Translate this page:
Please select your language to translate the article


You can just close the window to don't translate
Library
Your profile

Back to contents

Sociodynamics
Reference:

Migration trends in Postcolonial Kenya: Positive and negative aspects (1960-2010)

Karpov Grigory

Doctor of History

Senior Researcher, Institute of Africa, Russian Academy of Sciences

123001, Russia, Moskovskaya oblast', g. Moscow, ul. Spiridonovka, 30/1

gkarpov86@mail.ru
Other publications by this author
 

 

DOI:

10.25136/2409-7144.2022.4.37814

Received:

07-04-2022


Published:

18-04-2022


Abstract: The article analyzes migration processes in Kenya during the independence era. Internal and external trends were analyzed in detail, including the relocation of the population within the country. The main channels and composition of emigration and immigration are highlighted. The factors causing the increasing outflow of qualified specialists from the country and the constant influx of refugees from neighboring African states with Kenya have been studied. The author paid special attention to the problem of illegal migration and the slave trade in modern Kenya. During the work on the material, a broad methodological base was used, including comparative analysis, problem-historical and civilizational approaches. The key factors provoking large-scale migration from Kenya include demographic pressure, high unemployment, ethnopolitical conflicts and environmental problems. The backbone of Kenyan emigrants is made up of highly qualified specialists. The bulk of people coming to the country are refugees from neighboring African States. The transit of migrants through Kenya is also very noticeable and has an obvious criminal and corruption connotation. Kenyan communities abroad do not lose touch with their historical homeland and serve as an important source of foreign exchange earnings for the country's economy. The Kenyan authorities do not see a threat to security in migration processes, consistently and pragmatically extracting maximum preferences from the current situation in this area in order to comply with national interests.


Keywords:

East Africa, Kenya, Great Britain, USA, migration, adaptation, community, slave trade, demographics, diaspora

This article is automatically translated.

In the postcolonial era, the African continent became one of the global centers of migration. By the mid-1990s, Africans worldwide accounted for at least a third of the total number of refugees, the number of which, according to the UN at the end of the XX century, exceeded 27 million people, of which 11 million were in Africa itself[1]. Migrants of African descent, both in absolute and relative terms, dominate among internally displaced persons and migrants around the world.

Kenya is a typical example of a young East African state with a rapidly growing population and rapidly developing migration processes. The number of Kenyans, especially over the past 50-60 years, has been increasing at a faster pace. In 1879, about 2.5 million people lived in the country, in 1948 – no more than 5.4 million, in 1962 – 8.6 million, in 1969 – 10.9 million, in 1979 – 15.3 million, in 1989 – 21.4 million, in 2000 - 28.1 million, in 2005 – 33.4 million, in 2010 – 38.6 million, in 2015 – 41.8 million, respectively. The age group of 15-39 years accounts for about 40% of all residents. The fertility rate (the number of births per woman) exceeds 4. While maintaining the current level of fertility (about 35 births per year per 1,000 people) and mortality (9 cases per year per 1,000 people) by 2050, Kenyan citizens may already be more than 100 million [2, p. 15]. Such demographic pressure acts as a powerful factor of internal (from rural areas to cities) and external (to the USA, Western Europe, Africa and Asia) migration, which is combined with significant transit flows of visitors and refugees from neighboring countries with Kenya.

This country as a whole is characterized by a net migration outflow, that is, departure exceeds arrival. This situation has been observed for at least 30 years (from 1982 to 2012), testifies to the long-term nature of the problem and causes legitimate concern of the Kenyan authorities. The latter are trying to control these processes, while striving to respect state interests, with which, for example, a direct reduction in emigration from the country may not coincide.

 

Internal migration

 

The movement of people within the borders of the State is a completely common phenomenon. In relation to Kenya during the period of independence (from 1963 to the present day), such a process is provoked by a number of circumstances, the most significant of which include natural disasters, natural disasters, interethnic clashes, and high local unemployment. Counting the number of people forced to leave their homes is very difficult, but in any case, we are talking about hundreds of thousands of people. At the same time, we will immediately make a reservation that there is also a voluntary relocation of people due to personal motives (change of job, opening a business, new family status, etc.).

There are several basic models of voluntary resettlement within the country, which are traditional and permanent. In particular, migration from the province to the cities, known since colonial times, moving within one district to search for more convenient lands and grounds, the return flow from the city to the village (as a rule, these are pensioners), as well as migration within urban settlements, usually due to formal circumstances.

Agriculture is the main area of the country's economy. Up to 80% of Kenyans in the outback are employed in this industry. Any changes here lead to enormous socio-economic and demographic shifts. Since the last quarter of the XX century, a rapid climate change has been taking place in Kenya, it is getting hotter and drier, the problem of desertification is becoming more acute, natural disasters occur more often. From 1980 to 2010, eight droughts, four floods, 30 epidemics, 34 floods and even one storm were recorded in the country. 80% of all victims were victims of droughts, 14% - epidemics, 6% - floods. An important role here is played by indiscriminate deforestation, which leads to the drying up of streams and rivers, and a decrease in the total groundwater level [2, p. 104-105].

In this situation, pastoralists are particularly affected, forced to be in constant search of new fertile pastures, which contributes to regular local conflicts with the settled population over water and land resources. For many people, the whole paradigm of existence is changing, there are no options left, except for migration to uninjured areas where no one is usually happy with new neighbors, or moving to the outskirts of large agglomerations. At least 15% of the country's population lives in arid areas. In this regard, the corresponding term – "spontaneous ecological marginalization" ("spontaneous ecological marginalization") has become widespread[3].

