Abstract: The article examines how China, through its soft power instruments, implements infrastructure projects and gains political influence in Bangladesh within the framework of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The relevance of the study is driven by the large-scale influx of Chinese investment into South Asia (over USD 40 billion) and the intensifying geopolitical competition between China and India, which poses a challenge for Bangladesh to develop a balanced foreign economic cooperation strategy. The object of the study is the bilateral relations between China and Bangladesh within the implementation of the Belt and Road Initiative from 2016 to 2025. The subject of the study is the mechanisms and limits of the transformation of China's soft power channels (political, cultural, and value-based) into infrastructure and political outcomes in Bangladesh, as well as the associated risks (debt, environmental, and institutional). The theoretical framework is based on Joseph Nye's concept of soft power as the ability to achieve results through attraction rather than coercion. The study operationalizes three resource components of soft power: foreign policy, cultural, and value-based. Indicators have been developed to verify their presence and assess their intensity. The research methodology is based on qualitative analysis with elements of comparative and content analysis. The scientific novelty lies in the operationalization of Nye's theory of soft power through three channels — political, cultural, and value-based — with specific indicators for each. New data on Bangladesh's debt obligations to China for 2023–2025, including repayment schedules and interest rate structures, are introduced into academic circulation. The paper analyzes the evolution of bilateral cooperation since 2016; the structural effects of infrastructure projects in energy, transport, and port sectors; Dhaka's strategic motives related to diversifying foreign policy ties and preserving autonomy; and the geopolitical dimension of balancing between China, India, and Western partners. Special attention is paid to potential risks — debt sustainability, environmental costs, and the lack of transparency in loan agreements. Measures are proposed to increase the effectiveness of Bangladesh's participation in the BRI, including legislative regulation of the share of local contractors, debt restructuring mechanisms, environmental standards, and disclosure of contract information.

Keywords: Bangladesh, China, Initiative, BRI, soft power, bilateral relations, investments, geopolitics, South Asia, PRC

Abstract: The article addresses the issue of pilgrimage from Russia to Palestine as an element of Russian "soft power" in the context of geopolitical competition in the mid-19th to early 20th centuries. The relevance of the study is explained by the fact that today the Black Sea region and the Middle East find themselves once again at the epicenter of conflicting interests among global and regional actors, necessitating a return to historical analogies. During the period under consideration—amid the "ripening" circumstances leading to World War I—Russia functionally employed methods of "soft power" to strengthen its positions in the strategically significant Middle Eastern region. It is shown that Russian Orthodox pilgrimage to the Holy Land was characterized by a rich history and a special significance that encompassed both civilizational and geopolitical components. The methodology of the study is based on the principle of methodological pluralism, prioritizing geopolitical and systemic approaches. This led to the use of historical-genetic, historical-comparative, and historical-systemic methods, as well as document analysis and discourse analysis. An analysis of the source base and existing research revealed that the negative outcomes of the Crimean War prompted Russian leadership to develop a new foreign policy strategy, the Middle Eastern vector of which included elements of "soft power": the imperative to protect Orthodox subjects in the Ottoman Empire; the activation of Russian Orthodox pilgrimage to holy sites; the acquisition of land plots, the establishment and support of appropriate Russian socio-cultural institutions in Palestine; and the formation of Russia's image as the patron and defender of Orthodoxy. This contributed to the strengthening of the Russian Empire's positions in the Middle East amid resistance from Great Britain, France, Germany, and Austria-Hungary. After the victory in the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878, the policy of "soft power" in St. Petersburg transformed from the goal of "protection over Slavic peoples" to the imperative of patronage for all Orthodox Christians. With the establishment of the Russian Palestine Society and up until the beginning of World War I, the implementation of "soft power" components in Russia's policy in the Middle East took on a systematic character, manifested in the activities of the Society to support the pilgrimage movement, scientific, missionary, and educational efforts, and the formation of necessary infrastructure, which strengthened the political and spiritual presence of the Russian Empire in the Middle Eastern region.

