Trust in Power among Modern Russian youth: the role of Values and ethnic identity

Fedotova V.A. National Research University Higher School of Economics - Perm, Russian Federation

Fedotova V.A. National Research University Higher School of Economics, Perm, Russia

ORCID ID: 0000-0003-2189-9791

Trust in Power among Modern Russian youth: the role of Values and ethnic identity

Relevance. Leading Russian and foreign scientists have repeatedly noted a decrease in public confidence in the government and most political institutions. The loss of citizens' trust in the government has also affected Russia.

The purpose of the presented research is to study the phenomenon of political trust in the aspect of value orientations and ethnic identity among modern Russian youth.

Description of the research progress. The study conducted diagnostics of the younger generation of Russians living in different regions of the Russian Federation, aged 18 to 34 years. The study sample included representatives of the cities of the Russian Federation: Perm, Yekaterinburg, Moscow, St. Petersburg, Nizhny Novgorod and rural areas. The following methods were used in the empirical study: the scale of political trust, the methodology of J. Finney, measuring the severity of ethnic identity and Schwartz's methodology for determining the value structure.

The results of the study. The level of trust in the authorities is at a fairly low level, which indicates a tendency to social cynicism rather than political trust. The ethnicity of modern youth is also at a fairly low level. The results of the regression analysis demonstrated that ethnic identity has an impact on the overall level of trust in the authorities. Values such as "Reputation", "Universalism: tolerance" and "Benevolence: a sense of duty" have the strongest influence on trust in the authorities. The value of material goods negatively affects the formation of trust in the authorities.

Conclusion. The results of this study can serve as a basis for the development of recommendations in the field of building political trust among Russian youth.

Keywords: political trust, political cynicism, values, ethnic identity, Russian youth.

The political trust among Russian youth: the role of values and ethnic identity

Background. Russian and foreign scientists have repeatedly noted a decline in public confidence in the government and most political institutions. Losing citizens' confidence in the authorities affected Russia as well.

Objective. To study the phenomenon of political trust in the aspect of value orientations and ethnic identity among modern Russian youth.

Design. The study carried out diagnostics of the young generation of Russians living in different regions of the Russian Federation, aged 18 to 34 years. The study sample included representatives of the cities of the Russian Federation: Perm, Yekaterinburg, Moscow, St. Petersburg, Nizhny Novgorod and rural areas. In the empirical study, the following methods were used: the scale of political trust, J. Finney’s method, which measures the severity of ethnic identity, and Schwartz’s method for determining the value structure.

Results. The level of trust in the authorities is at a rather low level, which indicates a tendency towards social cynicism rather than political trust. The ethnicity of today’s youth is also at a fairly low level. The results of the regression analysis demonstrated that ethnic identity influences the overall level of trust in power. Values such as “Reputation”, “Universalism: Tolerance” and “Benevolence: A sense of duty” have the strongest influence on trust in power. The value of material goods negatively affects the formation of trust in the authorities.

Conclusion. The results of this study can serve as a basis for developing recommendations in the field of building political trust among Russian youth.

Keywords: political trust, political cynicism, values, ethnic identity, Russian youth.

Introduction

The study of the relationship between the value sphere of youth and trust in political power is extremely relevant today. At the end of the 20th century, many leading domestic and foreign psychologists, sociologists and political scientists found a decrease in public confidence in the government and most political institutions in modern developed countries. The loss of citizens' trust in the government has also affected Russia. A new wave of interest in the views and political preferences of Russian youth began after the All-Russian protests of 2017, and continues to this day, while remaining an urgent and little-researched topic. In the presented study, both quantitative and qualitative analysis of the political among Russian youth was carried out, as well as its consideration in the aspect of its relationship with values and ethnic identity. It should be noted that the trends of globalization have a clear impact on the formation of ethnic identity and ethnic identity. Of course, ethnic identity is a dynamic entity and can undergo transformation. Young people are the most active, mobile and dynamic social group, at the same time they are the most vulnerable to certain trends in social life.