In 1975, there were 16 thousand such "ecological" refugees, in 1977 – 20 thousand, in 1980 – 40 thousand, in 1983-1984 – 200 thousand, in 1991-1992 – 1.5 million, in 1996-1997 – 1.4 million, in 1999-2001 – 4.4 million, in 2004-2006 – 3.5 million, respectively. Even knowing about the impending droughts, the Kenyan authorities are not always able to take preventive measures. In particular, the impending drought of 2014 was known in advance, the population was notified, but the number of its victims still amounted to at least 1.6 million people across the country [2, p. 74-75]

Internal migration is stimulated by political and tribal conflicts. Significant movements of people have been observed almost after every election since the early 1990s (in 1992, 1997, 2002, 2007). In 1992, about 300 thousand people became internal political refugees, in 1997 - 150 thousand, in 2002 – 20 thousand, in 2007 – 663 thousand. After the riots of 2007-2008, more than 100 thousand Kenyans were left without a roof over their heads. In 2013, the Parliamentary Commission on Displaced Persons identified at least 350 thousand people in the situation of internal refugees. Only from January to November 2014, at least 220 thousand people were forced to leave their homes. These events are usually accompanied by the loss of all property, housing, business. The total number of temporary refugee camps is officially about 120 (in reality, most likely, more than 300)[2, p. 71-73]

In addition, unemployment can be attributed to one of the significant factors of internal migration, which subsequently turns into external migration. In 2009, up to 16% of young Kenyans aged 15 to 19 were unemployed, 13% - from 20 to 24 years, respectively, and the average unemployment rate in the country was about 8%. The absolute majority of Kenyans work in agriculture and informal (sometimes family) structures, where employment is extremely unstable. The Kenyan Government is forced to constantly monitor the ratio of the number of workers, the dynamics of the proportion of young people in the country's population and the availability of jobs. In 2008, for example, the total number of employed persons was 12.7 million, unemployed – 1.8 million, not looking for work (for various reasons) – 5.2 million people, persons with uncertain status for the labor market – 0.2 million, respectively [2, p. 88-89].

Migration from rural to urban areas has led to the rapid urbanization of Kenya. In particular, about 509 thousand people lived in Nairobi in 1969, and in 1979 – already 828 thousand. At the same time, in the 1960s, about half of all urban residents lived in settlements with a population of more than 2 thousand people. From 1962 to 1969, the annual growth of the urban population averaged 9.7%[4]. Nairobi receives the largest number of internal migrants. Residents of the capital have the highest incomes in the country and can afford to hire workers from the hinterland. More than 2 million households in this city have domestic servants, including cooks, gardeners, maids, nannies. Large-scale migration from rural areas to urban slums, where it is extremely difficult to get qualified medical care, creates a tense social and criminogenic situation in the suburbs, contributes to the spread of infectious diseases, including HIV. Up to 15% of drivers and truckers in Kenya are carriers (and distributors) of the immunodeficiency virus[2, p. 20].

A rather interesting behavioral paradigm has formed in Kenya, in which emigrating men do not lose touch with their small homeland and relatives. Women with children do not move after their husbands and fathers, continuing to live on the land and support the household. It is not uncommon for a man to eventually return to his native places, to his wife and grown-up children, and his grown-up sons and nephews go to work in the city. The main labor resource for Kenyan cities are boys, they are being prepared for active participation in the labor market. The main labor force in the villages are women, it is on their shoulders that the care of the house and land mainly falls[5]

Such a migration model with the maintenance of two households (in the village and the city) and all the chances of men returning to the countryside has obvious signs of archaism and lack of plasticity. However, with all the negative and controversial aspects, this approach allows to preserve the demographic potential of the village, does not dilute the traditional large families and favors a stable increase in the population. 

Thus, we can observe that internal migration in Kenya is mainly due to population growth and the unfavorable situation in rural areas. The alarming ethno-political situation and high unemployment contribute to the displacement of Kenyans within the country. The authorities are trying to improve the situation in this area through assistance to victims and the organization of temporary camps, but the measures taken are clearly insufficient.

 

Emigration

 

Kenyan emigrants are very numerous and are found in almost all regions of the world, including Asia, Europe, Latin America, Oceania. The stable leaders in the reception of Kenyans remain the United States and Great Britain, among African countries – Tanzania and Uganda, in the Middle East – Saudi Arabia.

The outflow of population from independent Kenya began literally from the first years of its existence. The first wave of those leaving included a small European population and Kenyans of South Asian origin. The outflow of the British was quite understandable, they immediately had friction with the young Kenyan government. However, since 1963, the process of "squeezing" Indians out of the country began, they were offered to obtain Kenyan citizenship within two years instead of British citizenship. Under the Migration Act of 1967 ("The Kenyan Immigration Act, I967"), a mandatory work permit rule was introduced for all persons without Kenyan citizenship. People from South Asia began to be actively dismissed from the civil service, replacing them with local personnel. In the second half of the 1960s-early 1970s, 6-7 thousand Indian Kenyans moved to the UK alone annually[6].

  As a result, the number of residents of South Asian origin in five African countries (Kenya, Uganda, Tanzania, Zambia, Malawi) decreased from 345 thousand in 1968 to about 85 thousand by 1984 (in Kenya – no more than 40 thousand). In 2009, the South Asian diaspora of the country was estimated by the Kenyan authorities themselves approximately 46 thousand people[7].

It is noteworthy that in independent Kenya, the issue of the situation of individual ethnic groups and groups was raised not only in relation to Europeans and Indians. The ambiguity of the current and future status has befallen, for example, the descendants of representatives of the institute of military slavery, Sudanese colonial soldiers, known in the country under the term "Nubi" ("Nubis"). They were a motley racial, ethnic and religious conglomerate, where even pygmies could be found, and were part of the units of the Royal African Riflemen. They were assigned special rights and responsibilities, which gave them reason to put themselves above the local Kenyans. For the Kenyan authorities of our days, they continue to look like foreigners who, by the will of fate, found themselves within the country, while no other state wants to host them[8].

Economic difficulties and political instability launched the process of emigration of Kenyans from the country in the 1970s. The peak of their departure occurred during the most difficult period for the country – the 1990s-2000s. Here we can talk about hundreds of thousands of emigrants. In addition to Western countries (USA, UK, Canada, Germany), popular destinations include Tanzania (Swahili in Kenya is the second official language) and Uganda, the undisputed leaders in the reception of Kenyans among African states. Since the 1990s, Ethiopia, Sudan and Somalia have become noticeable in this regard, separate groups of Kenyans can be found in the DRC, Burundi, Mozambique and Nigeria.