Keywords: Russian Empire, Middle Eastern region, Black Sea region, Russian Orthodox pilgrimage, Russian Spiritual Mission, I.P.P.O, R.O.P.i.T, soft power, Russian Palestine, geopolitical rivalry

Abstract: This article examines the evolution of the Holy See's Eastern policy toward the post-Soviet space from 1991 to 2025, offering a comparative analysis of the diplomatic, institutional, and pastoral strategies pursued under three pontificates: John Paul II (1991–2005), Benedict XVI (2005–2013), and Francis (2013–2025). The study covers five subregions – the Baltic states, Eastern Europe, Russia, the South Caucasus, and Central Asia – and traces the legal and institutional foundations of the Catholic presence across fifteen newly independent states, including concordats, apostolic administrations, and missions sui iuris. Special attention is devoted to relations between the Holy See and the Russian Orthodox Church as the central structuring factor of Vatican Eastern policy. The methodology combines the comparative-historical method with J. Troy's concept of the Holy See as a hybrid diplomatic actor operating simultaneously as a sovereign subject of international law, a religious institution, and a transnational moral authority, as well as J. Nye's theory of soft power as applied to papal diplomacy by T. Burns. The source base includes papal encyclicals and apostolic documents, joint declarations, official Church statistical data from the Annuario Pontificio and the Annuarium Statisticum Ecclesiae, and materials from the Berkley Center at Georgetown University and the International Center for Law and Religion Studies. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that the post-Soviet strategy of the Holy See is analyzed across all three pontificates within a single analytical framework for the first time. The article identifies three consistent patterns in Vatican policy: an unwavering readiness for dialogue with Moscow regardless of current tensions; a structural contradiction between support for Eastern Catholic communities and the ecumenical agenda; and the long-term effectiveness of patient diplomacy. The initial contours of the pontificate of Leo XIV are also considered.

Keywords: Holy See, Vatican diplomacy, post-Soviet space, Russian Orthodox Church, Catholic-Orthodox dialogue, soft power, ecumenism, Ostpolitik, religious diplomacy, Ukrainian conflict

Abstract: The relevance of this study is based, first, on the growth of popularity of «soft power», an integral part of which is sports diplomacy, in the context of modern regionalization process; secondly, on the growth of popularity of non-traditional sports and sports competitions, to which cyber sport can rightfully be attributed. The object of the study is sports diplomacy. The subject of this study is sports diplomacy as a tool of soft power. The key goal of the study is to determine the place of sports diplomacy in the process of implementing «soft power». This article is based on the theory of neo-liberalism, which considers international relations in terms of interaction of states through economic cooperation, activities of international institutions. In the process of this study, the author used the following methods: analysis, comparative analysis, statistical analysis, problem-chronological method. The main conclusions of the study are theoretical justification of sports diplomacy as a tool of «soft power»; determination of effectiveness of sports diplomacy as an instrument of «soft force» on the example of the Olympic Games held in different years in USSR, USA, Russia and France; identification of prospects for the development of sports diplomacy in non-traditional sports – cyber sports. The scientific novelty of this study is based on the research results obtained in the process of studying promising branches of development of sports diplomacy: according to the author, in the modern world, states when implementing their own sports diplomacy should focus not only on traditional sports, but also on cyber sport, which has its merits in the context of «soft power»: mass, accessibility, prevalence among the young audience, for whose minds in the modern world a real war is being waged.

Keywords: Sports diplomacy, Public diplomacy, Soft power, Olympic games, USSR, USA, Russia, France, Cyber sport, Cold war

