Abstract: The article identifies the main features of learning the Kazakh language in modern Russia at three levels: in top universities, in high school, and in linguistic courses. The high relevance of the topic is due to the fact that the Republic of Kazakhstan has attached special importance to the language issue since gaining its state independence and is one of the cornerstones in its relations with the Russian Federation, its closest ally and strategic partner. A similar situation has existed throughout the post-Soviet period, and currently cooperation in the field of learning the Kazakh language in Russia is an important component of Russian-Kazakhstani relations in the cultural and humanitarian sphere. The theoretical basis of the work is the concept of linguopolitical realism, developed by the St. Petersburg political scientist I. V. Chernov. The scientific novelty of the study is determined by the fact that the relevant issues have not been previously considered as a separate category in conducting the political analysis of Russian-Kazakhstani relations and remain poorly studied and unsystematized. Based on the results of the work carried out, the author offers a detailed description of the main educational programs on the basis of which the learning of the Kazakh language is carried out in Russian top universities. It should be noted that the Kazakh language is taught as a separate subject in Russian secondary schools, especially in regions where ethnic Kazakhs live in close proximity to each other. The learning of the Kazakh language as part of language courses has not seen the necessary development in our country. The author concludes that the top universities in Russia provide better training for specialists who speak the Kazakh language than in high school and language courses.

Keywords: St. Petersburg State University, MGIMO, Moscow State University, Kazakhstan studies, Kazakh language, learning of the Kazakh language, Russian-Kazakhstani humanitarian cooperation, Russian-Kazakhstani relations, foreign policy of Kazakhstan, foreign policy of Russia

Abstract: This article examines the impact of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict on Sino-Russian cooperation, analyzes the Chinese Ice Silk Road project and the development of the Russian Northern Sea Route, and based on the above analysis, predicts the further course of cooperation between China and Russia on the Ice Silk Road project. The subject of the study is the Chinese-Russian cooperation on the Ice Silk Road project in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict. The object of the study is Chinese-Russian cooperation. The author examines in detail such aspects of the topic as the problems of international relations caused by the conflict between Russia and Ukraine; exchange and cooperation between China and Russia against the background of the conflict, as well as determining the trend of future cooperation between the two countries. Special attention is paid to the situation in the Chinese-Russian Ice Silk Road project against the background of the conflict, analysis and forecast of the possibility of cooperation between the two countries on this project in the future. This article uses the method of system theory, considers Sino-Russian relations as an integral part of the system of international relations, Sino-Russian cooperation on the Ice Silk Road project as a level below the level of Sino-Russian relations, and the Russian-Ukrainian conflict as a change of circumstances. The Russian-Ukrainian conflict has exacerbated the polarization of the world. The conflict between Russia and Ukraine did not have too much impact on Sino-Russian cooperation and even introduced favorable factors into Sino-Russian cooperation, the economic sphere will be the main area of cooperation between the two countries. The conflict directly deprives Russia of its Western partners in the Northern Sea Route, and also further distances China from its Western partners in the Ice Silk Road project. The development of the Russian "Northern Sea Route" urgently needs other countries to fill the gap left by Western countries. Continuing further cooperation in the Ice Silk Road project is a reasonable choice. In the next period of time, China opened a window of opportunity for in-depth cooperation with Russia on the Ice Silk Road project. In the future, China is likely to achieve cooperation with Russia, in addition to energy cooperation in the development of the Russian "Northern Sea Route", such as technical cooperation and other cooperation.

Keywords: Russian-Ukrainian conflict, Sino-Russian technical cooperation, Sino-Russian energy cooperation, Arctic, Sino-Russian cooperation, Maritime Silk Road, China, Russia, Northern Sea Route, Polar Silk Road

Abstract: The article analyzes the role of the energy factor in the formation of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), as well as its impact on the dynamics of modern integration processes. The author also considers a number of processes and phenomena as an energy factor, such as the degree of resource security of states, the level of infrastructural development of their fuel and energy complexes (including technological, logistical and information infrastructure), interstate interaction in order to implement energy policy and ensure energy security. Based on the analysis of the historical prerequisites for the formation of the EAEU, it is concluded that energy was one of the key areas of common economic interests at the stage of the Union's inception, while remaining so today and determining the potential of Eurasian integration in the global arena, at the same time being the cause of a number of fundamental problems of unification. These problems, caused by resource inequality and infrastructural imbalance, have a profound impact on the dynamics of integration processes. Among such problems are significant differences in the strategic interests of the states in relation to the EAEU; insufficient consistency of positions on energy development strategies; different and to some extent contradictory expectations from the emerging common energy markets; an imbalance in the levels of responsibility for the overall stability of the integration association. The need for practical solutions to problems and contradictions of this kind is an important factor determining the vector of further development of the integration association, its transformation from a predominantly economic Union to a new level – supported by ideology and values shared by all its participants.

Keywords: the ideological basis, strategic interests, energy potential, energy security, transformation of EAEU, energy efficiency, resource inequality, the energy factor, Eurasian integration, Eurasian Economic Union

Abstract: The authors reveal the interdependence of the Kurdish national liberation movement in the Middle East and the internal policies pursued by the Ottoman state, and later by Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran, aimed at state centralization and modernization of these states, which violates the traditional foundations of Kurdish society and threatens the tribal autonomy of these people. The authors also identify the role of leading world powers in the radicalization of the Kurdish issue and the strengthening of the Kurdish national liberation movement in the region. The research methodology is based on a civilizational approach. The article examines the history, specifics and features of the development of the internal policy of the Ottoman Empire, later of Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran, the consequences of its implementation and the reasons that led to the formation of the Kurdish national-territorial issue and the increased radicalization of Kurdish society in the period from the 19th to the end of the 20th centuries. The scientific novelty of the article consists of: 1. The analysis of domestic policies carried out on the territory of the Ottoman Empire, and subsequently in Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran during the period of the late XIX – XX centuries. 2) Identification of the influence of direct and indirect historical and foreign policy factors that influenced the Young Turk state’s policy of centralization and modernization, as well as the relationship of these factors with the emergence, formation and development of the Kurdish national liberation movement. 3) Study of the root causes and main stages of the politicization and radicalization of the Kurdish issue in the Middle East. 4) The findings of the study also reveal the role of leading foreign policy players represented by Russia, the USA, Great Britain, France and Germany in the Kurdish issue.

