International economy relations
Reference:
Altamimi K.
Current trade and economic relations between Russia and Bahrain
// International relations.
2017. № 3.
P. 1-13.
DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.3.23884 URL: https://en.nbpublish.com/library_read_article.php?id=23884
Abstract:
The research subject is trade and economic cooperation between Russia and Bahrain at the present stage. The author analyzes not only the current spheres of cooperation between the two countries, but also the potential spheres. The author characterizes the economic system of the Kingdom of Bahrain. The author successively considers three “baskets” of trade and economic cooperation: fuel and energy sector, high technologies, and investments. The research methodology includes the system and structural-functional approaches. The author uses institutional and comparative methods, synthesis and event-analysis. Long-term cooperation between the Kingdom of Bahrain and the Russian Federation is strategically important in the context of realization of national interests of both countries. For Moscow, Manama is an appropriate base of accessing the GCC’s markets and pursuing the policy aimed at achieving results in the political sphere via economic instruments. For the Kingdom of Bahrain, relations with Russia are the element of the national economic security and the part of the strategy aimed at diversification of markets and basic partners within strategic manoeuvering from the medium and small states theory.
Keywords:
high technologies, diversification, investment, cooperation, Bahrain, Russia, security, economy, fuel and energy complex, national interests
Regional configurations of international relations
Reference:
Borisova I.I., Borodina M.Y., Gasanov O.S.
The factor of the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict in the relations between Iran and Azerbaijan
// International relations.
2017. № 3.
P. 14-26.
DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.3.23673 URL: https://en.nbpublish.com/library_read_article.php?id=23673
Abstract:
The research subject is the relations between the Azerbaijan Republic and the Islamic Republic of Iran in terms of the conflict between Azerbaijan and Armenia over the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh. The authors analyze the position of Iran prior to the escalation of the situation and during the first conflict on the territory of Azerbaijan SSR. The authors focus on the relations between Iran and independent Azerbaijan in 1991 – 1994 and cessation of hostilities in Nagorno-Karabakh. The paper analyzes the relations between Azerbaijan and Iran in the 21st century. The authors use the methods of historical scientific research, particularly, the principle of historicism, which implies the study of interrelations of two states since the moment of its formation, and the analysis of the Iranian leadership’s position on this issue. The authors also use the chronological method to study sources in chronological order; the method of comparative analysis, and the principle of objectivity, which helps detect the key tendencies of development of Iran’s relations with both aggrieved parties. The set of these methods helps come to the following conclusions: Azerbaijan and Iran, the two countries with access to the Caspian Sea, have been approaching since the collapse of the USSR. There have been certain prerequisites for the creation of a strong geopolitical alliance between secular Baku and Shiite Tehran. But Iran’s position on the Karabakh issue has been quite ambiguous. At the present time, Iran is more pro-Armenian. It considers Armenia as a strategically important partner, thus aggravating tense relations with Azerbaijan. However, the relations between Azerbaijan and Iran depend on the paradigm of regional international problems.
Keywords:
The post-Soviet period, the Soviet period, aggravation of international conflict, International relations, The Republic of Armenia, The Nagorno-Karabakh conflict, the Islamic Republic of Iran, The Republic of Azerbaijan, Political settlement, Military operations
Question at hand
Reference:
Frolova I.N.
Problem of sovereignty and national self-determination in Spain in the context of globalization
// International relations.
2017. № 3.
P. 27-33.
DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.3.24178 URL: https://en.nbpublish.com/library_read_article.php?id=24178
Abstract:
The research subject is the topical issues of sovereignty and national self-determination in Spain in autonomous communities of Catalonia and the Basque Country in the context of globalization. Globalization is the catalyst of various processes, which sometimes oppose each other. Such are the processes of “the erosion of sovereignty” on the one hand, and the aspiration of some states to strengthen their sovereignty and avoid the influence of the processes, which endanger this sovereignty. This problem is urgent for many countries, for example, for Spain. This problem has aggravated due to the active position of political forces of Catalonia on this issue and the referendum on sovereignty of this region. The author uses the methods of indirect and instrumental monitoring. It is based on the information acquired from various printed and electronic sources. The author also uses the method of analysis of documents and comparative analysis. Besides, the author uses the method of direct observation: the author interviews foreign scholars of the problem in the Basque Country (the University of the Basque Country) and Spain (the Complutense University of Madrid). The author concludes that the globalization processes have significant impact on the transformation of the traditional understanding of sovereignty. This process is especially visible in the context of political and economic development of the European Union. This is one of the factors of the aggravation of the problem of the Basques and the Catalans in Spain. The structure of this problem is being complicated due to the above mentioned transformation. Besides, the author concludes that the main feature of the modern struggle for self-determination for both the Basques and the Catalans is the transition from armed methods of struggle to political struggle. Therefore, such organizations as ETA are unlikely to appear in the future. The struggle will be held in the scope of the leading political forces of the regions, the state and the European Union.
