Abstract: The article examines the reaction of the French press to the diplomatic recognition of the USSR by the Third Republic, which took place on the initiative of the government of E. Herriot on October 28, 1924. The authors pay special attention to the role of the press in preparing public opinion for the future establishment of diplomatic relations. The study of the public discussion that broke out on the pages of newspapers allows us to analyze the attitude of various political forces of the Third Republic to the problem of prolonged recognition, as well as views on the evolution of the young Soviet state in the international arena, solutions to the problem of paying off debts of the Russian Empire and the future of Franco-Soviet trade relations. The centennial anniversary of the diplomatic recognition of the USSR by France serves as an additional incentive to explore new aspects of a landmark event in the history of international recognition of the USSR and Franco-Soviet relations in the interwar period. The scientific novelty of the proposed research lies in the involvement of a wide range of sources, as well as in the generalization of scientific literature on the studied problem. The authors of the article conclude that the active public discussion of France's recognition of the Soviet state on the pages of the central press lasted no more than a week, but demonstrated a clear polarization of opinions. The problems of "Russian debts", the rapprochement of the USSR with Germany, as well as the risks of "exporting the revolution" were discussed particularly acutely. The socialist newspapers, though restrained, undoubtedly welcomed the recognition of the USSR, while the right-wing bourgeois French press did not hesitate to express its extreme wariness and even hostility to the consequences of the decision.

Keywords: G.V. Chicherin, diplomatic isolation, E. Herriot, New economic policy, public opinion, french press, diplomatic recognition of the USSR, franco-soviet relations, The Third Republic, trade relations

Abstract: The author discusses the mediation mission of the US President T. Roosevelt, who made a significant contribution to the end of the bloody Russian-Japanese war of 1904-1905. Having offered assistance to the conflicting parties in search of a mutual compromise, he sought to use the contradictions between the great powers through skillful maneuvering in the interests of the increased influence of his own country on world politics. In the theory of the "balance of power" formulated by him, the main attention is paid to the distribution of control zones between major geopolitical players, while a significant place in international relations was given to the United States, which at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries actively joined the struggle for sales markets. When considering the "good deeds" of the President, the main emphasis is placed on the analysis of the various diplomatic means used by him to achieve his goals. He was one of the first to resort to the so-called "multilateral" diplomacy, which involved the complex application of both conventional and non-traditional measures of mediation. By assuming the role of an intermediary, he was able not only to achieve the delimitation of spheres of influence with Japan in East Asia, but also to "open the doors" for American capital to Northern China on the basis of the principle of the most favored nation. The Portsmouth Peace led to a change in the balance of power in the Asia-Pacific region, in which the United States, thanks to the successful mediation of Roosevelt, became the main player in international diplomacy. .

Keywords: back channel diplomacy, shuttle diplomacy, multilateral diplomacy, peace talks, mediation, Portsmouth Conference, Teodore Roosevelt, Russo-Japanese War, spheres of influence, regional conflicts

Abstract: This article highlights the analysis of the textbook of universal history for the 9th grade, printed in China in the 1950s. The paper examines the features of the descriptions of Russia in the textbook, as well as the relationship between textbooks and the policy pursued by China during this period. Text criticism, linguoculturological and imagological analysis are the main methods of our research. The results of the work indicate that the Chinese government in the historical period considered in the textbook sought to form a certain image of Russia among schoolchildren, which was associated with events in Russian-Chinese relations. The study of Chinese history textbooks made it possible to analyze the historical perspective and cultural dynamics between Russia and China during the Cold War. The importance of studying history textbooks and their influence on the worldview of students is emphasized in the conclusions of the article. In addition, it is necessary to analyze the political and ideological goals that can be embedded in history textbooks. So, this study allowed us to understand more deeply the historical perspective of Russian-Chinese relations during the Cold War and to realize the importance of studying history textbooks. The results of the study can be used in the education system, as well as in research in the field of history and international relations.