Keywords: Syria, Türkiye, Kurdistan Workers' Party, Domestic policy, interfaith relations, Kurdish national movement, Kurdish issue, Kurdistan, Iraq, Iran

Abstract: The author examines the specific features of defense cooperation in Northern Europe and considers its future prospects amid the transformation of the global political landscape. The author regards the Nordic sub-region as a regional security complex (RSC) and scrutinizes historical similarities and dissimilarities in the Nordic approaches to security issues; distinctive features of the Nordic integration in general and sub-regional defence cooperation in particular; structure and possible prospects of the NORDEFCO. The author concludes that defenсe cooperation deepened the integration model in Northern Europe significantly, thus highlighting the ability of the Nordic states to cooperate in matters of security. Nevertheless, the aspirations of Finland and Sweden for NATO membership overshadow the NORDEFCO as a local security mechanism. The author contributes to the study of the issue by suggesting possible scenarios of the Nordic defence cooperation development. It is highly likely that NORDEFCO will be marginalized within the framework of Nordic cooperation, since NATO will meet almost all needs of the Nordic states in the field of defense and security. The scientific novelty of the research results from the revision of the Nordic domestic and foreign policy priorities in the field of security after 2014 and 2022, the impact of the deteriorating relations between Russia and Western countries on defence cooperation in the sub-region and the political and military relevance of the issue for the future of Russia.

Keywords: post-bipolar world, national security, RSC, defence cooperation, sub-regional groups, regional integration, regionalism, NATO, Nordic states, NORDEFCO

Abstract: Interregionalism occupies an important place in the foreign policy of the European Union, because through it the EU seeks to expand its presence in various regions of the world and export its norms, views and values. The promising, rapidly developing Asian region is no exception. This article is devoted to the study of the process of building an inter–regional policy by the European Union in the Asian direction, namely with the largest regional association in the region - the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). The purpose of this study is to identify the main factors hindering the building of effective cooperation between the regions, as well as the creation of a free trade zone (FTA). The main conclusion of this study is that there are a number of obstacles to the creation of the EU-ASEAN intercontinental free trade area, which significantly affect the relations between regional groupings. Firstly, it is the practice of concluding bilateral agreements, used as a springboard for the future FTA. Bilateral agreements have already been successfully signed with individual countries, namely Singapore and Vietnam, but contradictions of both an economic and political nature arise with other ASEAN member countries. Secondly, the existing competition with China and the United States for influence in the region hinders the EU's attempts to pursue its inter-regional policy.

Keywords: bilateral partnership, interregional cooperation, Free trading zone, transregionalism, Trans-Pacific Partnership, Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP), Asia-Europe Meeting, Interregionalism, ASEAN, European Union

Abstract: The subject of the study is expert and analytical assessments of the state, contradictions and prospects of the transatlantic partnership as an essential component of the international security system. The "turn to the East" proclaimed by Barack Obama, the transition to the principles of unilateralism of the Trump administration, and finally, the creation of AUKUS, with an obvious shift of strategic priorities to the Indo-Pacific region, raised a number of conceptual issues for the expert community on both sides of the Atlantic. The authors consider the assessments of the prospects and role of European countries in the transatlantic security system carried out by Western experts and analytical centers both within the framework of NATO institutions and in the context of the European Union's defense initiatives based on the method of expert assessments. For the first time, the paper attempts a comprehensive comparative analysis of the assessments by the Western expert community of the state and prospects of transatlantic cooperation. Particular attention is paid to the possibility of productive cooperation between the EU and NATO in the field of distribution of functional powers. It is concluded that, despite certain positive developments, at present the issue of cooperation between the two key links of the Western security system cannot be considered resolved. The paper uses descriptive and structural-functional research methods. Special emphasis is also placed on comparative analysis when considering expert assessments of various "think tanks" on both sides of the Atlantic.

Keywords: transatlantic cooperation, expert community, NATO, EU, European Strategic Autonomy, Strategic Capacity Concept, Brookings Institution, Donald Trump, Joe Biden, Emmanuel Macron

Abstract: The coronavirus pandemic has become a classic "black swan" and has made significant adjustments to international relations. The Republic of Turkey, considering the Central Asian region (CA) as an important direction of its foreign policy, also faced the need to respond to the challenges of the pandemic. Based on this, the subject of this article is the relations between Turkey and the Central Asian countries after the outbreak of the pandemic, as well as the identification of new foreign policy tools that Turkey has used in practice to adapt its course in Central Asia. The purpose of the study was to analyze the results of Turkish policy in the region during the designated period. Based on the review of the array of factual data, a new direction of Turkish policy towards the Central Asian countries is indicated – the promotion of the symbolic capital of the victory of the "Turkic world" in the conflict in Nagorno-Karabakh in the autumn of 2020, as well as the attempts being made to consolidate on this basis. The analysis of cases that, according to the authors, may affect relations between Turkey and some countries of the region in the medium term is carried out. The conclusion is made about the short-term growth of Turkey's influence in the region and the potential interest of the Turks in the growth of instability in Central Asia, which the Turks are trying to use to maximize their course and discredit other external actors.

Keywords: Republic of Tajikistan, Republic of Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyz Republic, Republic of Kazakhstan, Republic of Turkey, pan - Turkism, soft power, coronavirus, Central Asia

Abstract: The subject of the study is Turkish–Sudanese relations at the present stage, the object is Turkey's foreign policy strategy. The aim of the work is to identify Ankara's geopolitical goals in Sudan after the conclusion of the Suakin Island lease agreement in 2017 and to analyze the state of bilateral relations after the overthrow of Sudanese President Omar al–Bashir in 2019. Turning to primary sources, the study shows that Turkey's foreign policy in Sudan is a logical continuation of the policy of neo-Ottomanism and pan-Islamism. An analysis of political events in the region reveals that Ankara needs to consolidate in Sudan in order to weaken the positions of the President of Egypt, A. F. Al–Sisi. It is determined that in the case of the creation of a military base on the island of Suakin, near the Suez Canal, Ankara gets access to four of the seven most vulnerable logistics hubs of the World Ocean at once. In the Russian literature, this topic has been studied only in certain aspects, without a comprehensive analytical generalization, which determines the novelty of this work. The establishment of a new government in Sudan in December 2019, loyal to Saudi Arabia and Egypt, meant that Ankara's foreign policy course in Khartoum did not justify itself. A comparison of Turkey's foreign policy strategy in Somalia and Sudan reveals Ankara's main miscalculation – insufficient use of "soft power" tools. Nevertheless, in the Program of the Foreign Policy of the Republic of Turkey for 2021, Sudan is given a separate place among potential partners. It is concluded that despite the obvious political miscalculation, Ankara still intends to promote relations with Khartoum and pursue its geopolitical interests. Consequently, East Africa and the Red Sea region play a significant role in Turkey's foreign policy. It is necessary to take this factor into account when studying and forecasting Ankara's foreign policy on the world stage.