Keywords:
state, globalization, state boundaries, Catalonia, Basque Country, autonomy, self-determination, sovereignty, independence, autonomous community
History of international relations
Reference:
Gitsba K.D.
Russia’s recognition of independence and sovereignty of Abkhazia and the positions of the world community
// International relations.
2017. № 3.
P. 34-44.
DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.3.24202 URL: https://en.nbpublish.com/library_read_article.php?id=24202
Abstract:
The research subject is Russia’s and the world community’s de jure recognition of independence and sovereignty of Abkhazia. The author analyzes the key prerequisites of recognition and the consequences for Russia. Special attention is given to Russia’s policy in the field of conflicts between Georgia and Abkhazia and Georgia and Ossetia. The author defines the reasons, which caused the negative reaction of the world community towards the decision of the Russian leadership to recognize independence and sovereignty of Abkhazia. The research methodology is based on the system, historical, historical-comparative, comparative-political and geopolitical approaches. The research is based on the analysis of a bulk of sources; come of them haven’t been published before. Russia’s recognition of Abkhazia as a sovereign and independent state was preceded by the Georgian-Abkhaz conflict and the Georgian-Ossetian war of 2008. The double standard policy, supported by the world community, is not acceptable for Russia. Russian leadership’s support of the Abkhazian people’s struggle for independence worsened relations between Russia and the western countries and strengthened its military and political positions on the Southern Caucasus.
Keywords:
sovereignty, world community, international recognition, Kosovo, Georgian-Ossetian war, Georgian-Abkhaz conflict, Georgia, Abkhazia, Russia, independence
Regional configurations of international relations
Reference:
Eremin A.A.
OAS and the future of Inter-American Security in the Western Hemisphere
// International relations.
2017. № 3.
P. 45-53.
DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.3.24262 URL: https://en.nbpublish.com/library_read_article.php?id=24262
Abstract:
The Organization of American States has for a long time been the primary mechanism of promoting cooperation in the Inter-American format. Being formed during the Cold War, this organization, which had originally aimed at establishing productive and effective relations between the countries of the region, was to a certain degree altered by the spirit of that time. With the end of the bipolar standoff between the major super-powers, the OAS, being primarily a mechanism for promoting the US political interests, was no longer necessary in its form at the time, which caused the organization to undergo certain profound changes. Along with the attempts of the OAS to adapt to the changes in the hemispheric politics, smaller Latin American organizations appeared trying to adopt some of its authorities. This process of regionalization is especially true in relation to the maintenance of hemispheric security. The article is trying to critically assess the possibilities of smaller sub-regional structures to effectively substitute the mechanisms of the future place of the OAS in the structure of the hemispheric security, which becomes even more important in the context of the contemporary U.S. administration, famous for its critical position towards the potential of Latin American political direction.
Keywords:
hemispheric security, Organization of American States, United States of America, regional security threats, Inter-American cooperation, Non-traditional security threats, Latin America, OAS, political forum, subregion
Modern foreign policy concepts and doctrine
Reference:
Zuboreva M.A.
Basic determinants of German foreign and security policy
// International relations.
2017. № 3.