Keywords: international affairs, the education system, imagological analysis, cultural dynamics, linguocultural analysis, image of Russia, Russian-Chinese relations, Cold War, school textbooks, China

Abstract: The article presents an analysis of historiography devoted to the biography of J. Broeckell, an engineer who in 1697 supervised the construction of the first shipping canal, which was supposed to connect the Volga and the Don through their tributaries Kamyshinka and Ilovlya. The analysis showed that despite the fact that in the XVIII-XX centuries many sources containing reliable information about the activities of J. Broeckell in Russia were introduced into scientific circulation, the authors of works on the history of the construction of the Volga-Don Canal were based mainly not on these sources, but on the book by Englishman John Perry "The State Russia under the present tsar", who led the construction work on Kamyshinka in 1698-1702. In the course of the research, it was possible to establish the main biographical information about Johann Broeckell before his arrival in Russia, to clarify the circumstances of his admission to the tsarist service. Analysis of a wide range of published and archival data allowed us to prove that in 1696 J. Broeckell took part in the Azov campaign, was engaged in the construction of earthworks after the capture of the city by Russian troops. In 1697, under his leadership the canal between the tributaries of the Volga and Don Kamyshinka and Ilovlya was begun to built. At the beginning of 1698, apparently realizing that he would not be able to successfully complete the construction of the canal, J. Broeckell left Russia. At the end of 1698, he was captured by Russian troops while trying to transfer to the service of the Turks.

Keywords: historiography, Don, Volga, Ilovlya, Kamyshinka, construction of canals, Johann Bröckell, Peter I, source study, the Petrine era

Abstract: The problem of Anglo-Russian relations in the first months after the October revolution (and the question of the British perception of the Soviet government’s policy as one of its aspects) has been more than once studied by both Russian and foreign historians. However, it still deserves attention both because in the majority of works the period indicated was considered within a longer time span of the Allied intervention, being shadowed by the latter, and due to disagreements among scholars over which factors were fundamental in determining the British attitude towards Soviet Russia. The fact that the revolution in Russia broke out during the World War to a large extent determined London’s perception of the Soviet government’s policy, which was considered primarily from the point of view of its actual and potential influence on the course of the military confrontation with the Central Powers. Although British policy towards Soviet Russia lacked unanimity and consistency, some general trends can be discerned. In spite of the armistice and then the peace treaty between Russia and the Central Powers, until the summer of 1918 Britain did not deny the possibility of military and economic cooperation with Soviet Russia on the anti-German basis. The growing perception of the Bolsheviks weakness in summer 1918, the apprehension of the prospect of their complete subordination to the German influence or a pro-German coup in Russia, along with other factors, determined a clear anti-Soviet turn in the British policy.

Keywords: Soviet foreign policy, British foreign policy, Political Intelligence Department, Entente, Allied intervention in Russia, War Cabinet, World War I, October Revolution, Peace of Brest-Litovsk, Anglo-Soviet relations

Abstract: The purpose of the article is to analyze the foreign policy actions of the Soviet state in China both from the official diplomatic course of the NKID and from the Comintern. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that the author, based on published sources and new archival materials of the Russian State Archives of Socio-Political History, examines little-studied issues in Russian historiography, such as the role of the Comintern in the Soviet-Chinese negotiations of 1918-1924, the clash of the geopolitical goals of the NKID and the ideological tasks of the Comintern on the example of the status of Outer Mongolia and thus produces a deep analysis of the policy of the Soviet state in China against the background of internal contradictions existing there between the main political forces – the Communist Party of China and the Kuomintang – the party of the national bourgeoisie. Comparing the propaganda measures and diplomatic steps of the USSR in China, the author comes to the conclusion that the Soviet foreign policy was of a dual nature: on the one hand, the Soviet state promoted the line of the Comintern aimed at creating a "base of socialism" in China, and on the other hand, it defended its own geopolitical interests in the Asian region, which consisted in solving common foreign policy tasks to preserve the former "imperialist" treaties with China.

Keywords: Chiang Kai-shek, Sun Yat-sen, First United Front, G V Chicherin, L M Karakhan, Chinese Communist Party, Kuomintang, Communist International, Soviet-Chinese relations, Guangzhou Uprising