Keywords: foreign policy, Hydroelectric power station, Suakin Island, pan - Islamism, neo - ottomanism, Sudan, Turkey, geopolitics, The Red Sea, East Africa

Abstract: The article examines the concept of Indo-Pacifica as a functional international political region in the process of formation. Based on the concept of regional construction by I. Neumann, an attempt is made to identify the main actors interested in its creation, the ratio of their interests. States continue to put forward their own interpretations and visions of what Indo-Pacifica should include both in terms of geographical boundaries and in terms of its "ideological" content, norms and rules of conduct within its prospective boundaries. The purpose of the article is to determine the correlation of interests, motivation of the actors involved and to identify groups of approaches, as well as prospects for their implementation. With the help of a discourse analysis of the approaches of different countries, their characteristic features are highlighted, on the basis of which the approaches are divided into two groups - exclusive and inclusive. The evolution of the discourse around Indo-Pacifica is shown, which is connected with the evolution of the concept itself. A change in the position of some of the actors from a neutral/negative attitude to a willingness to support a new concept was revealed. The correlation of cooperation and competition in the "under construction" region is assessed. Internal and external factors of Indo-Pacifica formation are determined. The role of identity is assessed. Politically motivated confrontation and competition of projects is an integral part of regional construction in the Indo-Pacific region. Currently, within its potential borders, there is a struggle between the approaches of various States, which are thus trying to reorient the region to achieve their goals. The practical content, i.e. the nature of the international political processes taking place in the region, will also depend on which vision will eventually become dominant. The world-political significance of the ITR concept for Russia is assessed, as well as its prospects in general.

Keywords: Japan, USA, regional construction, regionalization, regionalism, region, Indo-Pacifica, China, Russia, QUAD

Abstract: The article contains the results of research held within the project “Monitoring of integration processes in EEU”. Based on the analysis of a wide range of sources, the authors compare the key characteristics of the target model of the Eurasian Economic Union, and the current state of things, and the summarized results are represented in the table.  To solve the research tasks, the authors use general scientific research methods: analysis, synthesis, hypothesizing, and various comparative approaches. The authors note the reasonability of assessing the processes of Eurasian integration as compared to the models of the EU, since the elements of institutional similarity allow fixing the essential differences more precisely, and taking into account the positive and negative experience of the EU helps improve the Eurasian project management. The comparison of the target and actual characteristics allows concluding about the differences between the strategic concept and the current state of the model of Eurasian integration. When considering the factors influencing the slowdown in moving towards the target model of the EEU, the authors give special attention to the situation causing the risks of achieving the political limits of economic integration and the disruption of the cost-benefits trade-off. The authors conclude that integration, based only on economic mechanisms, causes the risks reducing its stability in a crisis situation, therefore it is necessary to further develop the confidence mechanisms, strengthen the role of legal integration, and extend cooperation based on the package agreements mechanism. The effective use of a package agreements mechanism helps to unite the isolated national strategies for the mutual benefits of participation to outweigh the expenses of each participant.  

Keywords: International law, Economic integration, Regional integration, EU, European Union, EAEU, Eurasian Economic Union, International organizations, Supranational law, Sovereignty

Abstract: The research subject is the peculiarities of modern political-military relations in the South Caucasus in the context of the Iran-Russia-Turkey Triangle. The author considers political-military relations in the region through the prism of national interests of regional actors, such as Russia, Turkey, and Iran; analyzes military and technical cooperation in the South Caucasus based on the example of Armenia and Azerbaijan; studies military expenditure of the countries of the region and military budgets of Armenia and Azerbaijan, which are one of the hotbeds of tension and conflicts of interests of Russia, Turkey and Iran. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the systematization of ideas about the modern state of political-military relations in the South Caucasus in terms of the regional actors’ influence on the regional security system. Based on the documents, facts and research works, the author formulates a conclusion about the condition and the prospects of development of modern political-military relations in the South Caucasus in the context of the Iran-Russia-Turkey Triangle. The success of Turkey in terms of strengthening its positions in the South Caucasus against the background of rising competition in the region is undoubtable. Turkey has managed not only to position itself as a strong regional actor, which is able to indirectly influence regional disputes settlement, but also to promote the military triumph of Azerbaijan, its key ally in the region. It will result in further extension of export of Turkish weapons to Azerbaijan, and deeper cooperation between these two countries in other spheres. It concerns Russia and Iran, which are interested in maintaining the balance of powers in the region.  

Keywords: Military-technical cooperations, Military-political relations, South Caucasus, Iran, Turkey, Russia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia, Nagorno-Karabakh

Abstract: The authors study the cooperation between China and the African Union during the period of the COVID-19 pandemic within the Forum on China-Africa cooperation, and consider the peculiarities of relations between China and the African continent. The article studies China’s regional interests before and during the pandemic. Using the analysis of China’s humanitarian work in Africa and its comparison with the assistance of the U.S., Europe, and Russia, the authors detect the obvious interest of Beijing in the cooperation with the countries of the continent, and its urge to press the U.S.’s hegemony in Africa and strengthen China’s positions in the region through cooperation within the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation bypassing other global actors. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the analysis of cooperation between Beijing and the African continent in the context of the Forum on China-Africa in the coronavirus period. In the pre-COVID epoch, China’s activities in Africa, its political, economic and imperial ambitions have been actively studied; the economic, political and military perversion of China through the Forum on China-Africa, ASEAN, the Asia-Pacific Region and China’s initiatives like “One belt and one road” have been studied thoroughly. However, the assessment of the COVID period has become possible only recently when the results of new cooperation concepts became visible. The authors formulate the following conclusions. The effectiveness of cooperation between China and Africa in the period of the COVID-19 pandemic is still high and is further deepening. The Forum on China-Africa, in which each country of the African Union is represented and has a voting right on the equal basis with other member-states, plays a significant role in cooperation strengthening. The authors believe that it is early days yet to speak about China’ supremacy over the U.S. and Europe in Africa, but Beijing is moving in this direction.   