Abstract: The rapid growth of competing infrastructure corridors in the Southern and Central Caucasus makes the analysis of Turkish public diplomacy not only academically but also practically relevant: Ankara's actions depend on the energy security of the EU and the degree of involvement of Russia and China. The subject of the study is how Turkey combines humanitarian tools of "soft power" (TRT series, YTB scholarships, TİKA projects) with the promotion of BTC, TANAP, BTK, and the "Middle Corridor" from 1991 to 2025. It shows how cultural content legitimizes infrastructure projects, expands the audience, and reduces political risks. The changes in target groups, communication channels, and foreign policy objectives are analyzed at three stages, as well as the responses of Russia, the EU, and Iran that shape the competitive field of public diplomacy. The research is based on historical-comparative and systemic approaches: it compares the official doctrines of the Turkish Foreign Ministry, TİKA and YTB programs, TRT media content, and international legal acts regulating Ankara's interactions with Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Armenia. The theoretical framework is set by the concepts of J. Nye and N. Snow, adapted to the post-Soviet regional context. The novelty is formed by three results that expand the classical concepts of soft power (Nye 2004; Melissen 2005) and regional cases of Turkey (Öniş & Yılmaz 2016). First: a three-phase periodization of Turkish public diplomacy is proposed, which clarifies broader, but less differentiated chronologies by Özdogan 2019. This allows researchers to more accurately correlate the media market with the stages of infrastructure construction. Second: the concept of "infrastructural public diplomacy" is introduced; unlike Heng's 2021 thesis on "geo-economics of communications," it shows that the pipelines and railway lines themselves act as media platforms, influencing the ratings of TRT series in Azerbaijan. Third: a diagnostic algorithm for assessing the synergy of media and logistics projects is developed; it is suitable for strategic planning of other actors (China – BRI, EU – Global Gateway) and for forecasting points of tension in multi-ethnic regions, making the conclusions relevant both in academia and in the formation of national cultural policy.

Keywords: Turkey, South Caucasus, Public diplomacy, Soft power, TIKA, YTB, TRT, Infrastructure corridors, Cultural expansion, Infrastructural public diplomacy

Abstract: The article is dedicated to a comparative analysis of the policies of higher education internationalization in Russia and China in the context of using education as a tool of "soft power" and humanitarian influence in international relations. The focus is on the role of educational cooperation, academic mobility, the promotion of national languages and cultures, as well as the institutional mechanisms that ensure the presence of the two states in the global educational space. The research considers higher education not only as a social institution but also as an element of foreign policy strategy that contributes to the formation of loyal foreign elites, the expansion of scientific and cultural ties, and the strengthening of the international authority of states. Special attention is given to analyzing how historical experience, geopolitical position, and models of national development determine the specifics of Russia's and China's approaches to the internationalization of the educational sphere, as well as how these processes relate to the tasks of regional integration and global positioning. Comparative, neo-institutional, and systemic approaches are used, along with concepts from the theory of "soft power," public diplomacy, and cultural diplomacy to analyze the educational policies of the two states. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the comprehensive comparison of the Russian and Chinese models of higher education internationalization as elements of foreign policy strategy, rather than merely as directions of educational reform. The study shows that while the tools used—such as attracting foreign students, developing academic mobility, creating foreign educational infrastructure, and promoting national languages—are similar, the functional orientation of these mechanisms differs significantly. The Russian model of internationalization is more focused on preserving the historical, cultural, and linguistic space, primarily in the post-Soviet region, and serves an integration and cultural-diplomatic function. The Chinese model is characterized by a higher degree of systematicity, significant state investments, and a close connection between educational policy and the tasks of economic modernization and global influence expansion, including within the framework of major international initiatives. It is concluded that the internationalization of higher education in China is integrated into a long-term project of national revival and the formation of scientific and technological leadership, whereas in Russia, it serves as an important but predominantly regionally-oriented resource of "soft power."

Keywords: internationalization of higher education, soft power, educational policy, Russia, China, public diplomacy, academic mobility, education export, language policy, humanitarian cooperation

Abstract: Despite the growing awareness of the issue of digital neocolonialism, most studies are limited to merely describing the phenomenon and its consequences. However, for effective counteraction against digital neocolonialism, it is necessary not only to understand the problem but also to develop specific tools to combat it. In this context, African social networks are of particular interest as they can become an alternative to the dominant Western platforms. The development of their own social networks will allow African countries not only to ensure information sovereignty but also to create platforms that take into account the cultural characteristics and needs of the local population. This work presents a comprehensive study of the potential of African social networks as a tool to combat digital neocolonialism. The aim of the research is to explore the possibilities and limitations of African social networks in the context of countering information asymmetry and ensuring control over information flows. To achieve this goal, the work will analyze existing African social networks, their features, and development potential. Successful examples of the creation and promotion of local social networks will be considered, as well as factors hindering their widespread adoption. The method used was a qualitative analysis of small data (small-N analysis) to assess user activity and engagement in African social networks, as well as a comparative analysis of the popularity and geographical distribution of African and Western social networks on the African continent. The analysis concludes that African social networks face considerable challenges when attempting to penetrate the African market. Many African users have already become accustomed to the interface and functionality of Western social networks, making it difficult to transition to new platforms. This finding calls into question the validity and prevalence of the concept of digital neocolonialism in practice.