Abstract: The subject of the presented work is the assessment of the US national intelligence regarding the events in the period after the August 1991 crisis in the USSR and the prospects for its development within the framework of the model of the new Union Treaty against the background of centrifugal trends. The key theses included in the approved version of the report of the US intelligence community are characterized as the object of the work. The main attention is paid to the issue of inter-republican relations inside and outside the USSR during the search for consensus when concluding a confederate treaty. The methodology of the work consists of the basic principles of scientific cognition (historicism and objectivity) and special historical research methods: descriptive, comparative, historical-systemic, statistical and problem-chronological. The novelty of the research is determined by the approach in which the causal links between the analytical efforts of the CIA and their true goals are searched, as well as historical sources, many of which are involved in scientific circulation for the first time. The article emphasizes that, according to the CIA's erroneous assessment, the scenario of "confederation" as a result of the collapse of the USSR was less likely due to the unwillingness of many ex-Soviet republics to cede part of their political sovereignty and power to the government of the confederation. It turns out that, according to American analysts, Ukraine was a key player in the domestic political arena outside the RSFSR, which had a huge nuclear potential on its territory. This, in turn, predetermined the fate of this country for decades to come and laid the foundation for the emergence of interstate contradictions with Russia. It is noted that the intelligence community of the United States proposed, in cooperation with other Western countries, to influence the development of events in the territory of the former USSR either according to the scenario of "confederation" or according to the scenario of "free association" with the transfer of issues on defense and arms control to the Russian government.

Keywords: international relations, Yeltsin, Perestroika, The collapse of the USSR, confederation, CIA, Ukraine, arms control, The August putsch, Gorbachev

Abstract: The object of this research is the processes that took place in the COMECON member-states due instability of the financial sector. The subject of this research is the impact of the economic factor upon the evolution of bipolar system of international relations and sociopolitical sustainability of the Soviet Union during the 1979 – 1983. The article provides a scientific assessment of extent of awareness of the US intelligence on the financial solvency of the COMECON member-states, their ability to meet repayment schedules for both interest and debts, and the consequences of possible default of any of the countries during the financial crisis. The authors set the task to analyze the target points of foreign analytics regarding the “dependency” of Western European enterprises on their Eastern business partners, as well as clarify the extent to which a significant decline in trade between the East and the West affected the Soviet and Western European economy. The use of unpublished foreign and domestic archival documents, as well as foreign periodicals define the novelty of this research. This article is first to disclose the information on how the United States turned the severe financial problems of Eastern European countries for the purpose of political pressure on such issues as Afghanistan, crisis in Poland, and construction of the Soviet gas pipeline. Leaning on the introduced into the scientific discourse CIA documents, assessment is given to the effectiveness of trade and economic policy of the United States and its Western European allies in relation to Eastern Europe. The article also analyses the support of centrifugal tendencies in the economy of the Eastern European countries of the Soviet bloc.

Keywords: lending policy, the Polish crisis, Comecon, detente, trade diplomacy, CIA, Cold War, USA, sanctions, containment policy

Abstract: This article analyzes the activity of the politician, former deputy of the First State Duma of the Russian Empire from the Cadet Party – M. M. Vinaver (1862 – 1926) during the period of emigration. Leaning on the materials from the personal archive of Maxim Vinaver stored in the State Archive of the Russian Federation, memoir of his contemporaries, as well as the achievements of modern historiography on the topic, the author explores the role of M. M. Vinaver in the work of such political anti-Bolshevist liberal organizations of the first-wave emigrants as the Crimean Regional Government, Russian Society of the League of Peoples, Russian Democratic Association, as well as private-held sessions of the former members of the Constituent Assembly. The scientific novelty of this research consists in gaining historical experience of the formation and evolution of anti-Bolshevist liberal political projects and acquiring historical knowledge on the emigrated political elite of the Russian Empire during the transition historical period. The research result lies in tracing the evolution of views of the politician on the methods, strategies and form of struggle against the Bolsheviks; as well as in the analysis of his projects on reconstruction of the Russian State based on the legal principles of civil society, as well as some of his psychological characteristics. The author indicates the active participation and crucial role of Maxim Vinaver in life of the white émigré overall and its political liberal organizations in particular.

Keywords: Crimean Regional Government, Russian Constituent Assembly, RDA, RSLN, cadets, Maxim Vinaver, russian diaspora, russian emigrants, russian revolution, russian liberalism