The absolute majority of emigrants from Kenya belong to the age group from 26 to 35 years (up to 45%), although the percentage of people aged 19 to 25 is also very significant – about 20%. Kenyans leaving represent almost all districts of the country, but Nairobi, Mombasa, Nakuru and Kiambu are among the leaders in population outflow. At the same time, the share of highly qualified specialists in the total emigration flow reaches 35%, which has a serious impact on the country's economy, forming a chronic shortage of personnel in many key sectors (construction, education, healthcare, etc.)[2, p. 17].

As of 2006, up to 26% of Kenyans who have received higher education have left the country, doctors – up to 50%, nurses – about 8%, respectively[9, p. 1]. Of Kenya's African neighbors, only Angola (70.5%), Malawi (59.4%), Mozambique (75.4%) and Zambia (57%) have higher outflow rates of medical personnel. From 2005 to 2010, about 1.2 thousand nurses embarked on the path of emigration, the absolute majority (92%) were women. Since 2002, the UK has been among the countries receiving the largest number of nurses and doctors from Kenya. In 2008, there were 1.3 thousand and 2.7 thousand, respectively. In 2013, the palm passed to the USA, about 60% of all Kenyan nurses were sent there, the United Kingdom was again in second place (27%)[2, p. 62-63].    

The prolonged mass outflow of medical personnel, along with the deterioration of the socio-economic situation and the migration of the population from rural areas to urban slums, was not in vain for the health situation in Kenya at the turn of the XX–XXI centuries. In particular, the infant mortality rate (aged 0-14 years), which has been steadily decreasing since the 1970s, increased again in the 2000s.[10] There is a flow of employees from the public sector to paid medicine. In 2010, there were 6.8 thousand doctors, 5.8 thousand medical workers, 47.8 thousand nurses, 4.8 thousand pharmacists and pharmacists, about 13.1 thousand people of auxiliary technical personnel in Kenya. At the same time, up to 74% of doctors, 68% of dentists, 86% of pharmacists, 86% of pharmacists, 75% of nurses worked in the private sector[2, p. 99-100].

The situation is relatively not bad with the number of health workers only in Nairobi. In other cities, and especially in the province, there is a severe permanent shortage of not only doctors, but even junior medical personnel. In particular, according to 2010 data, there were from 42 to 84 medical workers per 100 thousand people in nine Kenyan provinces, of which doctors, highly qualified medical specialists, accounted for no more than 10-15%. This situation is particularly alarming due to the high HIV prevalence among Kenyans. As of 2014, AIDS was recorded in 5.6% of men and 7.6% of women. The percentage of infected happy varies greatly, from 25.7% in Homa Bay and 19.3% in Kisumu to 8% in Nairobi. But in general, AIDS is present in all 47 districts of the country[2, p. 100-101].

In other areas (construction, education, manufacturing) things are not much better. Kenyan labor resources are certainly in demand on the international market, including due to the price-quality ratio. There are 22 public and 30 private universities in the country, which annually graduate thousands of qualified specialists. Among the East African countries, Kenya remains the undisputed leader in the training of educated personnel. From 2009 to 2013, the number of public preschool institutions increased from 23.8 thousand to 24.7 thousand, private – from 14.4 thousand to 15.4 thousand, public primary schools – from 18.5 thousand to 21.2 thousand, private – from 8.1 thousand to 8.9 thousand, public secondary schools – from 5 thousand to 6.8 thousand, private – from 1.9 thousand to 2 thousand, respectively. Correlated with these data and information about the growth of the number of teacher training schools. In 2009, employees for preschool institutions were trained in 20 public and 50 private colleges, and in 2013 – already in 22 and 109 colleges, for primary schools in 2009 – 20 public and 85 private colleges, in 2013 – already 22 and 109 colleges, respectively. The number of secondary vocational schools and colleges with a technical bias has also increased significantly. In 2009, there were 579 such educational centers, and in 2013 – already 701, respectively [2, 93-94].

Kenya trains a huge number of specialists for the field of education, with Rwanda and the Seychelles there were even bilateral agreements on sending Kenyan teachers to their schools. It is worth paying special attention to the fact that women in this field predominate only in preschool institutions (which is quite logical), and in primary and secondary schools, most of the teachers are men. The teaching profession in Kenya is popular, in demand and respected. In 2009, 10.3 thousand men and 61.2 thousand women worked in preschool institutions, and already in 2013 – 13.8 thousand and 69.9 thousand, in primary schools in 2009 – 92.3 thousand and 78.9 thousand, and in 2013 – 102.2 thousand and 97.4 thousand, in secondary schools in 2009 – 29.7 thousand and 18.1 thousand, and in 2013 – 40.2 thousand and 25.1 thousand, respectively [2, p. 95].

Private recruitment agencies are actively earning on the export of unskilled labor. For example, with their help in 2011-2013, 11 thousand Kenyan workers left for Saudi Arabia, 2 thousand for Qatar, and 1 thousand for the UAE, respectively. During the period from 2008 to 2014, at least 3.8 thousand Kenyans went to Afghanistan to work in the same private manner. In the Middle East, Kenyan workers (usually women aged 20 to 40) work, as a rule, as housekeepers (up to 80%) and handymen (10%)[2, p. 63-64].

For educational purposes, young Kenyans emigrate, as a rule, to developed Western countries. As of 2013, student migration to the USA amounted to 3.7 thousand people, to the UK – 2.2 thousand, to Australia – 1.1 thousand, to South Africa – 1 thousand, to India – 0.5 thousand. In 2014, the British authorities reported that over 11 years (from 2003 to 2013), 10.8 thousand student visas were issued to Kenyans. In the USA, the figures are slightly higher, where more than 2.4 thousand Kenyan students were admitted in 2012 alone. Emigration to Canada for the purpose of education is not so significant, from 2008 to 2012 we can talk about 200-400 people per year [2, p. 64-65]

Of course, there is also a so-called "return migration" in Kenya, the process is usually spontaneous and unpredictable. A variety of family circumstances, a crime and subsequent deportation to the country of origin, refusal to grant asylum can serve as a motive for such actions. Some Kenyans living in Western countries consider returning to their historical homeland after retirement as a completely real scenario. But in general, the number of this reverse flow is extremely insignificant.