The terms "political trust" and "political cynicism" are more often used when describing the attitude to people who are engaged in political activities than to political institutes [Gulevich et al., 2020]. The main question that arises in science concerns the correlation of political cynicism and political trust. Supporters of one point of view believe that political cynicism is the opposite of political trust. In one of the most well–known indicators, the "trust in government" index developed by the University of Michigan Research Center, one pole is designated as political trust, and the other as political cynicism [Dekker, Meijerink, 2012]. Proponents of another point of view distinguish between political trust - distrust and political cynicism-lack of cynicism [Pattyn et al., 2012]. Political trust is a cognitive phenomenon based on evaluating the effectiveness of the existing political system; it is associated with attributing positive qualities to politicians [Van Assche et al, 2018]. The conducted research allowed us to identify three groups of factors that influence the level of political cynicism. The first group of factors includes psychological characteristics of a person [Pattyn et al., 2012; Van Assche et al., 2018; Sidanius, Pratto, 2012]. The second group of factors includes messages that are broadcast in the mass media. The third group of factors includes an assessment of the general state of society and its attitude to specific political figures.

Methodology The following methods were used in the empirical study:  1. The scale of political trust [Gulevich O.A., et al., 2020]. It includes six political institutions: the army, the judiciary, political parties, the Government, the Parliament and the President. The respondent should note how much they trust each institution on a 5-point scale: from 1 — "I don't trust at all" to 5 — "I completely trust". 2. The methodology of J. Finney, measuring the severity of ethnic identity. The questionnaire contains 12 statements. The average score on all questions is a general indicator of the severity of ethnic identity. The subscale indicators are calculated by finding the arithmetic mean of the received sum of points: on the scale of the severity of the cognitive component of ethnic identity and on the scale of the severity of the affective component of ethnic identity.

3. Methodology for measuring individual values of PVQ-R [Schwartz et al., 2012]. This methodology contains 57 questions to assess the degree of expression of 19 values. The respondents' values are derived from the implicit values of people they consider similar to themselves. The answer scale contains 6 alternatives: 0 – not like me at all, 1 – not like me, 2 – not much like me, 3 – a little like me, 4 – similar to me, 5 – very similar to me.

Respondents

The study conducted diagnostics of the younger generation of Russians living in different regions of the Russian Federation, aged 18 to 34 years. The approach of sociologists Yu. A. Levada, V. V. Gavrilyuk, N. A. Tricosa and psychologists E. M. Shamis and A. Antipov was chosen as the basis for the classification of generations [Astashov, 2014]. The sample included 142 men and 149 women (n=291) from different cities of the Russian Federation: Perm, Yekaterinburg, Moscow, St. Petersburg, Nizhny Novgorod and rural areas - Kisherti, Kungur (Perm Krai), Ilyinsky and Otradnensky (Moscow Region). The information portals of the National Research University Higher School of Economics (HSE), HSE – Perm, HSE – Saint Petersburg, HSE - Nizhny Novgorod assisted in the dissemination of the questionnaires. The sample of the younger generation of Russians also included students of Russian universities, including Perm State Medical University named after Academician E.A. Wagner; Perm State National Research University; Perm State Pharmaceutical Academy, Kazan Volga Federal University. Students of Moscow, Kazan, Nizhny Novgorod, Yekaterinburg, St. Petersburg filled out an online questionnaire, which was distributed through the departments for working with students of the above universities and groups in social networks.

Research results

At the first stage of the study, political trust and ethnic identity of modern youth were analyzed (see Table 1).