Abstract: The object of this research is the declassified transcript of the US National Security Council Meeting of July 9, 1981, dedicated to introduction of the economic and political restrictions on building of the Soviet gas main pipeline. The subject of this research is the analysis information-bearing capabilities of the office documentation of the US National Security Council Meetings for conducting the scientific assessment of sanctions policy of the US government against the Soviet Union in the 1980s as part of directives on restricting the access of the Soviet Union to foreign markets. The article examines the published protocol the US National Security Council Meeting and related documents that contain information on creating the regime to impede the construction of the gas main pipeline to Europe. The novelty of lies in the fact that this article is first within the framework of historiographical analysis to study the plans of the US President R. Reagan on interruption of the active efforts of the Soviet Union to supply Western Europe with energy. Publication of the document clearly demonstrates that the ideas of restarting the trade-economic development of the Soviet Union were later implemented in other countries in the XXI century, when the Russian Nord Stream pipeline became one of the crucial vanguards within the system of control of the US national security interests in Europe. Based on the newly introduced documents from the foreign archives of the CIA, Ronald Reagan Presidential Library, materials of the US periodical press, and memoirs, the author explores the options prepared by the US agencies aimed at complete shutdown, and restriction of access of the participants of the Soviet-German gas pipeline deal to foreign markets and resources, as well as the response of business community to trade embargo with the USSR.

Keywords: foreign relations, Cold War, CIA, gas pipeline, source studies analyses, Soviet Union, USA, sanctions, Reagan, détente

Abstract: The topic of decision-making in the sphere of foreign policy propaganda and counter-propaganda in the USSR of the mid XX century is poorly studied within the Russian historiography. The object of this research is the administrative decision-making process by political and administrative authorities in the context of reversal of directions and development of the new techniques in the Soviet foreign policy. The subject of this research is the organization of work on counter-propaganda in the process of preparing and hosting the American Exhibition in Moscow in 1959. The goal consists in determination of specificity of administrative activity in the sphere of propaganda and counter-propaganda. The author set the following tasks: identification of the organizational-administrative forms of ideological activity on the organization of exhibition; determination of the algorithm for making administrative decisions in this sphere; description of the tasks solved by the administrative authorities at different stages of this process depending on the implemented techniques. Research methodology is based on the documentary analysis (informative and textological) using the materials from the Russian State Archive of Contemporary History. The main conclusion lies in revealing the specificity of decision-making at different stages conducting such activity. The first stage is the analysis of actions of the American side and the forecast of possible response of the Soviet citizens to the information acquired during exhibition. This resulted in the development of preliminary proposals on adopting the measures to reduce the propaganda effect of the exhibition. The second stage is the political decision-making on holding the counter-propaganda events, development and approval of the particular action plan at the session of the Municipal Committee of CPSU. This stages mars the establishment of the two blocks of measures were formed: distraction of the Soviet citizens from exhibition, and measures on reduction of the propaganda effect (counter-propaganda). The third stage indicates positive perception of the exhibition by the Soviet citizens, which did not fully resolved the set tasks, and thus, required additional measures that would give the appearance of the critical attitude of Soviet people towards the exhibition.

Keywords: propaganda and counter-propaganda, peaceful coexistence, the Cold War, foreign policy cooperation, management history, history of the USSR, history of Russia, N S Khrushchev, A I Mikoyan, R Nixon

Abstract: The goal of this article is to reveal the impact of Western technologies in agricultural production and food processing in the late XIX – early XX centuries upon the formation and development of agroindustrial mentality of all participants of the agricultural market, as well as government structures, officials, and public figures. The object of this research is the scientific ideas, technological and technical innovations, and inventions that came to Russia during the post-reform period and the response of the participants of agricultural and food processing market to them. The scientific novelty consists in the fact that this article is firs in the Russian history to analyze the key factors, methods and techniques of implementing Western technologies and technological improvements in the Russian agrarian field in the late XIX – early XX centuries.  The use of the main forms and methods of implementation of Western technologies at the current stage of development of the entire agroindustrial integration in the Russian Federation determines the practical value of this research. The author determines the problematic spots in the area of modern Western technologies and their impact upon the Russian agriculture and food processing industry.

Keywords: agricultural technologies, European agrarians, technical innovations, Western technologies, agrarian education, scientific thought, agro-industrial mentality, agricultural machines, agricultural production, food processing

Abstract: On September 4 – 6, 1984, Moscow hosted the first round-table meeting of British and Soviet writers, which was substantiated by the emergent thawing in foreign policy relations between the countries. The goal of this article is to examine the process of organizing and hosting the writers’ conference, as well as give assessment to its contribution to the development of Anglo-Soviet cultural cooperation during the Cold War. The research methodology is founded on the concept of cultural diplomacy, as well as the principle of historicism and systematicity, which allowed analyzing the available archival materials, publications, and reminiscences of the participants. Having examined the Great Britain-U.S.S.R. Association, the author gives special attention to the perception of this event by the British side. The article traces the transformation of attitude of the British authors towards their Soviet colleagues and the Soviet literary process overall. The round table participants expressed different opinion on the role of the writer and the degree of their social responsibility, as well as on moralization in the novel. In the course of discussion, the Soviet side often turned to the topic of peacekeeping, while the British side defended the autonomy of the writer and the right to social criticism. The conclusion is made that despite the divergence of opinions, both British and Soviet writers found the discussion productive,  and positively assessed the results of the conference. Thanks to the efforts of organizers and the objective “tiredness” from using cultural events for propaganda purposes, the first British-Soviet Round Table of Writers has fulfilled its mission, becoming an important platform for intercommunication.