Summing up, it should be noted that the process of emigration from Kenya is long-term and permanent. The main stimuli of this phenomenon are internal instability, a high birth rate and the inability for a significant number of young people to realize their potential at home. The Kenyan authorities, removing the demographic pressure on the ground, look at this outflow of the population quite loyally, seeing this as an opportunity to attract foreign capital, which we will consider in more detail below.

 

Immigration

 

Kenya has several powerful factors of "attraction" of migrants from all over the world. First of all, it is worth pointing out the strategic position of the country as a regional center of East Africa, which opens up wide opportunities for foreigners in the field of business and employment in UN structures, charitable organizations and non-profit associations. Kenya's rapid economic development also contributes to the influx of immigrants, primarily to Nairobi (the largest East African city), where there is a need for labor resources for industry, services, tourism and IT companies. The popularity of Kenyan universities among African applicants is consistently high.

As of 2009, Africans dominated among Kenyan immigrants (84%), Asian immigrants (10%), European immigrants (4%) and the United States (2%) were noticeable. Most of the visitors of African descent are representatives of East Africa (up to 92%). Other regions of Africa were poorly represented (Central Africa – 3%, Western and Southern Africa – 2% each, North Africa - 1%, respectively). The number of international migrants in Kenya is steadily growing, by the middle of the year in 1990. it was 162 thousand people, in 1995 – 527 thousand, in 2000 – 755 thousand, in 2005 – 790 thousand, in 2010 – 817 thousand, in 2013 – 955 thousand, respectively[2, p. 28-30].

Among East Africans in Kenya, as of 2009, citizens of Tanzania, Uganda and Sudan dominate, 41%, 35% and 19%, respectively. The share of immigrants from Rwanda and Burundi is not significant – about 1-2%. If we look at the data on European migrants, we can find an absolute predominance of Britons (up to 35%), noticeable figures for Germans (10%), Italians (11%), Dutch (5%), French (4%) and Swedes (3%). Migrants from Asia are mainly represented by visitors from India (79%), Pakistan (3.9%), China (1.8%) and Japan (1.5%). The number of immigrants in Kenya has never exceeded 2% of the total population. About a third of migrants in Kenya are refugees, the rest come for the purpose of doing business, in search of education and work. There are many refugee camps on the territory of Kenya, the largest of them are Kakuma and Dadaab, the latter is considered one of the largest migration centers in the world, hundreds of thousands of people live in it[2, p.17].

The absolute majority of asylum seekers in Kenya are Somalis (up to 70%), there are immigrants from South Sudan (about 16%), Ethiopia, the DRC and Eritrea. Political and socio-economic instability in Somalia provoked several waves of migrants, one of which in the late 1980s and early 1990s fell on neighboring Kenya. At the peak of the process, in 1992, the number of refugees in Kenyan camps exceeded 420 thousand people, most of whom were Somalis. The geographical location of the country (the neighborhood with five unstable African regimes) leaves the issue of refugees one of the top priorities for the national security of the country[11].

As of 2015, there were a total of 586 thousand forced migrants and asylum seekers in the country. In 2014, the number of Somalis in Kenyan camps for displaced persons amounted to 427 thousand people, Sudanese (South Sudan) – 89 thousand, immigrants from Ethiopia – 30 thousand. The largest number of urban refugees live in Nairobi – about 43 thousand people, concentrated mainly in the Eastleigh area, where there is also a predominance of immigrants from Somalia. Living in migration camps (since their creation in the 1990s) is actually a permanent humanitarian crisis, since the number of residents in them has long exceeded the initial estimated figures. The population there is rapidly increasing due to the high birth rate, which is already forming the second and third generation of migrants, who do not have the majority of education and professional skills. In 2015, the age group from 0 to 4 years in the camps accounted for 14.7% of residents, from 5 to 11 years – 23.9%, from 12 to 17 years – 16.9%, from 18 to 59 years – 41.7%. The proportion of people aged 0 to 4 years in Kakuma is 14.7%, and in Dadaab – 16.1%, from 5 to 11 years – 23% and 26.2%, from 12 to 17 years – 18.2% and 17.1%, from 18 to 59 years – 42.6% and 37.2%, respectively. Such a demographic profile, in the absence of normal infrastructure and employment prospects, creates an extremely tense social situation in the camps [2, p. 42-44].

There is also an outflow of refugees in Kenya, but this process is completely invisible compared to the influx. In 2008, there were only 3.9 thousand such emigrants, in 2009 – 4.4 thousand, in 2010 - 3.7 thousand, in 2011 - 3.5 thousand, in 2012 – 2.6 thousand, in 2013 - 3.6 thousand, in 2014 – 2 thousand, respectively. They traveled mostly to the USA, Canada and Australia. In addition to these countries, refugees from Kenya apply for resettlement to Sweden, Great Britain, the Netherlands, Norway, Denmark, France (from several dozen to several hundred applications, in total no more than 1 thousand per year)[2, p. 47].   

With a significant outflow of citizens with higher education, the authorities of the country practice attracting foreign specialists with sought-after specialties. The arrival of volunteers from foreign charitable organizations is also welcome in Kenya, the number of such migrants is several thousand people. Against the background of a powerful drain of personnel from the health sector, oddly enough, there is a huge number of medical specialists among foreigners in Kenya – about 17 thousand practicing doctors and dentists only. In 2009-2013, on average, the Kenyan authorities issued about 10-20 thousand work permits to foreign citizens per year. There are a lot of EU citizens among the businessmen who come to the country with investment intentions. For example, in 2011-2013, about 200 thousand entrepreneurs entered the country annually, of which 32-33 thousand were from the UK, 22-24 thousand from Italy, 22-25 thousand from Germany, 9-10 thousand from France, 5 thousand from Scandinavian countries. There is also an influx of businessmen from the USA and Canada – 13-16 thousand and 3-4 thousand people per year, respectively [2, p. 34].  

Kenya has been consistently attractive for those who want to get an education for many decades. Kenyan authorities do not keep regular and accurate statistics on this migration, but to assess the scale of this process, it is possible to use data from individual educational institutions. In particular, the number of international students at the University of Nairobi increased from 74 in 2005 to 874 in 2012-2013, the absolute majority of them were of African origin (South Sudan, Ghana, Rwanda, Tanzania, Somalia, Ethiopia, Malawi, etc.). 119 foreigners studied at the African Nazareth University in 2014, almost all also Africans[2, p. 36-37].