Table 1 

Political trust, readiness for political behavior and ethnic identity among young people

Representatives of Russian youth have a rather low level of trust in the authorities. At the same time, the lowest level of trust in the government and the president among young people, and the highest in the judicial system. As noted in earlier studies, political cynicism is associated with an assessment of the economic state of society and citizens' concern about the crime rate. In addition, it is related to the assessment of the intentions and actions of specific politicians, as well as the outcome of voting in political elections. In general, a negative attitude towards politicians can result from a negative assessment of the state of society or a negative attitude towards specific political figures [Pattyn et al., 2012]. In addition, political cynicism is associated with lower political efficiency. The more cynical people are about politicians, the less they believe that "ordinary" citizens can influence the outcome of political elections [Pinkleton, Austin, 2001, 2002; Yamamoto, Kushin, Dalisay, 2017] or the processes that occur in the country as a whole [Pattyn et al., 2012; Heiss, Matthes, 2016]. Due to the connection with political efficiency, political cynicism reduces the willingness of people to participate in various forms of political activity. Thus, representatives of the Russian youth have a greater tendency to social cynicism than to political trust.

The ethnic identity of young people is subject to transformation depending on the socio-political, economic and cultural conditions of the ethnos. In the course of our research, it was found that the ethnic the affiliation of modern youth is at a fairly low level. Representatives of Russian youth do not feel proud of their ethnic group, do not feel belonging to it, and do not seek to maintain the traditions of their ethnic group.  

At the next stage of the study, the values of young respondents were analyzed (see Table 2).

Table 2

Values of young Russians

0,733

1,00

The values of "Independence: actions", "Independence: thoughts", "Hedonism", "Power: resources" prevail in the structure of values of young Russian respondents. Less important are the values of "Tradition" and "Universalism: caring for others." For young Russians who took part in our study, it is important to broaden their horizons, openly express their point of view, have a good time and enjoy the pleasures that life provides them, while it is important for them to have enough money to protect their interests. It should be noted that the values of power and traditions are less important for young respondents. They are not inclined to follow family customs or religious customs, and support traditional values and views of the world. The presence of power is not a priority for representatives of Russian youth. It is worth noting that the results of our work are consistent with previous studies. Earlier it was revealed that it is important for young respondents to look for diversity in their activities, gain experience, and excitement is important, even if it involves risk. High indicators of hedonism and achievement values indicate the need to be successful and fully appreciated on merit and achievements, on the other hand, respondents are focused on getting the pleasures that life gives them. Pleasant leisure also occupies a leading place in the list of dominant values [Fedotova, 2020].

At the last stage of the study, using regression analysis, the influence of values on trust in power (see Table 3) and ethnic identity on trust in power (see Table 4) was revealed.

Table 3

The influence of values on trust in power: results of regression analysis

power: domination

0,047

*p<0.05,  **p<0.01,  ***p<0.001

Values such as "Reputation", "Universalism: tolerance" and "Benevolence: a sense of duty" have the strongest influence on trust in the authorities. In other words, tolerance for a variety of people and groups, the importance of people he knows well, being completely confident in him, the desire to be a reliable and trustworthy friend, increase the level of trust in the authorities. The value of material goods negatively affects the formation of trust in the authorities.

Table 4

The influence of ethnic identity on readiness for political behavior and trust in power: results of regression analysis

Ethnic identity

            *p<0.05,  **p<0.01,  ***p<0.001

As a result of data analysis, it was found that ethnic identity has an impact on the overall level of trust in the government, however, it does not affect the readiness for political behavior. Russian youth with a high level of ethnic identity, which is manifested in the fact that respondents feel proud of their ethnic group, observe traditions, feel attached to it, have confidence in the authorities (the army, the government, the political system, the government and the president). 

Conclusions

Readiness for political behavior can be assessed above the average level, which indicates that representatives of Russian youth are ready to sign collective appeals, but are less inclined to participate in the work of political parties and personally address the president. Thus, it is noted that representatives of Russian youth have a tendency to social cynicism rather than political trust. The study also found that the ethnicity of modern youth is at a fairly low level. Representatives of Russian youth do not feel proud of their ethnic group, do not feel belonging to it, and do not seek to maintain the traditions of their ethnic group. The results of the regression analysis showed that ethnic identity has an impact on the overall level of trust in the authorities. Representatives of Russian youth with a high level of ethnic identity, in turn, have confidence in the authorities (the army, the government, the political system, the government and the president). 

