympathy and solidarity, which contributes to strengthening the reputation of the state and establishing bilateral trusting relations ^[7], and humanitarian diplomacy is considered humanitarian aid and development assistance sent and received by Mexico. The study is conducted within the framework of a systematic approach, according to which the state is a system consisting of a number of elements, which include the spheres of domestic and foreign policy, therefore it is fair to say that foreign policy is implemented by the state in the context of domestic political interests and problems. Here, the pandemic is an external factor over which the state has no control, but which has an impact on the system, and the political decisions taken (including humanitarian diplomacy) are a way controlled by the government to influence the system of the state (see Figure 1).

Figure 1. The process of the influence of the Government of Mexico and external challenges on Mexico as a system (Source: compiled by the author based on the model of the influence of one actor on the political system ^{[8, p. 72]})

This article will assess the effectiveness of humanitarian diplomacy to solve socio-economic problems that have arisen or worsened as a result of the pandemic. Other challenges, such as migration, are forcibly excluded from the study, since this complex problem has been fundamental for several decades, therefore, it is impossible to talk about its solution thanks to Mexico's humanitarian diplomacy in 2020-2022. The effectiveness assessment will be carried out according to the formula below:

In order to evaluate the effectiveness of humanitarian diplomacy (), it is proposed to evaluate the solution of the challenges that have arisen (n) in the range from 0 to 1, where 0 is the preservation of the problem, 0.5 is a partial solution of the problem through humanitarian diplomacy, 1 is a complete solution of the problem through humanitarian diplomacy. Next, the result () must be added and divided by the total number of calls, resulting in percentages. It must be remembered that humanitarian diplomacy is a foreign policy tool that is not the main one, but is part of the government's set of tools to mitigate the current socio—economic situation, so it is wrong to talk about the effectiveness of the tool only if the effectiveness exceeds 75%. More than 33% efficiency is required to establish the success of solving Mexico's challenges using humanitarian diplomacy.

Socio-economic and political consequences of the pandemic

Firstly, the inaction of Mexico City before the introduction of quarantine on March 16, 2020 (when a month has passed since the discovery of the first infected person), and then the inability to help residents left without work with humanitarian aid led to the intensification of drug cartels. Criminal gangs filled the vacuum left by the local government by de facto establishing a government: for example, the cartels of Golfo, the New Generation of Jalisco and Sinaloa sent parcels with food, money, medicines and personal protective equipment. Some of them decorated the boxes with images of the heads of cartels, and also decided to introduce curfews. Using positive emotions, they created an emotional connection with society, strengthened their legitimacy, which led to the revival of their positive image as "saviors of the world" ^{[5, p. 13-14]}. As a result, the authority of the central and local government has decreased, as well as alternative ways of establishing order, law and providing access to the health care system have appeared.

Secondly, the pandemic has worsened the situation of a number of residents. Thus, the number of people living below the poverty line has increased ^[3]. Inequality between citizens has also increased: racism and collective anti-Chinese sentiments have increased ^[9], other ethnic groups besides Mexicans have been systematically excluded from public policy, although the indigenous population is a key point of the election program of President A. M. Lopez Obrador. The situation was complicated by the impossibility of organizing remote work, insufficient access to the healthcare system. Also, representatives of the indigenous population were deprived of access to information, due to government publications in Spanish and their low literacy, which led to the dissemination of false information ^{[2, p. 48]}. Women found themselves in a vulnerable position: the number of femicides increased, episodes of domestic violence became more frequent ^{[4, p. 84-85]}.

Thirdly, the pandemic has increased the burden on the health system, which has led to its crisis. The country found itself in a difficult situation — the lack of personal protective equipment, artificial lung ventilation devices, the lack of a vaccine. It is important to note that the pandemic has only exacerbated the problems of the healthcare system, which has been in a state of severe reforms since 2019 ^[3].

So, we can identify several challenges that the Mexican Government sought to solve: the decline in the authority of the government and the return of a positive image of drug cartels; the growth of poverty; racism; the plight of the indigenous population; the vulnerability of women; lack of personal protective equipment and ventilators; lack of vaccines.

Humanitarian diplomacy of Mexico during the pandemic

The Government of Mexico has used several formats to carry out its humanitarian activities: international organizations and forums; bilateral relations with partner countries.