Keywords: regional stability, China-Africa Forum, COVID-19, pandemic, lockdown, China, Africa, regional security, interstate dialogue, bilateral cooperation

Abstract: The subject of research is the mutual influence of the development of the South Caucasus countries’ transport system, and international political and economic cooperation of actors. The author emphasizes that, despite all contradictions, the “international regime” system allows the Russian Federation to participate in the work of the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars railway transport corridor. Based on the complex mutual influence theory, the author focuses on the problem of this system influencing the development of transport networks after the Nagorno-Karabakh war. The research methodology is based on the case study method which helps the author not only to analyze the activities of the parties to the conflict, but also to forecast the strategy of each of political actors of the “international regime” in the South Caucasus in the field of railway transport cooperation. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the institutional approach to the problem of conflict settlement by means of cooperation between the South Caucasian states involved in the area of interest in the field of transport logistics. Based on the research, the author concludes that for Russia, joining the Baku-Tbilisi-Kars transport corridor gives a new opportunity for mutually beneficial cooperation. Moreover, transport corridors, created by other countries in the South Caucasus, are not “competitors” within the international regime. The transformation of the movement of goods with the optimisation of routes, linking the actors, will directly or indirectly promote the economic capacity development and the interdependence of participants, which will lead to the decrease of security problems. Thus, in the long-term perspective, it can be seen that the unification of transport networks in the region will help the actors to mute conflicts and contradictions.   

Keywords: international regime, cooperation, BTK, South Caucasus, Turkey, Russia, railway, interdependence, Karabakh war, transportation corridor

Abstract: The research subject is the manifestation of Euroscepticism in France, in the political arena and among the citizens. The purpose of the research is the definition of the prospects of French withdrawal from the European Union. The purpose is specified in tasks determining the structure of the article: firstly, the analysis of economic and political institutions of the EU which helps to establish the sources of Euroscepticism ideas in the Republic. Secondly, the analysis of the dynamics of Euroscepticism against the background of the COVID-19 pandemic, which helps to find out how the 2020 emergency situation has influenced the growth of anti-EU ideas in France. The research methods include the political, sociological and historiographic analysis. The Schengen Zone has exacerbated the migration problem in the EU, the 2003 Dublin Regulation has unequally allocated responsibility of the EU members for refugees sheltering. The dependence of France’s economy on the actions of the ESCB, the lack of the opportunity to participate in economic decision making at the supranational level, the common currency system, and the political order of the EU are the key grievances of the Eurosceptics. The anti-EU ideas in France can become significant against the background of the growing popularity of the protectionist policy under the conditions of the COVID-19 pandemic. As Brussels is not in a good position against external threats, and the EU members lack solidarity, the idea of a Frexit referendum can receive a new impetus in the context of the upcoming presidential election in France in 2022.  

Keywords: Dublin Regulation, Schengen Agreement, COVID-19, Brexit, Frexit, European Union, euroscepticism, France, European Central Bank, migrant crisis

Abstract: The author considers the topical problems of the regional refugee regime in South Asia. the research subject is forced migration in the South Asia region. The research object is the problem of refugee questions settlement in the regional dimension. The author studies such aspects of the issue as the key mechanisms of the refugee problem regulation in South Asia including bilateral agreements, the activities of international and regional governmental and nongovernmental organizations. Special attention is given to the problem of forming an effective regional mechanism of the forced migration issues solving in South Asia. The research methodology is based on the comprehensive interdisciplinary approach to studying the issue. The author also uses the methods of scientific generalization, logical and system analysis. The author concludes that the regional approach to solving the refugee problem is not efficient, since the regional countries prefer not to take responsibility for the performance of the agreements of a larger scale. The problem settlement mechanism is focused on flexible bilateral agreements. The author’s contribution to the study of the issue is the analysis of the measures taken by the organizations with the purpose to eliminate the problems of forced migration in the region. The scientific novelty of the study consists in the fact that the author is the first to study the problem of regional refugee regime in South Asia base on the complex analysis, comparison and generalization of a wide range of sources.  

Keywords: Bangkok principles, AAICO, UNHCR, refugees' regional regime, South Asia, forced migration, Refugees, bihari people, chakma people, Afghan refugees

Abstract: The article studies the European identity construct in the context of the post-nationalism theory. The author reconsiders the traditional “supra-national” approach to common identification in the EU. The author analyzes the development of the concept of European identity as one of the key elements of European integration, giving special attention to such aspects as the mechanisms of formation, challenges and prospects, as well as the role of common identity in European integration processes. Special attention is given to the research of the possibility of the European identity development in the post-national direction followed by the transformation of the European Union to a post-national society. The research methodology includes a complete rethink of studying individual identities as a system. The systems approach to studying identity helps to see the nature of identification of a person and a citizen in a new light and promotes a deeper understanding of its structure, thus helping to develop brand new approaches to studying the mechanisms of identity formation. The author states that an EU citizen is overloaded with the need for multiple identifications which are briefly described by the author within his system of identities. The author also describes the structure and the components of identity and formulates the conclusions about the peculiarities of interaction between various components and elements of the system of identities. These conclusions can be used for forecasting the further development of the EU and integration processes in Europe.   