Conclusion

The study of the relationship between the value sphere of youth and trust in political power is extremely relevant today. A low level of trust can eventually lead to dangerous and destructive conflicts. In the course of the study, the ethnic identity of modern Russian youth was determined, the level of political trust in the army, the judiciary, the government, the president was established, and readiness for political action was determined (voting in elections; signing collective appeals, letters or petitions; personal appeal to a regional politician; personal appeal to the president; participation in the work of political parties; participation in street actions). At the final stage, the influence of ethnic identity on the formation of political trust and readiness for political behavior among modern Russian youth was analyzed. The results of this study can serve as a basis for the development of recommendations in the field of building political trust among Russian youth.

Financing

The research was carried out with the financial support of the RFBR within the framework of the scientific project 21-011-32249 "Political trust and readiness for political behavior among young people: the role of values and identity"

Financing

The study was carried out with the financial support of the Russian Foundation for Basic Research within the framework of the scientific project 21-011-32249 "Political trust and readiness for political behavior among young people: the role of values and identity"

List of literature:

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5.                Altemeyer, B (1966). The authoritarian specter. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

6.                Becker, J.C., Tausch N. (2015). A dynamic model of engagement in normative and non-normative collective action: Psychological antecedents, consequences, and barriers. European Review of Social Psychology, 26, 43—92. doi:10.1080/104632 83.2015.1094265

7.                Dekker, H., Meijerink, F. (2012). Political cynicism: Conceptualization, operationalization, and explanation. Politics. Culture and Society, 3, 33-48.

8.                Harder, J., Krosnick, J.A. (2008). Why Do People Vote? A Psychological Analysis of the Causes of Voter Turnout. Journal of Social Issues, 64, 525—549. doi:10.1111/ j.1540-4560.2008.00576.x

9.                Heiss, R., Matthes, J. (2016). Mobilizing for some. The effects of politicians’ participatory Facebook posts on young people’s political efficacy. Journal of Media Psychology, 28, 123-135.

10.           Pattyn, S., Van Hiel, A., Dhont, K., Onraet, E. (2012). Stripping the political cynic: A psychological exploration of the concept of political cynicism. European Journal of Personality, 26, 566- 579.

11.           Phinney, J. (1992). The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure: A new scale for use with diverse groups. Journal of Adolescent Research, 7, 156– 176.

12.           Phinney, J., Ong, A. (2007). Conceptualization and Measurement of Ethnic Identity: Current Status and Future Directions. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 54, 271-281.

13.           Pinkleton, B.E., Austin, E.W. (2002). Exploring relationships among media use frequency, perceived media importance, and media satisfaction in political disaffection and efficacy. Mass Communication and Society, 5, 141-163.

14.           Pinkleton, B.E., Austin, E.W. (2001). Individual motivations, perceived media importance, and political disaffection. Political Communication, 18, 321-334.

15.           Pinkleton, B.E., Austin, E.W. (2004). Media perceptions and public affairs apathy in the politically inexperienced. Mass Communication and Society, 7, 319-337.

16.           Pinkleton, B.E., Um, N.-H., Austin, E.W. (2002). An exploration of the effects of negative political advertising on political decision making. Journal of Advertising, 31, 13-25.

17.           Sidanius, J., Pratto, F. (2012). Handbook of theories of social psychology / ed. P.A.M. Van Lange, A.W. Kruglanski, E.T. Higgins. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2, 418-438.

18.           Thomas, E.F., Mavor, K.I., McGarty, C. (2011). Social identities facilitate and encapsulate action- relevant constructs: A test of the social identity model of collective action. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 15, 75—88. doi: 10.1177/1368430211413619

19.           Van Assche, J., Dhont, K., Van Hiel, A., Roets, A. (2018). Ethnic diversity and support for populist parties. The “right” road through political cynicism and lack of trust. Social Psychology, 49, 182-189.