The key point of humanitarian diplomacy was the lack of personal protective equipment and the lack of vaccines. The project "All Together against COVID-19" was launched, within the framework of which medical personnel were trained and equipment, personal protective equipment, vaccines were purchased ^{[10, p.9]}. This issue was resolved both in legal terms and through contracts for the supply of necessary equipment. Thus, thanks to Mexico, several resolutions were adopted guaranteeing equal access of countries to medicines, vaccines and medical equipment: the appeal of the G20 to the UN with a request to intervene and achieve justice in the distribution of the necessary drugs and tools from March 26, 2020, UNGA Resolution 74/274 on international cooperation to ensure equal access, where the leading the role of the World Health Organization (WHO). A major role in solving this problem was played by the Community of Latin American and Caribbean Countries (CELAC), where Mexico chaired in 2020-2021. CELAC was engaged in organizing regional cooperation in connection with the health emergency. Thus, a joint production (packaging) of AstraZeneca vaccines was organized by Mexico and Argentina (moreover, it was possible to supply 1 million doses of the country with CELAC). As part of the cooperation, Mexico donated 34 ventilators manufactured in the country to 11 countries, and also supplied 90 thousand personal protective equipment to 10 countries, including Mexico itself, in cooperation with the Japan Agency for International Development Cooperation (JICA) ^[11].

To obtain vaccines, Mexico participated in several international initiatives: donated 274,159 euros to the Coronavirus Global Response ^[12], as of October 7, 2021, 1,150,000 US dollars through the Access to Covid-19 Tools Accelerator, from WHO to the accelerator of funds for vaccines (ACT-accelerator-vaccines) ^[13]; sent funds to the Coalition for Innovation for Epidemic Preparedness (CEPI) ^[14], the Global Alliance for Vaccination and Immunization (GAVI) ^[15]; joined the pool of access to technologies related to Covid-19 (covid-19 Technology Access Pool), which promotes the right to share technologies with all countries ^[16]. A key initiative for access to vaccines is COVAX, with which Mexico has set a goal to vaccinate 20% of the country's population ^[17].

As part of the fight against the shortage of personal protective equipment and the lack of vaccines, Mexico has turned to bilateral ties. Moderna, Janssen, AstraZeneca bought CanSino Biologic AstraZeneca vaccines from the USA, and in October 2020, 35 million CanSino Biologics vaccines were agreed with China, 77.4 million AstraZeneca doses were agreed with the UK (at a reduced price of 4 US dollars per dose), as well as 34.4 million doses from Pfizer. In 2021, negotiations were held with Russia on the supply of 24 million doses of Sputnik V. CanSino Janssen and Novavax of the USA, CureVac of Germany are also involved in the tests of vaccines in China, CanSino, Janssen and Novavax of the USA ^{[11, p. 79-91]}. It was possible to agree on the supply of personal protective equipment and equipment with 14 countries, and the United States donated 610 ventilators of different models to Mexico and contributed to the establishment of regional cooperation between Nevada and Mexico City. China handed over 728 thousand gloves, 16 million surgical masks and 1.5 million KN95 masks, 300 thousand. PCR tests, 948 ventilators, organized 25 boards. 532 thousand pieces of equipment and 125 thousand serological tests were received from the UAE. Qatar handed over 500 thousand masks and 100 thousand gloves ^{[11, p. 58-59]}. A platform for cooperation with NGOs and private companies was also created, through which Mexico received donations from Airbus and the Red Cross ^{[11, p. 56]}.

Thus, it can be argued that Mexico has sufficiently diversified the supply of vaccines, equipment and personal protective equipment. Consequently, these problems that have arisen are completely solved with the help of humanitarian diplomacy. 

Another important issue that Mexico tried to pay attention to in view of the pandemic was the economic consequences. Thus, the fight against economic consequences was discussed at the meeting of MICTA countries in April 2020, as well as at the Ibero-American General Secretariat (recommendations and strategies for economic recovery were developed), at the UN Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (a strategy to combat the loss of opportunities was proposed) ^{[11, p. 20-21]}. Thus, actions have been taken to mitigate the economic consequences, which is a positive factor, but this activity cannot be described as a full-fledged solution to the current problem with an increase in the level of poverty.

It would be difficult for the Government to cope with some challenges exclusively through humanitarian diplomacy, since the issues of racism and the vulnerable position of women cannot be solved through humanitarian activities in a shorter time. However, during the pandemic, humanitarian cooperation programs aimed at solving these long-term problems continued. Thus, the joint program with the European Union aimed at preventing women's vulnerability was revised, as well as continued cooperation on gender equality ^{[10, p. 12; 65]}. Nevertheless, it is impossible to talk about its effectiveness, since the problem is deep and it cannot be resolved throughout the year. However, the very fact of adapting the program is positive for resolving this call. The Mexican government has actively cooperated with China, which has helped in the fight against the coronavirus, but more research is needed to examine whether racist sentiment has decreased in Mexico after China's assistance.

It is necessary to assess the impact of humanitarian diplomacy on the fight against the influence of drug cartels and on the problems of the indigenous population. Complicating this task is the fact that it is impossible to solve these problems directly, but the activities of the Government of Mexico can indirectly influence existing problems.