In addition to student migration, there is a significant flow of temporary migrants coming for seasonal work, or as tourists and travelers. Tourism is concentrated mainly on visits to national parks and nature reserves, beach holidays (in Mombasa, Malindi and Lamu), as well as (since the mid-1990s) on the very exotic "slum tourism" ("slum tourism"), which includes introducing tourists to life in illegal settlements. The absolute majority of tourists in Kenya are Europeans, primarily from the UK, Italy, France, and the Netherlands. Africans are in second place, and US citizens are in third place. In 2009-2013 . About 1 million foreigners visited Kenya annually for tourist purposes.

The picture of immigration would be incomplete without a brief overview of the problem of the slave trade and illegal migrants. Kenya today is an important transit point for people seeking a better life not always by legal means, on the way from East and West Africa to South Africa, Europe and the USA. According to official data alone, there are at least 30 thousand Kenyans in the United States whose migration status is not clear. The problem of trafficking in people, mainly women and children, stands apart from this background. There are at least two main routes of such business – the northeast, between Kenya and Somalia, and the west, between Kenya and Uganda. The main consumer of this "product" is the Middle East, where people from Kenya are subjected to labor and sexual exploitation. The annual volume of this market is estimated at approximately $ 40 million. Human trafficking is an illegal business, but extremely profitable, supporting the growth of corruption among law enforcement and government agencies. The price for 10-15-year-old girls in Kenya is about 600 US dollars, which is several times less than, for example, in Brazil (from 5 thousand to 10 thousand US dollars), which forms an extremely fertile environment for the development of this criminal industry [2, p. 27]

As of 2008, up to 36% of the victims of the slave trade in Kenya were sold on the international market. About 86% of the victims fell into the hands of criminals, reacting to promises to receive some kind of assistance (relocation, employment, etc.). No more than 5% were subjected to violence or received threats, and 9% were generally transported abroad with the participation of their own relatives. Children from Kenya are usually forced into agricultural and domestic work, fishing, cattle breeding and prostitution. Teenagers from other African States (Burundi, Ethiopia, South Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda) are exploited in the country itself. Every year in Kenya, up to 20 thousand children become a "living commodity". As of 2015, there were about 20 thousand immigrants in Kenya without citizenship at all. These are mainly Kenyan Somalis and representatives of certain tribes and clans who lived in disputed territories and were forced to leave their homes [2, p. 47].

Like any rapidly developing country with a very favorable geographical location, Kenya attracts many immigrants both from neighboring countries and from distant regions (Western Europe, Asia, North America). The key goals of immigration are asylum seeking, employment, education, doing business, tourism. The data on Kenyan migration are absolutely correlated with general information about the movements of people across the continent, namely, up to 90% of the total migration flow is intra–African migration, often with a criminal component. Mainly citizens of its neighbors in East Africa (Somalia, Uganda, Tanzania) immigrate to Kenya. The problem of the remaining refugee camps in the country seems to be the most acute, the situation in which since the turn of the 1980s and 1990s has actually been a permanent humanitarian catastrophe.

 

Kenyans abroad

 

Data on the size of the Kenyan diaspora are very different. The country's authorities estimate the number of people of Kenyan origin permanently residing outside the country at about 3 million people. According to the estimates of the World Bank (based on information about money transfers), we are probably talking about a figure of more than 500 thousand people. Moderate estimates indicate about 1 million Kenyans distributed among communities in other countries, with strong growth dynamics in the 1990s and 2000s. In 1960, the number of the diaspora was 59 thousand people, in 1970 - 158 thousand, in 1980 - 155 thousand, in 1990 – 149 thousand., in 2000 – 540 thousand, in 2007 – 1 million, respectively. Up to 85% of them are in Africa, the second largest region is Asia, including China and the Middle East (about 8%), the third is Europe (7%) [2. p. 51-53]. 

In 2006, about 430 thousand Kenyan citizens officially lived abroad[9, p. 1], by the 2010s their number exceeded 1 million people. 90% of them left the country due to economic problems in search of a better life ("greener pastures" - greener pastures). A small minority of Kenyan migrants became victims of the political problems of the 1990s, when subsidies from Western countries decreased, which caused socio-economic difficulties, a surge in corruption, and aggravation of interethnic relations[12]. In this regard, the situation in Kenya is not getting much better. According to the British government (as of 2015), the country was ranked 145 (out of 175) in terms of corruption and 136 (out of 189) in terms of ease of doing business[13].

The dynamics of the number of the Kenyan diaspora in the second half of the XX century demonstrates rapid growth with an uneven distribution of immigrants from Kenya in neighboring African countries. In 1960, 28.5 thousand Kenyans lived in Uganda, 17 thousand in Tanzania, 2 thousand in Sudan, 2 thousand in Somalia, 0.9 thousand in Ethiopia. In 1970 – 33.3 thousand, 39 thousand, 0.3 thousand, 1.6 thousand and 4.6 thousand, respectively. In 1980 – 39.9 thousand, 38.4 thousand, 1.9 thousand, 1.8 thousand and 6 thousand, respectively. In 1990 – 46.7 thousand, 37.3 thousand, 3.7 thousand, 2.1 thousand and 7.5 thousand, respectively. In 2000 – 351 thousand, 61.1 thousand, 48.2 thousand, 36.5 thousand and 20.3 thousand, respectively [2, p. 56].

North America is home to the largest Kenyan diaspora in the West. It is important to distinguish between migration flows from Africa to this region, dating back to the era of the slave trade and the post-colonial time. During the period from 1645 to 1866, approximately 305 thousand Africans arrived in North America, for the absolute majority of them this procedure was compulsory. Voluntary mass migration from Africa to the United States is a relatively recent phenomenon by historical standards, the beginning of which is usually associated with decolonization in the second half of the XX century. In 1960, there were only about 35 thousand Africans from Sub-Saharan Africa in the United States. Since that time, their number has almost doubled every ten years. By 2009, at least 1.5 million first-generation African migrants lived in the country, and 3.5 million people identified themselves as members of one or another African community[14, p. 2-3].