Keywords: John Roberts, Cold War, British culture, British writers, British Cultural Diplomacy, the USSR, Great Britain, Writers’ Round Table Conference, British-Soviet Relations, literary contacts

Abstract: This article analyzes an isolated case within the framework of trend of jubilee mania – recent centenary celebration of the Revolution of 1917 in Italy. The author believes that many historical events reappear on the horizon when assigned to play an important role in modern politics. The article describes how the Italians view the Revolution and how it helps to explain modern Russia. The research is carried out within the framework of methodology of public history. Having examined a wide variety of sources (online articles, articles in newspapers and magazines, scientific writings, information on the congresses and conferences, exhibitions, concerts, etc.), the author attempts to demonstrate how the Russian revolutions are reflected in the Italian public opinion. The conclusion is made that the Revolution plays an important role not only in modern Russia, in Italy as well. The latter believe that the Revolution is still present in their culture and politics, correlates with their own path of political history of the XX century, including the powerful Movement for the left that emerged in the country after the World War II. At the same time, Russia did not give due attention to celebration of the centennial anniversary, focusing rather on the victory over Hitler, since this event projects the glory of the Soviet Union onto the modern Russian Federation.

Keywords: Bolsheviks, February Revolution, October Revolution, jubilee mania, politics of memory, Lenin, Stalin, Trotsky, Communism, propaganda

Abstract: The article presents an analysis of the geographical ideas concerning Pskov and the Pskov land as part of the Tsardom of Muscovy, which developed in England and France in the 16th - 17th centuries. The authors pay special attention to the written testimonies of English and French intellectuals, diplomats, traders and travelers, who wrote their opinions on the natural and geographical features of the Pskov borderland. A separate group of sources is formed by maps of English and French origin, reflecting the level of knowledge of the inhabitants of Western Europe in the early Modern Era about the borders and geographical features of the western borders of the Russian state. The methodological basis of this study is the historical-genetic and historical-comparative methods that allow to trace the development of the English and French authors' ideas concerning the natural and geographical features of the Pskov land in the 16th - 17th centuries and to identify the sources of recurring opinions on the region that were fixed in the mind of Western Europeans. The initial testimonies on the Pskov land, both in written sources and on maps, contain significant inaccuracies in their descriptions, which are explained by the authors' poor acquaintance with the territory of the Russian state. They received information from other foreign sources, either third-hand from residents of Muscovy or from merchants and diplomats who visited the country. By the 17th century the volume of accumulated information made for more and more accurate maps of the region. The descriptions of the region's geographical features, compiled by people who directly visited Pskov, were often short. The travelers were above all interested in the natural conditions and convenience of the border location of the city itself.

Keywords: maps, geography, testimonies of contemporaries, Early Modern Period, England, France, Tsardom of Muscovy, Pskov land, Guillaume Le Testu, Anthony Jenkinson

Abstract: The article examines how the elections to the British Parliament in 1931 were covered in the Soviet Union based on an analysis of the sources from the periodical press (the newspapers "Pravda" and "Izvestia", the magazines "Ogonek" and "Abroad"). The extraordinary elections to the parliament of the United Kingdom in 1931 were called as a result of the political crisis caused by the aftermath of the Great Economic Depression. The topic of the elections to the British Parliament became one of the main news in October 1931 in the Soviet press and articles on this topic were published on a daily basis. The Soviet press covered extremely critically and in a publicist manner the activity of the main British parties (Labor and Conservatives) and exaggerated the role of the British Communist Party. The submission of information was of a propagandistic nature and materials were composed according to their negative content for the British political system, some features were even distorted. But at the same time, in the opinion of this article's author, the Soviet reader had the opportunity to familiarize himself with the course of the political struggle during the election campaign, the party programs and the peculiarities of the British electoral system.