There is an acute problem of reducing the authority of the government with the revival of the authority of drug cartels, since in fact it leads to the emergence of uncontrolled zones within the state. The government has launched the delivery of food support within the country, as well as support for medical workers ^{[10, p. 10]}. Nevertheless, it is impossible to deny the importance of foreign policy activities for the image of the central and local authorities. As it was noted earlier, the main way of activity of drug cartels was to provide humanitarian assistance to citizens in need (personal protective equipment, food, medicines), therefore humanitarian diplomacy aimed at acquiring these funds in other countries is one of the ways to reduce the influence of criminal groups in certain regions. Thanks to bilateral purchases of personal protective equipment and increased access to the healthcare system, the State authorities also raised their authority among the population. The authority of the authorities can be assessed through several ratings: for example, it can be noted that the greatest drop in the authority of A. M. Lopez Obrador was on June 10, 2020, when the number of those who disapprove of the policy increased to an absolute maximum in March 2020–August 2022 — 37% ^[18], when protests of artisans took place in Mexico City against the background of restrictions and central and local policies to combat coronavirus ^[19]. However, since June 10, 2020, the rating of the President of Mexico has been growing (with some fluctuations). For example, on January 25, 2021, it was announced that an agreement had been reached with Russia on the supply of Sputnik V vaccines ^{[11, p. 26]}, and on that day the disapproval rating of the President's actions fell to 25% (on January 24, 2021, it was 27%). Indeed, if we consider decisions on humanitarian issues, it can be noted that the signing of agreements coincides with an increase in the approval of the President of Mexico: in April, it ranged from 60% to 66% ^[18], when the country was actively engaged in concluding agreements on the supply of PPE and medical equipment. Thus, an agreement was reached with China on April 7, 2020, and with the United States of America on April 17, 2020 ^{[11, p. 26]}. AstraZeneca, CanSino Biologics, Pfizer signed three agreements on the supply of vaccines in October 2020, and from October 1 to October 25, the approval rating of the President's activities did not fall below 60% ^{[11, p. 46; 18]}. It is important to note here that humanitarian activities do not form the President's rating, but decisions can become one of the factors influencing him. Thus, it is possible to note some trends that demonstrate the relationship, however, it cannot be argued that exclusively humanitarian diplomacy has formed a positive image. Since the activities are aimed at combating the cause of the rise of drug cartels and there are some trends in increasing the authority of the government, it can be assumed that humanitarian activities contribute to the partial resolution of the challenge rather than not affect it at all.

With regard to the problems of the indigenous population, which have worsened against the background of the pandemic, it can be noted that humanitarian diplomacy also works with the cause of their occurrence — low literacy. However, the report of Mexico's Agency for International Development Cooperation in 2020 did not reveal humanitarian activities aimed at the problems of the indigenous population, which suggests that this problem was not highlighted as a key one, therefore, it was not solved.

The effectiveness of humanitarian diplomacy in solving challenges

As a result, only the lack of personal protective equipment and equipment and the lack of vaccines can be considered permitted calls. The problems of poverty, the vulnerable position of women and the decline in the authority of the Government were partially resolved. No attempts have been made to resolve the problems of racism and the plight of the indigenous population. Thus, in the selected points system, it will look like this (see table 1).

Table 1. Solving challenges through humanitarian diplomacy

Based on the points received, the effectiveness of humanitarian diplomacy can be calculated using the formula. As a result of calculations, it turns out that the effectiveness of the tool for solving calls is 50%.

It was previously established that humanitarian diplomacy will be recognized as an effective tool for solving challenges if the number received exceeds 33%. Thus, it is possible to confirm its effectiveness in solving a number of challenges posed by the SARS-CoV-2 pandemic.

However, it is important to note that the results obtained only confirm the effectiveness for the challenges that have arisen against the background of the pandemic, excluding deep humanitarian problems that require a variety of programs and a high amount of funds (like the migration problem in Mexico). Also, the study is limited to one country and a specific time period, and a number of challenges cannot be resolved in a short time. Thus, further research on the effectiveness of humanitarian diplomacy is required before extrapolating the conclusions of this article to all States and cases.

Thus, within the framework of the considered case, the following conclusions can be drawn. Humanitarian diplomacy is an effective auxiliary tool of the foreign policy course, which contributes to the resolution of the challenges that have escalated against the background of humanitarian crises. However, the humanitarian activity of the Government should not remain the only way to resolve emerging challenges, its effectiveness will be high only if the government uses combined mechanisms and tools (in the case of economic challenges, for example, support measures, economic reforms and easing). It should also be noted that humanitarian diplomacy will not be an effective tool in all cases, as it was shown above: the lack of funds or equipment can be eliminated quickly enough, while social problems (low literacy of the population, gender inequality) require long-term programs, the result of which cannot be assessed immediately after the end of the project. Consequently, it is impossible to talk about the universality of the tool for resolving various socio-economic and political challenges that are escalating against the background of the humanitarian crisis.