The number of the Kenyan diaspora in North America itself grew from absolutely insignificant figures in the 1960s to 105 thousand people by the 2010s, of which 92% were in the United States, the rest lived in Canada. The main channels of arrival in the USA for Kenyans were an invitation from a close relative (up to 35%) and obtaining refugee status (about 26%) [p. 2, 57-58]. Visitors from Kenya successfully integrate into American society, including due to a good command of English. The most serious difficulties, as a rule, arise during the first year of life in the USA, in the future adaptation occurs faster and better, with the gradual assimilation of all aspects of the culture of the host party (clothing, food preferences, behavior patterns, etc.) [15, p. 149].

More than half (54%) of European Kenyans live in the UK, and about a quarter (23%) live in Germany. People from Kenya are also represented in Italy, Sweden, Switzerland, the Netherlands, France, Austria. In 2004-2013, an average of 40-50 thousand Kenyans, including temporary migrants, came to the UK per year. The British Kenyans themselves in the list of reasons for coming to the United Kingdom (according to the situation in 2010) primarily indicate job search (31.1%) and training (25.2%). Kenyan migration to the Middle East has its own specifics. People from Kenya come to Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar mainly as workers, not refugees or through family reunification. Kenyans mostly go to China and India to get an education. Migration to Asian countries from Kenya is uneven and varies from country to country in the range of 0.5–2.5 thousand people per year[2, p. 60-61].

By the early 2010s, at least 8% of all Kenyans lived in various diasporas abroad (USA, EU, Middle East and South Asian countries), which created favorable conditions for the inflow of funds into the country. In particular, in January 2021 alone (according to the Central Bank of Kenya), the country received $278.4 million in direct money transfers, which is 7.3% more than in January 2020. December 2020 in this respect was a record in the entire history of the country ($ 299 million came). In total, over the 12 months of 2020, Kenyan diasporas sent 3.1 billion dollars to their historical homeland (10.8% more than a year earlier)[16].

More than half of all amounts come from the Kenyan diaspora in the USA (55%), about a quarter (27%) – from European countries. Although the survey data are somewhat at odds with the information on financial transactions provided by the Central Bank of Kenya. In particular, there is information that only 64% of all transfers come to the country from outside Africa, and 39% come from African countries. Most of the money received through these channels is spent on very prosaic purposes – the purchase of real estate, paying for education, building frequent houses, buying food [2, p. 77-80].

In addition to the economic aspect related to money transfers to the country of origin, it is important to take into account that financial influence is usually combined with political claims. For example, the Kenyan diaspora of the United States is very wealthy and, among other African communities of the country, has a high level of education and cohesion. And it seems very logical that American Kenyans will not be indifferent to the situation in their historical homeland, especially on the eve and after national elections, which usually end in major ethnopolitical conflicts. However, in practice it turned out that there is no direct correlation between monetary opportunities and political influence in relation to this diaspora in the United States. Including, probably, due to the lack of an appropriate organizational structure through which it would be possible to actively influence the socio-political life in Kenya. Political preferences have practically no effect on the amount of monetary assistance provided to their relatives by the Kenyan diaspora of the USA [14, p. 10].

  Against the background of the growing volume of private money transfers, there is also an increase in the inflow of direct financial investments from foreign diasporas. In particular, in 2008, $ 96 million was received from investors and businessmen, in 2009 – $ 115 million, in 2010 – $ 178 million, in 2011 – $ 335 million, in 2012 – $ 259 million, respectively. Instability of investments is usually associated with the presence of a number of risks and inhibiting factors in the country, including corruption, high crime rate, undeveloped infrastructure, etc.[2, p. 80]

The Kenyan diaspora abroad is an important center of power and influence for Kenya. At the initial stages of emigration (1960-1970s), there was no unity in assessing the consequences of this process. Both the departure of intellectual cadres, the "brain drain", and the emigration of labor resources, the "brawn drain" were perceived rather negatively, since they deprived the country of promising young people, reduced the potential of the economy. However, since the 1980s, this phenomenon has been perceived rather positively, including due to the fact that Kenyans have not dissolved into host societies, have kept in touch with their historical homeland and have begun to provide substantial financial assistance to relatives in Kenya[17].

 

Institutional and legislative design

 

The Kenyan authorities do not let migration take its course, trying to predict and manage this process. The key role in controlling the migration situation inside the country belongs to the Ministry of Internal Affairs and Coordination ("Ministry of Interior and Coordination of National Government"), which has a special Directorate for Immigration and Registration of Persons ("Directorate of Immigration and Registration of Persons") and the Office for Kenyan Citizens and Foreigners ("Kenya Citizens and Foreign Nationals Management Service"). The Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Trade ("Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Trade") oversees the issues of the Kenyan diaspora and provides full support to compatriots abroad. In addition, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Kenya coordinates the work of the African Institute for Remittances of the African Union (African Institute for Remittances of the African Union). In general, great attention is paid to the activities of this institute, since transactions within African countries, between them within Africa and transcontinental financial transactions are the most important tool for the development of Kenya.

The main state structure dealing with the collection, analysis and publication of statistical data is the "Kenya State Bureau of Statistics" ("Kenya National Bureau of Statistics"). Under its auspices, every 10 years (probably copying the British tradition of decadal censuses), information about the housing stock is updated, as well as other studies determined by the bureau itself, which is part of the Ministry of Devolution and Planning ("Ministry of Devolution and Planning"). The Ministry of Devolution and Planning has a State Council for Population and Planning ("National Council for Population and Development"). His focus is on coordinating demographic policy at the central and local levels, as well as overseeing programs related to the development of the country's human resources. A special place in the region in the Kenyan state system, of course, is occupied by the Ministry of Trade, Tourism and East Africa. It is directly involved in the development of solutions concerning external and internal migration.

