The relations between France and the Middle East states during the presidency of Emmanuel Macron in the context of settlement of regional crises

Komakha Anna Alekseevna Master's Degree, the department of Foreign Regional Studies, Lobachevsky State University of Nizhny Novgorod 603022, Russia, Nizhegorodskaya oblast', g. Nizhnii Novgorod, prospekt Gagarina, 23 komakha99@mail.ru Ivashkin Mikhail Aleksandrovich Postgraduate student, the department of History and Theory of International Relations, Lobachevsky State University of Nizhny Novgorod 603022, Russia, Nizhegorodskaya oblast', g. Nizhnii Novgorod, prospekt Gagarina, 23 mikhail.ivashkin@gmail.com

Kotov Mikhail Vladimirovich ORCID: 0000-0002-0308-7290 Postgraduate student, the department of History and Theory of International Relations, Lobachevsky State University of Nizhny Novgorod 603022, Russia, Nizhegorodskaya oblast', g. Nizhnii Novgorod, prospekt Gagarina, 23 kotov.m95@yandex.ru

Introduction. Within the framework of modern international relations, the Middle East region is among the most turbulent, and one of the key international problems, which requires the consolidation of the entire world community, is the settlement of the Middle East conflict ^{[7, p.213]}. Up to the present time, a number of European powers have sought to restore their own influence in the region due to the centuries-old tradition of interaction ^{[8, p.167]}. The Middle East direction of foreign policy is traditional for France ^{[1, p.253]}.  The relations of this state with Arab countries have been built for a long time, the Middle East policy of the French Republic has deep traditions and roots. France, being one of the European states most interested in the speedy resolution of the Middle East problem, since the end of the XX century began to take an active part along with other EU states in overcoming the Arab-Israeli contradictions ^{[7, p. 216]}. 

Consideration of the formation of E. Macron's policy in the Middle East can be carried out through the prism of Ralph Darendorff's conflict model of society. Darendorf presents society as a constantly changing system of relations between social groups or classes in conflict, the relationship between conflicting social groups and classes. Social conflicts are inevitable and even necessary. The absence of conflict is considered abnormal for society. Darendorf believed that it was necessary to analyze systems in a state of continuous change. These changes occur naturally on an ongoing basis. Changes in society can take different forms, including conflict. Darendorf expressed the opinion that conflicts can be more or less violent, but their regulation is a decisive means of reducing violence; conflict regulation makes them controllable, "and their creative power becomes at the service of the gradual development of social structures" ^{[16, p.145]}.

The relevance of the study consists, from a practical point of view, in the instability of the situation in the Middle East and the continuation of the processes of destabilization in the region, generating changes in the geopolitical picture of the world. The assessment of E. Macron's Middle East policy by the main actors of modern international relations can have a significant impact on the regional balance of power. And, in addition, the analysis of this policy is also relevant from an academic point of view, since it closes the complex of foreign policy measures used by the three leaders of the Fifth Republic since the beginning of the XXI century. and it is another step towards creating a holistic picture of France's Middle East policy during the designated period.

The scientific novelty of the article lies in the use of a wide range of sources and literature that were not previously used in the cumulative analysis of E. Macron's Middle East strategy in a number of countries in the Middle East region and allow the most substantive consideration of the basic provisions of the President's foreign policy course. Moreover, at the moment there is an opportunity to use the latest materials and works of both domestic and foreign authors, due to the fact that the chosen issue is extremely relevant, from the point of view of the dynamics of the main provisions of the French leader's strategy in relation to the Arab world. Based on this, a fairly wide range of scientific literature was used when writing the article, but E. Macron's foreign policy strategy is currently rather poorly studied. In general, special attention is paid to the role of France in the settlement of the Arab-Israeli conflict in the works of Ryzhov I.V., Zolina D.M., Intyakova A.A., Borodina M.Yu., Smirnova O.A., Stanova T.A. and Osevich P. The works of Punavia I., Petrovich are devoted to the analysis of the key directions of the Middle East foreign policy of France during the presidency of E. Macron.-Belkina O.K., Bau J., Semo M. and Pere S.

The first priority direction of foreign policy. On May 14, 2017, E. Macron officially assumed the post of President of the French Republic. The course he is developing is based on the recognition of measures to adapt to a "multipolar and unstable world", among which it is important to note the maintenance of relations with the main actors of the international arena. The President is a convinced globalist who believes that France has no future without the development of integration projects and strong international coalitions ^[9]. So, at the moment France is engaged in a thorough study of issues of financial and economic integration with Germany and is ready to conduct a dialogue with Russia, Italy, Turkey and the countries of the Middle East ^[9]. The main role of French diplomacy today lies in the competent maneuvering between the existing alliances of the main participants in international relations, as well as in ensuring the safety of French citizens, maintaining international security and defending the classic position of the Republic in the Middle East ^[13].