Keywords: press, parliament, politics, Soviet-British relations, Imagology, 1930s, elections, mass media, propoganda, Soviet press

Abstract: The subject of this article is the development of sinology within the walls of the Communist University of the Toilers of the East (CUTE). The author pays particular attention to the scientific works on Chinese history and society, written by the faculty of CUTE during 1921-1939. The author notes that before 1927 China was only an example for proving the "universal truth" of Marxism, and only after 1927 the university started sinological studies in the full sense of the term. At the end of the article, the author examines the influence of the scientific heritage of CUTE on the historiography of the history of China. The research method of this study is the historical-descriptive one. The author describes the little-studied historical facts on the basis of declassified archival material. The scientific novelty of this article lies in the complex analysis of the sinological work of CUTE, conducted on the basis of a wide-ranging quantity of sources, including some archival material for the first time introduced to scientific use. Relying on the analysis of various scientific works by sinologists, the author comes to the conclusion that sinological activity not only had great influence on Soviet Eastern Studies but also became one of the most important sources for Marxist historiography in China itself.

Keywords: Chinese history, faculty composition, course program, Marxism, social formation, ideological struggle, party history, Soviet sinology, Chinese historical scholarship, CUTE

Abstract: The article examines the main stances concerning Chinese history that were reflected in the textbooks of the Communist University of the Toilers of China (CUTC) in 1928-1929: the "feudal phenomenon in China" and the "History of the revolutionary movement in China in the 19th and 20th centuries". The author pays particular attention to the principal part of the textbooks, written by the faculty member of the CUTC – M. G. Andreev, highlighting the importance of his definition of China’s medieval society as "feudal" and his emphasis on the elements of "feudal remnants" in modern-day China. The article's research method is the historical-comparative. The author compares the points of view of M. G. Andreev regarding Chinese society with the opinion of the first rector of the university – K. B. Radeka. The article's novelty lies in its revisit of the scientific heritage of M. G. Andreev through the prism of the ideological and political struggle inside the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in the 1920s. The author proves that the scientific studies of M. G. Andreev were written under the direct influence of the authoritative statements of I. V. Stalin about China, and the predominant place of the concept of "feudalism" in CUTC meant the victory of the "Stalinist sinology" in the university. The author points to the dual nature of the scientific heritage of M. G. Andreev – a particular value in itself and theoretical dogmatism.

Keywords: CUCT, textbooks, sinology, social formation, Chinese feudalism, feudal remnants, Marxist historiography, political struggle, ideological orthodoxy, Stalinism

Abstract: The author analyzes the interactions between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia and the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation in the modern era. At the same time, the author gives attention to a retrospective look on the relations between the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the deputies. In particular, the author examines the role of the foreign affairs departments of the Russian Empire during the period of the First World War. From the first days of the war the Ministry offered practical help to a significant number of fellow citizens caught abroad by the war. On the most pressing issues, such as help to prisoners of war, Russian diplomats had to overcome serious obstacles within the country. In these questions the ally of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs was the Russian State Duma. The study's main methodology are such methods as the comparative analysis, generalization, induction and deduction, historical method and others. In the conclusion the author comes to the following deductions. As in the previous years, the issue of the cooperation with the Federal Assembly sit at the center of attention of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. However, with passing years, the priorities in this area of activity changed. Today in the series of the most pressing issues is the joint action of diplomats and deputies in securing human rights through their role in the UN Human Rights Council, the convention bodies of the UN on human rights and the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights.

Keywords: prisoners of war, political émigrés, humanitarian cooperation, foreign policy, State Duma, multilateral diplomacy, internal policy, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, February Revolution, First World War

Abstract: The article explores the editions published in Germany in 1920-1930, devoted to the history and culture of Russia and the Russian emigration: scientific literature, philosophy, history and art history studies, works of cultural content, literary and artistic publications, and journalism. The author examines the nature of this material, the names of the authors, the topics of the works and their content. The subject of this research is how the Russian émigrés and Russia are reflected in German publications in the period between the two great wars of the 20th century. The object of this research is the German publications on Russian history and culture of the previous century. The author analyzes the role of these publications in the development of German-Russian cultural relations and the establishment of the so-called "dialogue of civilizations". The article presents the conclusion that in the interwar period of the first half of the 20th century, Germany became the largest center for the study of the Russian presence in Europe, which was due to historical, political and cultural reasons, and the conviction that "... Russians can tell us incredibly much."