There are also many public, professional and charitable associations in Kenya that deal with the problems of both arriving and leaving the country. Many Kenyan communities abroad have their own organizations in the country of origin, for example, the association of Kenyan repatriates - the "Kenyan Diaspora Alliance" ("Kenya Diaspora Alliance"). The "Central Organization of Trade Unions" ("Central Organization of Trade Unions"), which unites many professional workers in various fields, is actively working with migrants. In addition, the situation in the field of migration and employment is monitored by a large number of public (up to 900) and private (up to 150) recruitment and recruitment agencies. It is this sector that, as a rule, has the most up-to-date information about the number and composition of Kenyan labor and student emigration. One of the most influential organizations here can be called the "Kenya Association of Private Employment Agencies" ("Kenya Association of Private Employment Agencies"). In addition to HR business, the situation in the field of migration is in the field of view of professional public structures, all kinds of councils, for example, the "Kenyan Council of Nurses" ("Nursing Council of Kenya"). 

In legislative terms, there are four fundamental documents related to the situation in the migration sphere – "Kenya Vision 2030", "National Migration Policy", "National Labor Migration Policy" and "National Policy regarding diasporas" ("National Diaspora Policy"). According to the Constitution of 2010, dual citizenship is allowed in Kenya, the right to freely leave and enter the country is enshrined.

In addition to the Constitution of 2010, one of the important documents is the Law on Refugees of 2006 ("Refugees Act 2006") with additional provisions published in 2009. This document regulated all procedural aspects related to obtaining refugee status, recognizing the rights and obligations of refugee family members, as well as specific steps to revoke refugee status.

In 2011, the Law on Migration and Citizenship ("Kenya Citizenship and Immigration Act") came into force. The following year, this law was supplemented with a set of rules concerning immigration ("Kenya Citizenship and Immigration Regulations 2012"). Thanks to these documents, the system of visas and permits for entry and stay in the country was streamlined. For example, five main types of visas were established – ordinary, transit, diplomatic, official and tourist, and nine types of work and residence permits (depending on education, income level, work experience and intended type of activity). In addition, eight types of permits for arrival in the country were introduced (just for visitors, for students, for dependents, transit, etc.).

In 2011, a law was adopted that regulates work with citizens and foreigners ("Kenya Citizens and Foreign Nationals Management Service Act"). In accordance with this law, the "Kenyan Citizens and Foreign Nationals Management Service" ("Kenya Citizens and Foreign Nationals Management Service") was formed, which is engaged in maintaining a special national register of the country's population, monitoring laws and procedures related to the field of civil status records.

In 2010, the "Law on Combating Human Trafficking" ("Counter-Trafficking in Persons Act"), which is very important for the migration situation and the country as a whole, was adopted, and then revised in 2012. Its action was aimed at bringing Kenyan laws into line with international legislation on the suppression of transnational trafficking in human beings and the prevention of the use of forced labor of women and children.    

The Security Law of 2014 ("The Security Laws (Amendment) Act 2014") defined clear legal criteria for granting asylum seekers refugee status in Kenya. Rather strict rules for the stay of applicants for this status were introduced, they did not have to leave the camps defined for them to stay. Law enforcement officers were given the authority to confiscate passports and travel documents from refugees in the event that these documents were used by other persons. Deportation and repatriation were identified as the main measures to counteract and suppress violations of this law.   In addition, the maximum number of applicants in the country at the same time should not exceed 150 thousand people.

In the post-colonial era, Kenya also signed many international conventions and documents related to migration, including the UN Refugee Convention of 1951 (UN Refugee Convention 1951) and its Protocol of 1967 (Protocol to the Refugee Convention 1967), the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights"1966 ("International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights 1966"), "International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights 1966 ("International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights 1966"), "Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination" 1966 ("Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Racial Discrimination 1966"), "Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women" 1984 ("Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against Yes 1984 Women"), "Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman and Degrading Treatment" 1984 ("Convention Against Torture and other Cruel, Inhumane or Degrading Treatment 1984"), "Convention on the Rights of the Child 1989 ("Convention on the Rights of the Child 1989"), "UN Convention against International Organized Crime 2004 ("UN Convention against Transnational Organized Crime 2004").

At the local level, Kenya is also an active participant in migration control and monitoring processes. The Kenyan Government has ratified a number of regional instruments related to this issue. Among them, the "African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights" of 1981 ("African Charter on Human and People's Rights 1981") and the additional "Protocol to it on Women's Rights" of 2003 ("The Protocol to the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights on the Rights of Women in Africa 2003"), "African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of Children" 1990 ("African Charter on the Rights and Welfare of the Child 1990"), "African Union Youth Charter 2006" ("African Union Youth Charter 2006"), "Treaty on the Establishment of the East African Community" 1999 ("The Treaty for the Establishment of the East African Community 1999").

Such serious State attention to migration issues in terms of the laws adopted and the involvement of administrative resources testifies to the unconditional importance for the Kenyan authorities of the processes that are taking place in this area. We see an obvious desire of the governing bodies to monitor the situation with migrants, especially refugees, to improve the country's image in the international arena in the field of illegal migration, to use all the opportunities of Kenyan communities abroad for the benefit of the country.

 

Conclusion

 

Experiencing rapid population growth, Kenya is among the countries with the most intensive internal and external migration processes. A high proportion of young people in an unstable political, socio-economic and environmental situation provokes the movement of a large number of people in search of a better life both within the country and abroad.

Positive trends in the field of migration include the emergence of Kenyan diasporas all over the world, primarily in the USA and Western Europe, which provide substantial financial assistance to the historical homeland. The outflow of population from rural areas to cities and other countries did not lead to the destruction of traditional Kenyan family and clan ties, which allowed preserving the demographic potential of the country. The departure of qualified specialists slows down the internal development of the country, but does not lead to catastrophic consequences, because the authorities invest significant resources in the development of all segments of the education system.  

Of course, there are also negative aspects related to migration in Kenya. High mobility of the population contributes to the spread of HIV. The country has firmly established the image of a regional center of the slave trade and illegal migration. The problem of refugees, including those from neighboring countries with Kenya, remains urgent. The constant migration between rural areas provokes numerous ethnic and tribal clashes over land and water resources.

Migration processes in developing countries are usually assessed with a negative tone, due to obvious difficulties and conflicts on the ground. However, in the case of Kenya, we do not find any purely negative aspects in the long term. The population of the country is increasing, emigrant communities are strengthening their presence in host societies, the influx of money into the country is growing, new educational institutions are opening in cities and provinces. Of course, there are difficulties in this area, but they are more likely to be attributed to growth problems than to trends that create any real threats to the future of the country. The Kenyan leadership looks at the "brain drain" extremely soberly and pragmatically.  Even the situation with the spread of HIV seems to be more of a challenge that requires an adequate response, rather than a danger on a national scale.