The implementation of this direction is manifested in the policy towards such Middle Eastern States as Algeria and Libya. Paris manages to maintain relatively stable relations with Algeria. During the election campaign in France, the Algerian government organized a reception for E. Macron at the highest level, as he was seen as the future President of the Republic. During his visit to Algeria in February 2017, he called on his State to apologize to the country for the barbarity shown by the French during its colonization, as well as for past crimes, including those committed during the liberation war in Algeria. This served as a guarantee of stable relations between France and Algeria, the development of contacts and ties between them.

Also, E. Macron carried out quite successful mediation in the settlement of the positions of the warring parties to the conflict in Libya. On July 25, 2017, negotiations were held in Paris between the head of the Government of National Accord of Libya, Fayez Saraj, and his opponent, the commander of the Libyan National Army, General Khalifa Haftar, as a result of which a truce was concluded between the conflicting parties, a ceasefire was introduced and the refusal to use armed forces was approved, except in cases of combating terrorism. The Republic's position on this issue was to create a state "capable of responding to the fundamental needs of Libyans," with a single regular army under civilian control ^[5]. E. Macron considered it necessary to jointly control the Libyan territory and borders in order to combat terrorist groups and return to the stability of state institutions. By his actions, he confirmed France's desire to participate in the settlement of conflicts in the region, to stabilize the situation and strengthen its own position. But in April 2019, the Government of National Accord in Libya accused France of supporting Haftar, who at that time was carrying out an offensive on Tripoli, including with weapons. Haftar's army was accused of shelling residential areas and killing civilians. In response, the French Foreign Ministry said that Paris is concerned about the situation in Libya and intends to continue its efforts alongside Libyans and European partners in order to find a mutual solution to this conflict.

Maintaining the international status in the Middle East is the second priority of France's foreign policy during the presidency of E. Macron. This direction is traditional for the state, and, at least since the end of the XX – beginning of the XXI centuries, the leaders of the Republic have been solving the task of strengthening influence in the countries of the region. J. Chirac actively applied in practice the basic conceptual premise of the foreign policy of the Fifth Republic – defending the national interests of France anywhere in the world ^{[6, p.59]}. It was also used during the period when F. was in power in the Republic . Hollande. As for the foreign policy course of N. Sarkozy, he was focused exclusively on promoting his own political and economic national interests ^{[1, p. 265]}. And now for E. Macron, the strengthening of France's position in the region is also of great importance. Throughout 2019, the French leadership was engaged in the development of a special humanitarian project for the presence in the region, especially in Syria.

In relation to this state, the position of the President, in comparison with the policy of his predecessors, has become tougher: "red lines" have appeared, to the violation of which France intends to respond immediately (for example, in matters of the use of chemical weapons and chemical attacks) ^[11]. At the same time, French diplomacy calls the fight against terrorism and the elimination of the "Islamic State", as well as the prevention of chaos and the transformation of Syria into a "failed state" a priority of the Republic ^[15]. In October 2019, when Turkey launched a military operation in northeastern Syria to destroy IS militants and members of Kurdish formations, the French leader, together with the leaders of Germany and the United Kingdom, condemned Ankara's actions in this region ^[2]. In their opinion, this could not only undermine all the achievements in the fight against ISIS, but also worsen the situation in Europe, as it threatened a new wave of refugees. The possibilities of the European Union to receive refugees in 2014-2015 became huge challenges for France, which did not benefit the French economy. Accordingly, E. Macron is interested in pursuing a policy towards Syria that would ensure that the loss of French influence is prevented where processes that pose a threat to the country are taking place ^[11]. Normalization of the situation in Syria will allow significant migration flows to be taken under control, as well as the exclusion of radical Islamist elements from the country's territory, as mentioned by the Strategic Review on Defense and Security [17 p.37-38]. 

And finally, the third priority of France's foreign policy at this stage is to conduct a dialogue with a number of Middle Eastern states, mainly with Iran. Their relationship has been quite complicated for many years. Under N. Sarkozy, France, among other world powers, tried to exert diplomatic pressure on Iran to close its nuclear program. The agreement between France and the UAE and the joint military exercises of these states and Qatar in the Gulf affected the economic and strategic security of Tehran ^{[1, pp.261-262]}. F. Hollande also took a tough stance against Iran. E. Macron continues the policy of his predecessors on this issue, as he expects Iran to soften its aggressive regional strategy and withdraw from an uncontrolled ballistic program. In the statement of the French president dated 08.06.2018 on Franco-Israeli relations and the situation in the Middle East, E. Macron stressed the desire to move towards greater stability in the region: in particular, the implementation of the agreements on the 2015 nuclear deal with Iran and the control of the development of the armed forces of this state ^[18].

However, it should be noted that along with the desire to pursue a competent and balanced foreign policy in a region with a high degree of tension, from the point of view of nuclear security and terrorist aggression, at the moment the actions of the French leader are partly ill-conceived. Since the beginning of 2020, France has begun to increase its military presence in the Middle East. On the one hand, President E. Macron explains these actions by the need to fight the Islamic State, the elimination of which is the main goal of France in the region. But on the other hand, this is unlikely to lead to stabilization of the situation in the Middle East region, but rather is fraught with increased military tension due to the situation in the Persian Gulf (the US assassination of Iranian IRGC General Qasem Suleimani). Probably, E. Macron is aware of the risks of building up the French contingent, but against the background of the domestic political situation (incessant protests against pension reform, etc.), he sees a way out in demonstrating the power of France, which helps to shift public attention from domestic problems to international issues. 