Keywords: digital neocolonialism, social networks, Ayoba, UWA social, SNS, popularity, competition, cultural identity, geographical spread, content

Abstract: The article is dedicated to a comprehensive analysis of the characteristics of humanitarian assistance from the People's Republic of China in the field of healthcare. The focus is on the historical evolution of the Chinese model of humanitarian support, its institutional mechanisms, key directions, and practical forms of medical assistance to foreign states. Special attention is given to such tools as the deployment of medical teams, the construction of hospital infrastructure, the training of medical personnel, the supply of medicines and equipment, as well as the fight against infectious diseases—primarily malaria. A separate section examines the enhancement of China's role during the COVID-19 pandemic, when the country became one of the largest suppliers of emergency medical support to the world. The research reveals the specificity of the Chinese humanitarian approach, based on the principles of equality, practicality, and the absence of political conditions, and analyzes its impact on the global health system and international cooperation. The methodological framework of the study consists of systemic and institutional approaches, comparative analysis methods, as well as the theory of complex interdependence, which is applied to interpret the evolution of China's humanitarian policy in the healthcare sector. The scientific novelty of the study lies in the holistic consideration of Chinese humanitarian assistance in healthcare as a multi-level system that combines historical heritage, modern institutional mechanisms, and strategic foreign policy goals. For the first time, traditional directions of medical cooperation from China are compared with new formats that emerged in response to the COVID-19 pandemic. The research demonstrates that China's humanitarian medical activities have gone beyond regional support and transformed into a global tool for enhancing the country's international authority, as well as a significant resource for the development of Global South countries. It concludes that the features of the Chinese model—an orientation towards practical returns, long-term infrastructure projects, and comprehensive support for healthcare systems—enhance Beijing's contribution to the formation of a new architecture of global health and increase its role as a significant humanitarian actor.

Keywords: humanitarian aid, China, healthcare, medical teams, international cooperation, global health, COVID-19 pandemic, anti-malaria programs, soft power, foreign policy of the PRC

Abstract: The article is devoted to a comprehensive analysis of the development of relations between the Republic of Kazakhstan and the People's Republic of China in political, economic, and humanitarian spheres. Special attention is paid to the formation of the regulatory and legal framework for educational cooperation and its role in strengthening the strategic partnership between the two countries. The work examines key stages of diplomatic relations, the expansion of economic interaction, Kazakhstan's participation in China's initiatives, as well as the dynamics of cultural and educational exchange. The processes of institutionalizing cooperation in the field of education are studied in detail, including the establishment of Confucius Institutes, mutual student exchanges, and the mutual recognition of educational documents. The article's issues lie in identifying contradictions in bilateral relations: from trade imbalance and dependence on Chinese investments to environmental challenges and public concerns regarding China's influence on Kazakhstan. The research employs comparative-historical and institutional approaches, as well as the analysis of the regulatory and legal framework and statistical data, which allows for the identification of development patterns and the assessment of cooperation prospects. The scientific novelty of the work lies in the comprehensive examination of educational cooperation between Kazakhstan and China as a crucial element of strategic partnership, complementing economic and political aspects of interaction. It is established that the humanitarian and educational components serve as a tool for building trust between the countries and forming the human resource potential necessary for the implementation of long-term joint projects. At the same time, risks associated with trade imbalances, migration processes, environmental issues, and potential credit dependency on China have been identified. It is concluded that the further development of bilateral relations requires maintaining a balance of interests, increasing transparency in cooperation, and focusing on mutually beneficial outcomes. Educational diplomacy is of particular importance, as it contributes to the formation of a new generation of specialists and strengthens the foundations of sustainable strategic partnership.