References
1. Hyndman, J. (1999). A Post-Cold War Geography of Forced Migration in Kenya and Somalia, Professional Geographer, 51(1), 104-114.
2. Migration in Kenya: A Country Profile 2015 (2015). Nairobi, International Organization for Migration.
3. Dietz, T. (1986). Migration to and from dry areas in Kenia, Tijdschrifr voor Eon. en Soc. Geografie, 77(1), 18-28.
4. Gould, W. T. S. (1985). Migration and Development in Western Kenya, 1971-82: A Retrospective Analysis of Primary School Leavers, Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 55(3), 262-285.
5. Agesa, R.U. (2004). One Family, Two Households: Rural to Urban Migration in Kenya, Review of Economics of the Household, 2, 161-178.
6. Hansen, R. (1999). The Kenyan Asians, British Politics, and the Commonwealth Immigrants Act, 1968, The Historical Journal, 42(3), 809-834.
7. Dickinson, J. (2015). Chronicling Kenyan Asian Diasporic Histories: ‘Newcomers’, ‘Established’ Migrants, and the Post-Colonial Practices of Time-Work, Population, Space and Place, 22(8), 736-749.
8. Johnson, D.H. (2009). Tribe or nationality? The Sudanese diaspora and the Kenyan Nubis, Journal of Eastern African Studies, 3(1), 112-131.
9. Harnessing the Development Potential of Kenyans Living in the United Kingdom (2010). Geneva, International Organization for Migration.
10. Mberu, B.U., Mutua, M. (2015). Internal Migration and Early Life Mortality in Kenya and Nigeria, Population, Space and Place, 21(8), 788-808.
11. Hyndman, J. (1999). A Post-Cold War Geography of Forced Migration in Kenya and Somalia, Professional Geographer, 51(1), 104-114.
12. We are much more than the remittance – Kenya Diaspora, Kenya London News, 18 April 2020.
13. Doing business in Kenya: Kenya trade and export guide, Departament for International Trade, 29 May 2015. Retrieved from https://www.gov.uk/government/publications/exporting-to-kenya/exporting-to-kenya#trade-between-uk-and-kenya
14. Bekoe, D.A., Burchard, S.M. (2016). The Kenyan diaspora in the United States and the 2013 elections: when money does not equal power, Diaspora Studies, 2016, 9(2), 1-13.
15. Zolnikov, T.R. (2015). Understanding cultural experiences: a qualitative study of Kenyans in America, African Identities, 13(2), 144-156.
16. Diaspora Remittance up by 7.3%, Kenya London News, 24 February 2021.
17. Kinuthia, B. K., Akinyoade, A. (2012). Diaspora and development in Kenya: What do we know? Migration Policy Practice, 2(2), 16-20.

Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

Traditionally, it is the African continent that is considered the ancestral homeland of mankind and it was from there that the movement of ancient people to other regions of the world began. It should be noted that Africa continued to be the scene of active migration: This includes participation in the famous Columbian exchange, and the subsequent penetration of European settlers, and various migration crises of our days. Today, in the context of increasing migration flows around the world, it is important to study migration flows using the example of individual African countries. These circumstances determine the relevance of the article submitted for review, the subject of which is migration trends in postcolonial Kenya. The author aims to show internal migration in an East African country, to consider the circumstances of departure and entry of various groups of the population to Kenya, as well as to determine the role of the Kenyan diaspora abroad. The work is based on the principles of analysis and synthesis, reliability, objectivity, the methodological basis of the research is a systematic approach, which is based on the consideration of an object as an integral complex of interrelated elements. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the very formulation of the topic: the author examines both positive and negative trends using the example of one of the largest countries in the East African region of Kenya. Considering the bibliographic list of the article as a positive point, its scale and versatility should be noted: in total, the list of references includes over 15 different sources and studies. The undoubted advantage of reviewing an article is the involvement of foreign English-language materials, which is determined by the very formulation of the topic. From the sources attracted by the author, we note the materials of the World Organization for Migration and other Internet data. From the studies used, we will point to the works of R. Hansen and D. Johnson, whose focus is on various aspects of migration flows in Kenya. Note that the bibliography is important both from a scientific and educational point of view: after reading the text, readers can turn to other materials on its topic. In general, in our opinion, the integrated use of various sources and research contributed to the solution of the tasks facing the author. The style of writing the article can be attributed to a scientific one, at the same time understandable not only to specialists, but also to a wide readership, to anyone interested in both migration in the modern world and migration trends in East Africa. The appeal to the opponents is presented at the level of the collected information received by the author during the work on the topic of the article. The structure of the work is characterized by a certain logic and consistency, it can be distinguished by an introduction, the main part, and conclusion. At the beginning, the author defines the relevance of the topic, shows that Kenya is "an example of a young East African state with a rapidly growing population and rapidly developing migration processes." The author draws attention to the fact that "positive trends in the field of migration include the emergence of Kenyan diasporas around the world, primarily in the United States and Western Europe, which provide significant financial assistance to the historical homeland," and, above all, the negative ones are that "constant migration between rural areas provokes numerous ethnic and tribal clashes over land and water resources." The paper shows "the obvious desire of the governing bodies to control the situation with migrants, especially refugees, to improve the country's image in the international arena in the field of illegal migration, and to use all the opportunities of Kenyan communities abroad for the benefit of the country." The main conclusion of the article is that there are no purely negative aspects of migration processes applicable to Kenya in the long term: "The country's population is increasing, emigrant communities are strengthening their presence in host societies, the influx of money into the country is growing, new educational institutions are opening in cities and provinces." The article submitted for review is devoted to an urgent topic, will arouse readers' interest, and its materials can be used both in training courses and in the framework of studying migration processes in the modern world. There are some comments on the article, including those related to the design: for example, the bibliography of the article does not meet the requirements of the publisher. However, in general, in our opinion, the article can be recommended for publication in the journal Sociodynamics.