Keywords: European citizenship, ethnic identity, political identity, system of identities, postnational identity, postnationalism, European integration, European Union, European identity, modernization of international relations

Abstract: The study of the attitude of the representatives of the US expert community to Russia’s integration initiatives on the Post-Soviet political space is considered to be extremely topical in the context of changes in the global order and the modern condition of Russia - US relations. Traditionally, America’s attitude towards Russia and Eurasian processes has been developing in the context of the struggle between the advocates of different views, particularly, between the conservative and the liberal directions in the foreign-policy discourse of the US. The article focuses on studying the position of the representatives of the liberal “pole” of the American discourse on Russia and Eurasian processes. The research object is the US foreign policy discourse; the subject is the coverage of Eurasian integration in the intellectual products of scientific and academical institutions. The study is based on the constructivist paradigm; it fills the lacunae in the understanding of the nature and the specificity of integration processes coverage by the liberal expert community of the US. the problematic character of the topic is conditioned by the ambiguity of the situation when the importance of the Eurasian microregion for the global foreign policy strategy of the US is declared, while the absence of any special attention and serious study of Russia’s integration initiatives is obvious in the context of Washington’s support for integration processes of other formats. Integration projects, as viewed by the American specialists, are only one type of instruments used by Russia for realization of its own regional and global agenda. Previously, the aims of Russia’s foreign policy to a large extent reduced to the territories of former Soviet republics. After the events in Ukraine, the horizons of Russia’s foreign policy have significantly changed; the scale of its activities has extended in geographical and operative sense, while the set of instruments is still the same.

Keywords: Eurasianism, Russian strategy, Russian policy, integration projects, Post-Soviet region, Eurasian integration, Customs union, Eurasian Economic Union, American , Eurasia

Abstract: The object of the research is the South Caucasus, the subject of the research is the strategic interests of particular countries, first of all, Western states and Russia, in relation to the South Caucasus. At the very beginning of his research Ozen provides an insight into the history of relations beteen several countries, Russia, Turkey and Western countries, mostly the USA. Those were the countries that have been having certain strategic interests in the territory of the South Caucasus. It is impossible to find solutions of these nettlesome issues without defining the role and place of the South Caucasus both in the regional and global environment. In his research Ozen uses the comparative historical method, methods borrowed from the theory of international relations such as historical comparison and description that allow to restore the actual aspects of certain political phenomena, and logical psychological and chronological methods. The novelty of the research is caused by the fact that for the first time in Azerbaijan political science the author makes a serious attempt to fill in the 'blank spots' of the analysis of Russia's, Turkey's, Iran's and the West's strategic interests in the South Caucasus. This creates the link to the analysis of strategic interests of the West and Russia in the South Caucasus. The strategic interests of these countries have areas of common interest but different interests as well. The latter is described by the author of the article as an individual style of a number of analysts who are concerned about the fate of Russia and Western countries. 

Keywords: politicians, the United States, the West, Turkey, Russia, the South Caucasus, strategic interests, the post-Soviet space, international relations, history

Abstract: The subject of the research is the areas of the USA policy in Central Asia. The object of the research is the policy of the USA. The author of the article underlines particular areas of the region's life the USA policy is directed at. These are the human rights and support of civil liberties organisations, the process of democratization in the region and assertion of democratic values, trades and investments. The states of the region have rich natural resources such as uranium, gas, oil, aluminium , cotton and gold. At the same time, they have very different state structures, - democratic, authoritarian, and neutral. The researcher provides trading volumes of the USA with Central Asia member states for 2013 as well as data about the financial support that has been given by America during the period since 1992 till 2015. The economic structure of the member states is oriented at the markets of the foreign states that are parts of the WTO and Eurasian Economic Union. The author of the article focuses on the contents of such USA programs as the 'ensuring safety and control over military equipment', 'drug control', and 'anti-terrorist campaign'. The main areas of America's policy in Kyrgyzstan were more of political, military, humanitarian and anti-terroristic nature while the economic factor was not so evident. Thus, during the post-Soviet period of their development, the region's countries selected different political, economic and humanitarian policy (democratic, authoritarian or neutral). That had a different effect on their relations with the USA. 

Keywords: policy, Central Asia, political pluralism, drug trafficking, counter-terrorism, ungoverned territories, energy influence, freedom of press, USA, Kygyzstan

Abstract: The object of the study is a multinational Turkic world and international Turkic organizations; the subject is the actions taken by certain countries, particularly the Republic of Turkey, against the Turkic States of the world community. The aim of the study is to identify the reasons which allowed the international Turkic organizations to occupy a significant place in the system of international relations today. The author also considers the most important aspects and history of formation of a new subsystem of modern international relations – the Turkic world; as well as the role of the actors of global processes involved in its establishment. The author provides a brief analysis of the development of Pan-Turkist sentiments in Turkey and gradual extension of these ideas to the territory of the post-Soviet space and the Russian Federation in the 1990s through Turkic organizations and other "soft power" tools, as well as attempts to justify the principles of such Turkish organizations as TIKA and TURKSOY and their main objectives.  The study addressed the principles of cooperation between the Turkic States, as well as with the external players in the political, economic and socio-cultural spheres. The conducted research concludes that the efforts of the Turkish Republic to impose its values are the result of "Neo – Ottomanism" policy, where the Turkic world is used as a means of strengthening its position on the world scene on the road to transformation of the State into a supra-regional power.

Keywords: soft power, Neo-Ottomanism, Pan-Turkism, Central Asia, Turkey, Russia, Turkic organizations, Turkic world, international relations, world politics

Abstract: The article investigates geopolitical aspects of the contemporary international order in the Arctic region. Arctic states have not only different political, military and economic interests, but also common ones – primarily environmental. Global warming increases the strategic importance of the Northern Sea Route and the Northwest Passage. The international order in the Arctic region is primarily determined by the provisions of international law, the balance (correlation) of power potentials of the Western states and Russia as well as by geopolitical aspects of interaction between them. The main research methods which have been used are abstraction, analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, geopolitical modeling and comparative political method. In the relations between the Western Arctic states (the USA, Canada, Norway and Denmark) there are contentious issues, but they are not of conflict character. There is revitalization of Arctic geopolitics of the United States and enhancement of its influence on the situation in the region. The Arctic is of vital geostrategic and geoeconomic importance for Russia. Russia seeks to use international legal basis for legitimization of its claims upon extension of the continental shelf in the Arctic and establishment of control over the area of the North Pole. Canada and Denmark put forward similar claims. China is interested in internationalization of the Arctic. The NATO Arctic countries and Russia develop their military potential in the region. Bipolar confrontation in the Arctic between the West and Russia will probably increase. The International institutions particularly the UN and the Arctic Council have limited opportunities for settlement of the disputes. To optimize the regional international order it is necessary to improve the methods of Arctic diplomacy. The establishment of the polycentric order of peaceful interaction in the Arctic region involves reaching a geopolitical compromise between the Western states and Russia.