Keywords: history, culture, Russia, USSR, Germany, revolution, emigration, Russian diaspora, dialogue of civilizations, cultural heritage

Abstract: During the Russo-Turkish War of 1877–1878 Russia was under tremendous informational pressure from the Western press. The British press in particular not only criticised all steps that Russia undertook during this campaign (from military operations in the Ottoman Empire to the activity of Russian diplomacy at the Congress of Berlin), but also mispresented some facts with the aim of discrediting Russia’s operations and to conceal Turkish revelries. O. A. Novikova, a Russian publicist, had attempted to convince the English political elite and public opinion of the legitimacy of Russia’s actions. Furthermore, Novikova sought to persuade English liberals to act in the interest of Russia in solidifying peace in the Balkans. The publicist severely criticised the articles of the Congress of Berlin, which undid the significant victories of the Russian army and belittled the interests of the Slavs. She was especially concerned about the question of Bulgaria’s repartition into several parts which in the future developed into the acute political crisis of 1885–1886. Additionally, Novikova emphasized the illegality of the occupation of Bosnia and Herzegovina by Austria-Hungary and the consequent annexation of that territory to the Empire of the Habsburgs – she regarded this action as a direct violation of the conditions of the Congress of Berlin. Foreseeing the consequences of the Congress of Berlin, Olga Alekseevna Novikova, both in the press and in personal interviews, criticised the actions of the Russian diplomacy regarding them as irresolute and ideologically uncommitted.

Keywords: Berlinskii kongress, Vostochnyi vopros, O. A. Novikova, U. Gladston, I. S. Aksakov, B. Dizraeli, Aleksandr III, Bosniya i Gertsegovina, San-Stefanskii dogovor, Vostochnaya Rumeliya

Abstract: The end of the world war, the collapse of the Hohenzollern empire and the revolution of 1918 all contributed to significant changes in the German foreign policy, including in relation to Russia. Instead of its traditional geopolitical interests, the political elite’s fear of “world Bolshevism” took over and found its voice in the rise of anti-Soviet propaganda. The coordination of the German foreign policy was carried out by professional diplomats who worked both in the political department of the German Ministry of foreign affairs and in the country’s embassies in some of the largest European states. The focus of this research is on the informal network dubbed as the “Russian department” and is based on the documents from the Political archive of the German Ministry of foreign affairs. This network included officials from the Kaiser era, as well as newly selected diplomats. They were united by their knowledge of Russia’s pre-Revolution realities and at the same time by their inability to assess the new priorities of the Soviet foreign policy, including with regard to the Weimar republic. Consequently the “Russian department” of the German Ministry of foreign affairs in the first half of 1919 became a hindering factor in the stabilisation of the two states’ relations and ultimately they found themselves as outcasts in the Versailles system of international relations.

Keywords: Communist international, world proletarian revolution, German diplomats, German Ministry of foreign affairs, Soviet-German relations, Versailles system, Weimar republic, Bolshevik party, Treaty of Brest, Rudolf Nadolny

Abstract: After the defeat of China in the war with Japan in 1895, the Great Powers initiated their Far Eastern policy. The events and processes happening in the region heightened the public’s interest in it. The press reacted to this interest, in part forming, in part expressing the existing opinions on the subject. The article, based on the material from the capital’s “big” liberal press, examines the general viewpoints of Russian society’s educated circles towards key Western actors in the Chinese crisis, their policy and the nature of their relationship with Russia. The analysis of the publications from newspapers and journals allows the author to come to the conclusion that despite the disparity of the represented outlooks, broad tendencies existed: a positive or neutral presentation of France’s policy, a complicated relation towards rivals (Germany and America), and an overall negative perception of Britain. Often the degree of danger of one or another rival was assessed depending on the closeness of their relationship with England. At the same time, the primary interests put forward were peace and pan-European solidarity, for the sake of which all powers should strive for agreement.