As for the Republic's relations with Saudi Arabia, since Sarkozy was in power, France has pursued the goal of strengthening its own positions in the Middle East, and due to the lack of close cooperation with this country, this seemed almost impossible. In this regard, N. Sarkozy and especially F. Hollande considered Saudi Arabia as the most priority partner ^{[6, p.60]}. The French President also considers this state, along with the UAE, as an ally and strategic partner in the region, pursuing the same foreign policy interests as his predecessors. But the current President fails to build the necessary France, even under F. Hollande is dependent on Saudi capital, stable relations. In the first years of E. Macron's stay in power, a radical decline in France's influence in the Middle East was manifested, as evidenced by the details of E. Macron's official visit to Riyadh as part of a cultural tour of the Persian Gulf countries.

Even during the presidency of Jacques Chirac, relations between France and Lebanon were particularly close, the Republic advocated the disarmament of national and international groups in Saudi Arabia ^{[8, p.168]}. In November 2017, in order to resolve the Lebanese conflict, France sought, as before, to promote the development of absolute sovereignty of Lebanon on its territory and in domestic politics ^[14]. In this regard, E. Macron considered it necessary to provide financial support to Lebanon in the event that Saudi Arabia implements a project of economic sanctions against it ^[12]. France also tried to take part in deciding the fate of Lebanese Prime Minister S. Hariri and reacted sharply to his arrest in Saudi Arabia.

It should be emphasized that Paris now maintains cultural ties with the UAE, and during a visit in 2017 to Abu Dhabi, E. Macron, under the pretext of promoting the opening of a branch of the Louvre in this state, spoke in favor of the return of S. Hariri to Beirut. The ruler of the UAE, Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed, assisted France in negotiations with the Saudis. But on the way back, King Salman refused to receive E. Macron in Riyadh, despite the fact that he received many minor persons. As a result, E. Macron was awarded only an audience with the prince. From the point of view of diplomacy, the refusal of the first person to negotiate with the first person of another country was a violation of international etiquette and, as a result, greatly undermined the influence of France in the region.

In this regard, it is important to note that, starting in 2018, the French leader considers cooperation with the Russian Federation to be one of the main tasks in the context of preventing the loss of influence in the Middle East, which should play a constructive role in preventing the growth of tension in the region ^[4]. Thus, during the resolution of the issue of Turkey's military operation in northeastern Syria in the fall of 2019, Paris was aimed at a dialogue with Russian President Vladimir Putin, since France and Russia have common interests in this region. The Paris statement stressed that France's main task in Syria is to prevent the strengthening of the IS terrorist group, which, of course, brings Paris closer to Moscow. At the same time, Macron began to pay attention to building a dialogue with the United States on issues of Middle East cooperation, especially the Iranian nuclear program ^[3]. By establishing this kind of partnership, E. Macron intends to continue the policy of his predecessors to strengthen the traditional position in the region and interact with the main actors of the international arena. However, we should not forget that at the moment for the French President, effective domestic policy is still a priority, so France's public position on the Middle East conflicts remains the least developed and intelligible. In addition, it is worth noting the existence of disagreements between France and its partners on Middle East regulation. E. Macron, sharing neoliberal and Euro-Atlanticist attitudes, is trying to combine them with the Gaullist tradition, building a more independent policy. Pragmatism pushes the French President to a dialogue with Russia. The crises associated with the loss of the economic power of the main partner in the EU - Germany, "Brexit", the violation of building a clear interaction with the United States - all these reasons allow us to see in Russia an element of "European equilibrium". It is no coincidence that, speaking at the Council of Europe in October 2017, he called on Russia to remain "in our common home", which this organization symbolizes ^[19]. At the same time, the French president does not abandon the "Euro-Atlantic" rhetoric and from time to time supports the United States, for example, on the destruction of chemical weapons storage depots in Syria. 

Conclusion. Summing up all the above, we can conclude that France's policy in the Middle East currently occupies an important place in the system of international relations. The most priority directions of the course pursued by E. Macron in the region are cooperation with the main participants in international relations, conducting a dialogue with Middle Eastern states and maintaining the status of France in the region. It is important to emphasize that all three directions are interconnected. At the moment, E. Macron is implementing his course in practice in such countries of the region as Algeria, Libya, Syria, Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar. At the same time, his policy on the territory of Iran is largely a reflection of the course pursued by the leaders of France since the XXI century, and relations with Syria and Saudi Arabia clearly demonstrate the change in the position of the Republic in relation to these states. In general, the noticeable loss of influence in the region and the inability of E. Macron to quickly adapt to the frequently changing balance of power in the Middle East reduces the President's authority in the eyes of the main participants in modern international relations.