Keywords: international order, Arctic Council, geopolitical interest, continental shelf, Northern Sea Route, Arctic sector , bipolar confrontation, Arctic diplomacy, geopolitical compromise, polycentric order

Abstract: The research subject is China’s regionalism as a set of views and opinions about the surrounding space, preferable regional orders and regional development processes. The study is based on constructivist principles of the new regionalism theory, which offer a set of ideas important for contemporary regionalism understanding. Regionalism issue has become more prominent in China since empowerment of Xi Jinping and the fifth generation of Chinese leaders in 2012. It is proved by a series of new concepts and initiatives in the sphere of regional development, offered by the Chinese leaders, and active discussion of the new regional strategy of China in the academic milieu. Analysis of ideas and suggestions, which appear during this discussion, helps construct the entire vision of the direction and character of probable changes in its foreign policy and the outlines of the forming new vision of regionalism. The author attempts to review the new Chinese approach to regionalism as a sum of ideas about the surrounding regional space, views on regional rules and strategies of behavior in the regional milieu, which form during its growth and development. The research methodology is based on the complex approach containing the historical, logical and comparative methods of scientific cognition, and the methods of system, conceptual and comparative analysis of sources. The scientific novelty of the research consists in detection and interpretation of the currently forming new ideas about the periphery diplomacy space, goals and tasks of diplomacy of China’s neighbours, principles and tactics of interrelations with regional neighbours, geographic references and regional activity priorities. The analysis helps understand the new trends and the content of the general vision of regionalism and country’s policy in the regional milieu, which are forming in China. 

Keywords: regional development, international relations, regional cooperation, neighbours' diplomacy, periphery policy , China, regionalism, integration, region, Eastern Asia

Abstract: The research subject is the policy of the USA and Western Europe in the countries of Eastern Europe. The author demonstrates the orientation of the USA and Western Europe towards strengthening and extending their influence in Eastern Europe, and the creation of a “sanitary cordon” around Russia in the post-Soviet political space. Special attention is given to the analysis of Western aspirations to use Eastern European countries for the creation of instability zones in the countries, bordering with Russia, and the processes of Euro-Atlantic integration of Eastern European countries. The research methodology combines the methods of political studies, source study, historiography, system analysis, retrospective and prospective analysis of the political situation. The author concludes that the USA and Western Europe use all possible methods, including those contradicting international law (Ukraine is an illustrative example), to involve Eastern European countries, and especially post-Soviet republics, into their sphere of influence. For their political interests, they are ready to make merely political decisions about the integration of countries, which don’t even meet the criteria established by the West, into Euro-Atlantic structures. 

Keywords: coalition politics, international politics, transnational politics, democratic institutions, integration of Eastern European countries, foreign policy, European influence of the USA, Eastern Europe, european geopolitical architecture, global politics

Abstract: The research subject is France’s policy in Africa during the presidency of the fourth President of the Fifth Republic François Mitterrand. The author gives special attention to the motives and the forms of the Élysée Palace’s participation in the civil war in the Republic of Chad; to the goals and the reasons of organization of a military coup in Burkina Faso by French special services, and assassination of its president Thomas Sankara; to the assessment of the scale of responsibility of France and personally President François Mitterrand for Rwanda’s Tutsi genocide. The research methodology is based on historical materialism and the historicity principle. With the help of the historical reconstruction method, the author finds out the latent goals of French policy in Africa and characterizes it as a neocolonial policy and as interference in the internal affairs of sovereign states. Using the complex analysis of little-known historical sources (the materials of judicial and journalist investigations, evidences of well-known politicians and diplomats, etc.), the author studies the role of France in the initiation of the civil war in Chad, and demonstrates the peculiarities of the policy of the Fifth Republic towards other countries, involved in military actions in this region – the USA, Libya, Sudan. The author shows close connection between the events in the Republic of Chad and the war in Darfur. The paper substantiates the conclusion that France had inspired interreligious and interracial conflict in the Republic of Chad in order to maintain economic and political preferences of France in this rich in uranium and strategically important region. The author concludes that the assassination of Burkina Faso’s President Thomas Sankara was organized by French special services by order of François Mitterrand with the involvement of his son Jean-Christophe. The author concludes that France shares the responsibility for crimes against humanity in Rwanda and more than a million people deaths during genocide. The research was supported by the Russian Foundation for the Humanities, project No 15-01-00363 “External interference in the internal affairs of the Third World countries during the Cold War: the experience of multilevel analysis”. 

Keywords: Thomas Sankara, Francois Mitterrand, Darfur, France, Chad, Burkina Faso, Africa, Rwanda, genocide, Françafrique

Abstract: The authors study the formation of the mechanisms of global governance in the context of intersection of regional integration complexes using the example of Latin America and Asia-Pacific region. In the result of regionalization, the contemporary international relations are influenced by regional integration complexes. The authors note that regional powers offer their vision of the world order and, in their aspiration to create the security and stability belt, accelerate integration processes in the region. The authors give special attention to Latin America, combining the models of “good (effective, proper) governance” and regional consolidated cooperation. The research methodology is based on general scientific and special research methods: analysis and synthesis, generalization, comparison, historical and statistical methods, etc. The authors conclude about the possibility to use the “regional polyarchy” concept for the formation of the model of global governance, which could help states to participate in the discussion of the most important problems and experience equality/equivalence of all the subjects regardless of different financial and economic indicators and resource potential. 