Keywords: “Russkie Vedomosti”, public opinion, liberal press, China, Far East policy, Germany, “Vestnik Evropy”, England, France, USA

Abstract: The surveillance of foreigners in the Russian empire is a little-researched historiographical subject, with, among professional groups, only control over foreign teachers and tutors being studied. The aim of the article is to examine the formation history of the regulatory-legal base for foreign doctors’ sojourn in Russia in the first half of the 19th century, and to cite concrete examples of surveillance implementation over these professionals on the basis of documents from the Third section of His imperial majesty’s Own chancellery (State archive of the Russian Federation), the Smolensk governorate office, the chancellery of the Smolensk civil governor and the governorate medical board (State archive of the Smolensk oblast). The author draws particular attention to the fact that the main requirement for receiving medical practice permission in Russia was the validation of a doctor’s qualifications through the passage of exams in Russian specialised facilities. Because of the Russian authorities’ interest in attracting foreign specialists, these specialists were encouraged to learn Russian language and to receive Russian citizenship. To justify the logic of the authorities’ actions towards doctor-foreigners, the author describes the Russian government’s decisions taken during the 1850s. State surveillance was directed at ensuring the health of the Russian citizens and administering them with qualified medical aid from foreign specialists.

Keywords: surveillance, control, doctors, medics, foreigners, foreign doctors, prisoners of war, legislation, Russian empire, first half of the 19th century.

Abstract: the article deals with the search of Russian statehood identity. The author contemplates on the definitions of “despotism” and “democracy” from both, modern and historical perspective and attempts to determine if Russia’s political future lies with the Western, or the Eastern political model. He analyzes the main vectors of social, economical and political development of global civilization and Russia as its part; models of globalization, comparison of traditional and liberal values, the concept of “melting pot” and “unity and diversity”. The author attempts to unveil the lines of demarcative rifts between civilizations, to determine the axiological component of Russian statehood and its correlation with global axiological concepts. The author attempts to formulate a set empirical rules to help determine Russian statehood identity, and to formulate its new implications, basing them on the exploration of points of fusion between the East and the West. The author focuses his attention on issues and vectors of democratic development, the laws and regularities of fading democracy (in the points of its prominence, U.S. and E.U.) and its rise in countries that it was not originally pronounced in (Russia, Islamic Republic of Iran, People’s Republic of China). It seems that those factors will play an important role in determining the distribution of power in the world and Russia’s place in the greater picture.

Keywords: history, axiology, Europe, Russia, Asia, Eastern despotism, politarch, democracy, traditionalism, globalization.

Abstract: the article describes connections of Russia and Byzantine mostly in IX–XII centuries, show main characteristics of the historiographical studies of this issue, specifies the extent and nature of the Byzantine influence on the various areas of the ancient Russian society: religion, culture, political views, legal system, economy, etc. The author analyses the following problem of discussion: what was the level and nature of the dependence of Russia from Byzantine and expresses his own opinion. Due to this the main attention is paid to the analysis of the system of titles of the Russian rulers, its characteristics in comparison with the other Slavic and Orthodox countries. As a result the author gives a definition of the nature and specifics of the ancient Russian reception to the Byzantine civilization, identifies factors determining this specificity.

Keywords: history, Russia, Byzantium, influence, reception, Orthodoxy, titles, culture, civilization, economy.

Abstract: the article is devoted to the major theoretical meanings that are found in the work of Russian economist, historian and orientalist Alexander Mikhailovich Petrov (1946-2010). The main content of the Petrov A.M. works is devoted to economic aspects of the interaction the two “macro-civilizations” (West and East) over the centuries. Historical views of Petrov are related to the correction of the modern historiography of the old concept of “Asiatic mode of production”. Petrov wrote about the traditions of human alienation (in particular - the village people) through the institutions of ideology and power. The great educational and research experience of Petrov A.M. was intended to be a stimulus for further development of the whole sphere of socio-humanitarian knowledge.

Keywords: history, economics, Oriental studies, source studies, formations and civilization, “Asiatic mode of production”, “gene of the East”, alienation, freedom.

Abstract: the article gives a comparative correlation of development problems of non-western societies of Indian writer and philosopher Rabindranath Tagore and Russian philosopher Semyon Ludvigovich Frank. Common vector that unites thoughts of both philosophers on the ways of development is denoted by author as a path to freedom. The values of compassion for people and the responsibility for social problems in realistic social and philosophical discourse of Tagore and Frank are found as indispensable imperative of work on improvement of social life. Both Indian and Russian philosophers in original form formulate modern thoughts of human and social development based on the human rights and freedoms, coordination of interests in social and economic sphere and solidarity in the acceptance of common social and cultural values.

Keywords: history, philosophy, India, Russia, Rabindranath Tagore, Semyon Frank, development, humanism, realism, utopianism