P. 54-67.
DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.3.23528 URL: https://en.nbpublish.com/library_read_article.php?id=23528
Abstract:
The research subject is the set of basic determinants of decision making in foreign policy in Germany and the peculiarities of development of the country, which determine the specificity of the country’s foreign policy parameters. Special attention is given to the transition from the Bonn Republic to the Berlin Republic, when the country’s foreign policy dilemma was formed. The purpose of the research is to detect the correlation between the factors, influencing decision-making process in Germany, and the peculiarities of economics, geopolitics, and political culture of the country and the personal factor. The research method is theoretical analysis and generalization of the scope of scientific works, periodicals, interviews and speeches of prominent politicians, documents and sources on this topic. The author proves that the peculiarities of development of Germany itself, which had historically formed in a definite way, determine the specificity of the country’s foreign policy parameters. The author shows German foreign policy dilemma had formed during the transition from the Bonn to the Berlin Republic. This dilemma consists in the confrontation of two alternative opinions: the possibility (and in what format) and the prohibition of use of military force abroad. The author proves that Germany’s refusal to participate in NATO’s operation in Libya allowed it to resolve this dilemma in accordance with the “ontology” of its own national security. the article defines the key determinants of foreign policy of Germany. The author concludes that the peculiarities of domestic policy and economy of Germany have formed the definite logics of its foreign policy.
Keywords:
German reunification, security policy, Angela Merkel, EU, political decision-making, Germany, foreign policy, Libyan issue, geopolitical factor, personal factor
Regional configurations of international relations
Reference:
Mekhdiev E.T., Sodikov S.D.
Interregional energy projects involving the countries of Central Asia (the TAPI, the TUTAP, Iran-Pakistan, the CASA-1000 projects)
// International relations.
2017. № 3.
P. 68-79.
DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.3.23291 URL: https://en.nbpublish.com/library_read_article.php?id=23291
Abstract:
The article analyzes energy projects in electric power and gas industry involving the countries of Central Asia. Particularly, the authors study the reasons, which determine the interest in interregional projects both of the countries of Central Asia and the customers, such as China, India, Pakistan and Afghanistan. The authors analyze the projects’ benefits for the participating countries, and the obstacles appearing during their realization. The research methodology includes such approaches as analysis and synthesis, comparison, the system approach and the historical method. The authors conclude that these projects improve regional energy security in general and energy security of participating countries in particular. Competition between the projects is determined by geopolitical ambitions of China and the USA. The key obstacles of realization of the projects include the lack of financing, technical difficulties and instability in Afghanistan and Pakistan. Russian companies can participate in energy projects of the countries of Central Asia as investors, suppliers of equipment or technologies. Russia can also promote the improvement of regional security.
Keywords:
energy production , regional security , energy routs, CASA-1000, TAPI, TUTAP, TAP, South Asia , Central Asia, regional cooperation
Regional configurations of international relations
Reference:
Galoyan N.
Foreign policy strategies of the EU, the USA and NATO towards the countries of the South Caucasus in the security sphere
// International relations.
2017. № 3.
P. 80-91.
DOI: 10.7256/2454-0641.2017.3.23977 URL: https://en.nbpublish.com/library_read_article.php?id=23977
Abstract:
The author considers the role and the place of the countries of the South Caucasus in foreign policy strategies of the EU, the USA and NATO in the security sphere. The author studies the peculiarities of formation and development of foreign policies of these international actors towards the states of the South Caucasus, proves its special importance for security provision in the South Caucasus region. The study defines foreign policy interests of the EU, the USA and NATO in security provision in the South Caucasus. The author analyzes their foreign policy and special programs in the security sphere in relation to Azerbaijan, Armenia and Georgia. The author proves that the necessary prerequisite for security provision in the South Caucasus region is the coordination of strategies of the EU, the USA and NATO with the positions of the Russian Federation, Turkey, Iran and other interested regional actors. The research is based on the analysis of foreign policy and security strategies of the USA, the EU and NATO in relation to the South Caucasus. The author defines the specificity of American and European influence on the formation of security system in the region. The author analyzes international cooperation and studies the works of K. Gadzhiev, R. Giragosian, V. Guseinov, V, Kulik, S. Markedonov about geopolitical and security problems in the South Caucasus. The scientific novelty of the study consists in defining the place of the South Caucasus in foreign policy strategies of the countries of the region and global geopolitical actors. The author studies their conceptual approaches to the formation of regional security system. The paper actualizes the problems of studying foreign policy and security strategies of the European Union, the USA and NATO towards the South Caucasus in the context of the events of August 2008 in Georgia and Russia’s recognition of independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia.
Keywords:
foreign policy, NATO, USA, EU, South Caucasus, Georgia, Armenia, Azerbaijan, regional security, Balance of powers