Keywords: international relations, globalization, world politics, regional recurity, multilateral diplomacy, NAFTA, MERCOSUR, UN, Asia-Pasific Region, regional integration

Abstract: The paper studies the Arctic strategy of the Republic of Korea. The author considers economic and political reasons, urging South Korea to activate its policy in the region. Economic opportunities of the Arctic are connected with energy resources and exploitation of transport routes (the Northern Sea Route), transformation of the ports of South Korea into large logistic centers, and development of shipbuilding. The political aspect of the Arctic strategy is determined by Korea’s aspiration to extend its international influence and to be recognized as a middle power. The research methodology is based on general scientific and specific research methods: analysis, synthesis, generalization, comparison, the historical and statistical methods. The author concludes that in the Arctic institutions, South Korea positions itself as a middle power, and it is an appropriate country for such a role, taking into account its non-aggressive policy in the region. It is ready to serve as a link between the countries – permanent members of the Arctic council and non-Arctic countries, having interests in the region. 

Keywords: multilateral diplomacy, Arctic five, foreign policy, geopolitics, Arctic, energy resources , Northern Sea Route, South Korea , Northeast Asia, the Arctic

Abstract: The research object is energy cooperation between South Asian states; the research subject is energy policy of the states of the region (resources, problems of energy commodities transportation and access to freshwater) and interaction of regional states aimed at guaranteeing regional stability and security. The research subject actualizes the fact that in the current context, interrelations between the leading actors in the world energy sector often define regional balance of power and affect global security in general. The proposed topic is a complex problem; therefore, the author applies complex research methodology. It includes interdisciplinary, complex, system and problem approaches, the methods of political science, economics, history and sociology, the comparative method and other research methods. The author considers energy cooperation of regional states, the impact of interregional and external factors on energy market, and concludes that, in the modern context of globalization, energy cooperation is a complex system of measures aimed at meeting the demands of the regional states for energy and sustainable development. Energy supplies crises lead to the formation of new geopolitical and economic realia and global changes in the international relations system. The present study helps define the global character of energy problems and their growing politicization; in the current context, the energy factor becomes the determinant factor of regional development, regional and global security, and international relations. 

Keywords: global politics, global problem, National security, Regional cooperation, energy resources shortage, Energy sphere, South Asia, region, Energy factor, Regional security

Abstract: The research object is Transdniestria as a geopolitically important territory, affecting the interests of different subjects of international and regional political process. The author compares various approaches of the international community to the solution of the problem of recognition of the PMR, appeared in the result of disintegration processes of the post-Soviet period. The author studies the reports of the well-known international law specialists, who had been solving the question about the possibility of recognition of the PMR’s sovereignty. The article analyzes the relations between the Republic of Moldova and the Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic, and the Russia’s position on the problem of recognition of the PMR’s state sovereignty. The author uses the system approach, helping get the complex vision of the object within its environment and the set of its elements in their interrelation and interaction. The author concludes that, in the context of an apparent failure of international law, the geopolitical and strategical interests of the key international actors, pursuing their own interests, become the defining factor in the questions of recognition/non-recognition of new states. In the result, the object of collisions – Transdniestria – acts as a by-product of their political confrontation. The situation around unrecognized states needs to be revised; the stereotypes of interpretation of statehood should be overcome; such states shouldn’t be considered strictly in terms of the Yalta-Helsinki agreements. These steps could decrease the level of political prejudice in relation to these states on the part of global powers. 

Keywords: geopolitical interests, international law, unrecognized state, Kosovo, Pridnestrovian Moldavian Republic, territorial entity, post-Soviet phenomenon, denunciation, de-facto regime, Transdniestrian settlement

Abstract: The research subject is the evolution of U.S. policy in Afghanistan in 2000 – 2016. The author places emphasis on the war in Afghanistan, launched in 2001 under the pretext of the struggle against international terrorism (the Operation Enduring Freedom) and officially finished in 2015 upon the achievement of the planned military and political goals of the operation. In this context the author assesses the conditions and the factors of implementation of political concepts of two American presidents and outlines the common and the different features in their policies in relation to Afghanistan. The author uses the methods of historiography, source studies and conflictology, the system approach and the system analysis. The author concludes that the modern strategy of Washington in relation to Afghanistan, on the one hand, conforms with the traditional geopolitical views of American strategists, and on the other hand, is the logic continuation of the approaches of the George W. Bush administration. This issue has become one of the points, where the positions of the two American presidents were almost the same: their common point was the implementation of the policy in Afghanistan according to the common plan and idea in the interests of Washington’s influence strengthening in Central Asia. 

Keywords: U.S. military and political goals, evolution of the policy in Afghanistan, Operation Enduring Freedom, U.S. strategy in Afghanistan, U.S. policy in Afghanistan, U.S. foreign policy, Central Asia, global dominance doctrine, hegemony concept, political settlement in Afghanistan

Abstract: The article studies the “political system of an integration association” concept and describes its essential features. The research subject is the peculiarities of interaction of the institutions, defining the political system functioning within an integration block. The author touches upon the issues if the integration theory, the history of system and comparative-functional studies in the political science. The article contains a brief description of the key functional elements of the political system of the state and the modes of their interaction. Special attention is paid to the definition of the levels of institutional interaction within an integration association. The research methodology is based on Almond’s structural functional approach and on particular elements of Easton’s system approach. The author applies the provisions of the neofunctionalism theory in relation to integration processes. The scientific novelty consists in the consideration of an integration association as a political system, the formulation of the corresponding concept and the definition. The author defines institutional levels of interaction of such a political system, describes the possible forms of interdependence of institutions on the level of the civil society of a certain country, state, integration association, international milieu. The conclusions of the research develop the methodology of the comparative approach in the political science and help study supranational political objects. 

Keywords: Institutions in integration block, Integration theory, Integration, Structural functional approach, Comparative political studies, Political system, Political system of integratoin associations, Levels of political communication, International relations, Integration association

Abstract: The research subject includes the features and peculiarities of institutionalization of political authority in the Pridnestrovien Moldavian Republic (PMR) in the context of historical and modern political processes. The author substantiates the objective prerequisites to institutionalization of political authority in Pridnestrovie, outlines the key factors of its formation and functioning. The author proves the thesis about the role of international legal recognition of PMR for institutionalization of political authority in the Republic. The article demonstrates the delegitimizing factors of the political regime which influence the condition of its institutionalization. The study is based on the institutionalist approach and comparative analysis. Coupled with other political theories, they help study new polities as an integral independent institution with its own requirements and development trends. The author concludes about a complicated hybrid form of institutionalization of the political regime in the Pridnestrovien Moldavian Republic, institutionalization of public authority as a system historical and political problem, the interdependence of institutionalization and legitimation of power and their internal and external factors. The research materials can be used in political practice and as an additional source of information in political science and regional studies. 