Keywords: Kazakhstan, China, strategic partnership, bilateral relations, education, Confucius Institutes, student exchanges, foreign policy, cultural cooperation, humanitarian diplomacy

Abstract: This scientific article is devoted to the study of platforms for learning Chinese as a tool of "soft power" of the People’s Republic of China. The relevance of the study is due to the following factors: first, the development of bilateral political, economic and cultural ties between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China; second, growing interest in learning the Chinese language among citizens of the Russian Federation; third, an increase in the number of relevant platforms for learning the Chinese language available on the territory of the Russian Federation. The object of the sudy is the «soft power» of the People’s Republic of China. The subject of the study are platforms for learning Chinese as a tool of «soft power» of the People’s Republic of China. The aim of the study is to define the role of platforms for learning Chinese as a tool of «soft power» of the People’s Republic of China. This study is based on the theory of neo-liberalism, according to which bilateral relations between states are a «non-zero-sum game» - potentially mutually beneficial cooperation, The key driver of which are economic relations and activities of international institutions. The main conclusions of the study are the definition of a list of key platforms for learning Chinese; the establishment of the role of the People’s Republic of China in the activities of these platforms for learning Chinese on the territory of the Russian Federation; identifying potential for the development of the Chinese language in the Russian Federation among users of these platforms. The scientific novelty of this study is based on the identification of the process of "self-popularization" of the Chinese language in the Russian Federation as an indirect instrument of the PRC’s "soft power".

Keywords: Russia, China, PRC, Chinese language, Soft power, Platforms, School, Self-popularization, Language, Cooperation

Abstract: Nigeria, Africa's most populous country, has historically been a recipient of foreign aid; in 2023 alone, it received more than $4 billion in official development assistance. This influx of foreign aid is intended to support the Nigerian Government's efforts to address significant socio-economic issues such as poverty, inadequate healthcare, and labor shortages. However, despite this influx, Nigeria continues to struggle with political and socio-economic problems. This has led to an ongoing debate among academics about the actual impact of international aid on the country's development trajectory. At the heart of this debate is the complex relationship between the dynamics of foreign aid and Nigeria's political economy. Political factors also influence the policy and use of foreign aid, disproportionately benefiting some regions compared to others. Corruption and poor governance prevent aid from being directed towards profitable investments, limiting its economic benefits in Nigeria. This study examines how foreign aid affects Nigeria's development through case studies, a theoretical framework, and a literature review. The political economy approach emphasizes the interaction of political, economic, and social elements in determining development outcomes. The novelty of the study also lies in the synthesis of existing literature with in-depth practical research to demonstrate the intricacies of providing assistance in the Nigerian context. By linking theoretical foundations such as institutional theory with real-world examples such as the Subsidy Reinvestment and Empowerment Program (SURE-P) and the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the study provides a comprehensive analysis of aid management, accountability, and sustainability issues. The results of this study highlight the need to strengthen institutional frameworks, improve data collection and monitoring systems, and promote collaboration between government, civil society, and foreign donors to increase aid transparency and accountability. Ultimately, this study provides valuable information for policy makers and development professionals seeking to maximize the impact of foreign aid on Nigeria's sustainable development.

Keywords: Political economy, Foreign aid, Corruption, Aid Effectiveness, Economic development, Poverty Reduction, Governance, Official Development Aid, Developing Nations, Infrastructure

Abstract: The subject of the study is a comprehensive analysis of the geopolitical project "Shiite Crescent", considered an instrument of the Iranian line of resistance in the Middle East. The study covers the historical stages of the project's development, starting from 1979 to 2023, with a special emphasis on the events of the 2010s, including the "Arab Spring", which contributed to the formation and strengthening of the "Shiite Crescent". The goal of the study is to identify how Iran uses religious and ideological ties to strengthen its influence in the region and counter external pressure, in particular from the West, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, and Israel. The study examines key events and their role in strengthening the Iranian presence in Middle Eastern countries such as Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, Bahrain, and Yemen. The authors examine Iran's use of religion as soft power. The research methodology includes historical and comparative analysis, which allows for a deeper understanding of Tehran's strategy to spread the doctrine of resistance and create a network of allies. An important part of the study is the consideration of the role of individual countries in the formation and support of the Iranian resistance line. The scientific novelty of the article lies in the detailed analysis of the geopolitical project "Shiite Crescent" as a key tool of the Iranian resistance line in the Middle East, which allows for a deeper understanding of Iran's strategic goals in the region. The findings of the study show that Iran's strategy after the Islamic Revolution is aimed at spreading the doctrine of resistance, and the "Shiite Crescent" project serves mainly as a distraction and is of secondary importance. The project is seen as a tool to create an Iranian line of resistance against Western influence and as a means of empowering Shia Muslims.