20.           Van Assche, J., Van Hiel, A., Dhont, K., Roets, A. (2019). Broadening the individual differences lens on party support and voting behavior: Cynicism and prejudice as relevant attitudes referring to modern-day political alignments. European Journal of Social Psychology, 49, 190-199.

22.           Yamamoto, M., Kushin, M.J., Dalisay, F. (2017). Social media and political disengagement among young adults: A moderated mediation model of cynicism, efficacy, and social media use on apathy. Mass Communication and Society, 20, 149-168.

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4.                Altemeyer B. (1988) Enemies of freedom: Understanding right-wing authoritarianism / B. Altemeyer. Mississauga: Jossey-Bass.

5.                Altemeyer B (1966). The authoritarian specter. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

6.                Becker J.C., Tausch N. (2015). A dynamic model of engagement in normative and non-normative collective action: Psychological antecedents, consequences, and barriers. European Review of Social Psychology, 26, 43—92. doi:10.1080/104632 83.2015.1094265

7.                Dekker H., Meijerink F. (2012). Political cynicism: Conceptualization, operationalization, and explanation. Politics. Culture and Society, 3, 33-48.

8.                Harder J., Krosnick J.A. (2008). Why Do People Vote? A Psychological Analysis of the Causes of Voter Turnout. Journal of Social Issues, 64, 525—549. doi:10.1111/ j.1540-4560.2008.00576.x

9.                Heiss R., Matthes J. (2016). Mobilizing for some. The effects of politicians’ participatory Facebook posts on young people’s political efficacy. Journal of Media Psychology, 28, 123-135.

10.           Pattyn S., Van Hiel A., Dhont K., Onraet E. (2012). Stripping the political cynic: A psychological exploration of the concept of political cynicism. European Journal of Personality, 26, 566- 579.

11.           Phinney, J. (1992). The Multigroup Ethnic Identity Measure: A new scale for use with diverse groups. Journal of Adolescent Research, 7, 156– 176.

12.           Phinney J., Ong A. (2007). Conceptualization and Measurement of Ethnic Identity: Current Status and Future Directions. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 54, 271-281.

13.           Pinkleton B.E., Austin E.W. (2002). Exploring relationships among media use frequency, perceived media importance, and media satisfaction in political disaffection and efficacy. Mass Communication and Society, 5, 141-163.

14.           Pinkleton B.E., Austin E.W. (2001). Individual motivations, perceived media importance, and political disaffection. Political Communication, 18, 321-334.

15.           Pinkleton B.E., Austin E.W. (2004). Media perceptions and public affairs apathy in the politically inexperienced. Mass Communication and Society, 7, 319-337.

16.           Pinkleton B.E., Um N.-H., Austin E.W. (2002). An exploration of the effects of negative political advertising on political decision making. Journal of Advertising, 31, 13-25.

17.           Sidanius J., Pratto F. (2012). Handbook of theories of social psychology / ed. P.A.M. Van Lange, A.W. Kruglanski, E.T. Higgins. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 2, 418-438.

18.           Thomas E.F., Mavor K.I., McGarty C. (2011). Social identities facilitate and encapsulate action- relevant constructs: A test of the social identity model of collective action. Group Processes & Intergroup Relations, 15, 75—88. doi: 10.1177/1368430211413619

19.           Van Assche J., Dhont K., Van Hiel A., Roets A. (2018). Ethnic diversity and support for populist parties. The “right” road through political cynicism and lack of trust. Social Psychology, 49, 182-189.

20.           Van Assche J., Van Hiel A., Dhont K., Roets A. (2019). Broadening the individual differences lens on party support and voting behavior: Cynicism and prejudice as relevant attitudes referring to modern-day political alignments. European Journal of Social Psychology, 49, 190-199.

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22.           Yamamoto M., Kushin M.J., Dalisay F. (2017). Social media and political disengagement among young adults: A moderated mediation model of cynicism, efficacy, and social media use on apathy. Mass Communication and Society, 20, 149-168.