Keywords: hybrid political regime, statehood, self-definition, unrecognized state, legitimacy, institutionalization, secession, polity, disintegration, liberalism

Abstract: The research subject covers the Kurdish Syrian parties and their role in the political conflict in Syria. The research object is the Kurdish issue in Syria. The author considers the political programs of the two major Syrian Kurdish parties – the Democratic Union Party and the Kurdish National Council, their objectives, internal structure, strong and weak points, positions about the Syrian conflict, regional, and global orientation. The parties strive for organizing autonomous government in the Kurdish regions. Meanwhile, they oppose to each other, thus challenging the success of the Kurdish autonomous project in Syria. The methodology and theory of the research is based on interdisciplinary, system, institutional, and historical methods. The author studies the leading parties of the Syrian Kurdistan heading the Kurdish autonomy project launched after the beginning of the Syrian conflict, analyzes their objectives, political programs, structure, strong and weak points, regional and global orientation, and the position on the Syrian conflict. The author considers the parties’ interaction and analyzes the reasons of the parties’ confrontation. The author concludes that the autonomy project in Syria is at risk without a particular official agreement between the parties, a neutral position of Turkey in relation to the plans of the Syrian Kurds, and the support of the Kurdish regional government in Iraq. 

Keywords: Kurdish workers' Party, autonomy, Masoud Barzani, Turkey, Kurdish National Council, Democratic Union Party, Syria, The US, Russia, Kurdish Regional Government

Abstract: The object of the research covers Russia-Bahrain relations on the recent stage (2014 – 2015); the subject includes the features and specific peculiarities of the so-called “Bahrain syndrome”. The “Bahrain syndrome” is defined by the author as a phenomenon of a foreign-policy behavior of small states which is characterized by the active participation of various coalitions, maneuvering between the interests of the great powers for the purpose of maintaining the balance of powers in the region, the support of political agreements with financial and economic treaties for the purpose of realization of national needs. The research focuses on the factors, promoting the development and evolution of the “Bahrain syndrome”, their interdependence and ability to influence the formation of Russia-Bahrain relations. The key research method is the comparative-political analysis; the author also applies the factor analysis when defining the factors influencing the formation of the “Bahrain syndrome”. The author concludes that the general features of the “Bahrain syndrome” can be supplemented with the specific components, relevant only to the Kingdom of Bahrain, such as the restriction of the discussion of some domestic policy issues with the partners, particularly, the reluctance to involve the other states in the problems of internal development of the Bahrain society; particular spheres of social and cultural cooperation develop without any connection with political and economic spheres of bilateral relations. Among the reasons and factors, influencing the formation and evolution of the “Bahrain syndrome”, the author enumerates the factors of Ukraine and Crimea, the USA and Great Britain, and the factor of the “Arab Spring”. The latter can be considered as the stimulating factor, and the former two – as the hampering ones. 

Keywords: military and political cooperation, Islamic banking, Russian Federation, Arab spring, US factor, Factor Ukraine, Russian- Bahraini relations, Kingdom of Bahrain, Bahrain 's syndrome, social and cultural cooperation

Abstract: International cooperation and foreign-economic activity are essential parts of countries’ economic policy. The article considers the interrelation between investment activity and the frontier location of Russian regions. This process is diverse for different frontier zones characterized by a stronger or weaker investment attractiveness and activity. The object of the research includes the regions sorted out by the authors according to their typological characteristics and grouped in particular frontier zones. The subject of the research is the investment activity of the regions from different zones. The urgency of the research is conditioned by the complexity of socio-economic development in many frontier regions, particularly belonging to Kazakhstan and Caucasian frontier areas, and by the necessity to stir up investment activity in backward regions. The authors use the methods of grouping and comparative analysis. According to typology and location the authors sort out different frontier zones and carry out vertical and horizontal analysis of statistical data related to basic capital investments. The results of the analysis are presented in graphic charts. The authors attempt to characterize investment processes in the regions from the aspect of their geopolitically and economically advantageous frontier position. The novelty of the research lies in the original approach to the comparison of the regions according to their investment activity from the standpoint of groups of regions united in typological zones, rather than separate regions.  The revealed zonal differences allow the authors to conclude that investment activity is influenced not so much by the factor of frontier location, as by the access to natural resources, first of all in fuel and energy sector, and the possibility of access to large product markets in the conditions of a developed transport-logistic infrastructure and a capacious internal consumer market. 

Keywords: frontier location, Russian regions, foreign-economic activity, frontier zones, frontier location factor, attraction of investments, investment activity, zonal differences, regional infrastructure, product market capacity

Abstract: The period of the 1990s was a turning point for the Organization of American States (OAS): on the one hand the international organization assumed a continental character having formally united all the 35 independent countries of the Western hemisphere, and on the other hand, the change of the foundations of international relations in the result of the collapse of the bipolar system meant an inevitable transformation of the fundamental principles of the OAS activities. Democracy promotion, resulting from the processes of democratization of the 1980s, started to develop; a fundamental revision of different security approaches started on the basis of rejection of an idea of combating the Communist threat; the need to create a new scenario of regional development in general became evident. The main purpose of the article is to provide an analysis of the main institutional and functional transformation of the OAS in the 1990s. The emphasis is made on the contradictions the member-states faced in their search for the models of multilateral cooperation within the framework of the oldest regional organization of the Western Hemisphere. The authors propose the idea that the transformations of the OAS in the period of the 1990s resulted from the joint search for new models of regional development, however the deep Inter-American controversies did not allow the OAS to fully overcome the negative legacy of the previous decades and to update the mechanisms of interaction, providing them with the maximum efficiency. Inability to cope with the existing controversies limited the achievements of the OAS in the period under consideration. Nevertheless, the 1990s laid the principal directions of the OAS development in the beginning of the XXI century. 

Keywords: Inter-American System, Inter-American relations, democratization, regional integration, Latin America, the USA, the end of Cold War, the OAS, regional security, Summits of the Americas