Keywords: Shia Crescent, Iranian resistance line, Iranian foreign policy, Arab Spring, Soft power, Regional policy, Geopolitics, Middle East, Anti-Western Resistance, alliance

Abstract: The relevance of the study is due to the rapid development of cultural diplomacy in the PRC against the background of the confrontation between the People's Republic of China and the US for world domination. The object of the study is the cultural diplomacy of the People's Republic of China. The subject of the study is the cultural diplomacy of China. A research objective is to determine the role of cultural diplomacy in the foreign policy of the People's Republic of China. The main tasks of the research are to investigate the history of Chinese cultural diplomacy after the formation of the People's Republic of China, to identify key changes in the PRC’s cultural diplomacy against the background of the deterioration of bilateral relations with the USSR, to analyze the PRC’s cultural diplomacy at the current stage, to define the main tools of implementation of cultural diplomacy of the People's Republic of China. This study is based on the "power transition" theory, explaining the process of changing the global leader in the world scene and its accompanying processes. The scientific novelty of this study is to define key tools of cultural diplomacy of the PRC at the current stage, which can include academic exchanges, dissemination of Chinese language, cinema, video games; to establish Western youth as a key goal of Chinese cultural diplomacy. The main conclusions of the study are analisys of the cultural diplomacy of the PRC, establishment of the main directions of PRC's cultural diplomacy, identification of a change in the vector of cultural diplomacy of the PRC against the background of the deterioration of bilateral relations with the USSR, identification of the key tools of cultural diplomacy of the PRC at the current stage.

Keywords: China, Soft power, Cultural diplomacy, PRC, US, USSR, Power transition, Culture, Language, Media

Abstract: The study examines the use of education as an instrument of Russia’s soft power in ASEAN countries and its role in fostering international educational cooperation. It focuses on academic mobility, government quotas, inter-university programs, and scientific exchanges, as well as key factors influencing student inflows from ASEAN countries to Russian universities. Special attention is given to differences in engagement levels across ASEAN states and challenges faced by students in admission and study processes. The study analyzes historical and contemporary aspects of educational diplomacy, its institutional foundations, and its significance for Russia’s academic and scientific ties with ASEAN. It also explores ways to enhance the appeal of Russian higher education, including improving programs, expanding English-language instruction, and strengthening information support for international students. The research employs contextual and quantitative analysis with a comparative approach. Academic mobility is assessed through an indicator measuring the ratio of ASEAN students in Russia to their home country’s population per million residents. The analysis covers data from 2020 to 2024. The study’s novelty lies in the quantitative assessment of Russia’s educational policy in ASEAN using a newly developed academic mobility coefficient. The findings confirm the hypothesis that an increase in ASEAN students in Russia correlates with expanding educational cooperation and stronger academic ties. The largest student inflows are from Laos and Vietnam, reflecting high engagement in Russian initiatives, while mobility remains low in the Philippines, Indonesia, Thailand, Singapore, and Brunei, highlighting the need to revise cooperation strategies. The results emphasize the role of academic mobility as a key component of Russia’s educational diplomacy in the region.

Keywords: soft power, educational diplomacy, academic mobility, Russian education, ASEAN countries, international educational programs, Russia-ASEAN cooperation, Russian foreign policy, Russian universities, student exchanges

Abstract: This article examines the «Cool Japan» strategy as one of Japan's soft power tools in the process of building the country's national image. The article focuses on the mechanisms by which the «Cool Japan» strategy is implemented as part of public diplomacy to enhance the country's cultural and political influence. The article also explores how the strategy contributes to the establishment of a distinctive national image that influences the perception of Japan in different regions of the world and promotes its integration into the global cultural and economic field. To achieve the research objectives, the article applies an interdisciplinary approach, including elements of international relations theory and sociocultural theory. The main research methods used are: content analysis, case studies, historical and comparative analysis. The novelty of this paper lies in the comprehensive analysis of «Cool Japan» as a soft power strategy aimed at redefining and reshaping Japan's national image. The article offers a distinctive perspective on soft power in the context of Japanese foreign policy and assesses the effectiveness of «Cool Japan» implementation at the regional and global levels. «Cool Japan» served as the catalyst for Japan's successful rebranding, allowing the country to redefine and update its perception in the eyes of the global community. Anime and manga, as central elements of Japanese pop culture, have become global phenomena actively consumed in various countries around the world. These cultural products not only contribute to increasing interest in Japan, but have also become important components in building a positive image of the country by appealing to different demographic groups. Given historical factors and political differences, East Asian countries such as China and the Republic of Korea are actively consuming Japanese cultural products. This fact shows that Japanese soft power is successfully breaking barriers and gaining acceptance in the region.

Keywords: Japan, Cool Japan, Public Diplomacy, Cultural Politics, Anime, Manga, Olympic Games, East Asia, National Image, Rebranding

Abstract: In modern international politics, not only the image of political figures is becoming increasingly important, but also the perception of nation states in the international arena. The emergence and active participation of new actors in world politics has increased the role of soft power as an impact strategy for governments that seek to strengthen their positions.  This article examines the role of soft power and public diplomacy in shaping or creating a country's image. Using cultural elements and public diplomacy, States set themselves the goal of creating an attractive image in the minds of the population of another State. Effective initiatives in the field of public diplomacy not only strengthen the country's soft power and influence, but also contribute to building strong relations and strengthening interstate cooperation. Structural and functional, discourse analysis, institutional, and systemic approaches were used to study soft power and public diplomacy. The scientific novelty of the research lies in the systematization and comparison of approaches to defining the concept of soft power and public diplomacy, as well as the components and forms of implementation of soft power by foreign researchers. Special attention is also paid to cultural peculiarities and the unique perception of the image of states. The author came to the following conclusions: soft power is an alternative to military and economic force. Successful implementation of soft power contributes to the formation of a positive image, which in the long term seems to be more effective and sustainable than traditional methods of influence. Soft power and public diplomacy are becoming not only tools for creating a country's image, but also an important part of its foreign policy, contributing to even greater support from the international community to strengthen its position on the world stage.

Keywords: Soft power, public Diplomacy, national Image, Joseph Nye, cultural exchange, strategic communication, foreign policy, international cooperation, global presence, globalization

Abstract: Assistance to developing countries, or the so-called “Third World” countries, is one of the areas of foreign policy activity in modern developed countries. It is provided to recipient countries in the form of loans, grants and other transfers to solve, first of all, social and economic problems. The Republic of Austria has a small territory and population, but at the same time it also has an efficient economy that encourages a high standard of living and a status of permanent neutrality allow it to play the role of a donor country for this type of assistance. In Austria, such policy is divided into two directions: “global” and “domestic”. Despite the commitment of many countries to "global" Official Development Assistance (ODA), the Republic of Austria ranks recipient countries of financial assistance in terms of its own national interests. In particular, the largest volumes of financial assistance are provided by Austria to the countries of Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. In this regard, the author considers the activities of the Austrian state in this area as the implementation of the most important element of Vienna’s “soft power” policy. This article is devoted to the policy that Austria pursues towards countries in need of economic, financial and humanitarian assistance. The key element of this policy is the “domestic” Austrian Development Cooperation Program (ADP), aimed at establishing economic ties and providing financial assistance to countries in Africa, Asia, Latin America (primarily the Caribbean), as well as to the other poorest countries in Eastern and South-Eastern Europe. Using methods of description and analysis, the article examines the historiography, foundations and essence of this policy in Austria, and also analyzes the new edition of one of the fundamental documents – the Three-Year Program of Austrian Development Policy from 2022 to 2024.

Keywords: Austria, ADA, OECD, EU, conditionality, donor country, recipient country, ODA, carbon neutrality, humanitarian aid