Abstract: The article examines the evolution of Franco-Spanish relations in the late XVIII – early XIX centuries. The subject of the study is the peculiarities of the development of relations between France and Spain, the analysis of various factors that influenced the diplomacy of the two countries. The object of the study is various treaties, armed conflicts and specific political steps characterizing Franco-Spanish relations. Special attention is paid to the role of the union of the two countries in the confrontation with Great Britain. The purpose of the study is to analyze the causes and consequences of changes in relations between France and Spain in the late XVIII – early XIX centuries. A special role in the evolution of Franco-Spanish relations is noted for the coup d'état of 18 Brumaire in France and the rise to power of Napoleon Bonaparte. The active foreign policy of Napoleonic France eventually resulted in a full-scale war on the Iberian Peninsula. The author uses chronological, historical-comparative and historical-systemic research methods in his work. These methods allowed to analyze the evolution of the Franco-Spanish relations in the late XVIII – early XIX centuries. Periods of military confrontation were interspersed with the time of the union of the two countries. There was a certain duality at the heart of the Franco-Spanish alliance. On an ideological level, most of Spanish society did not accept the ideas of the French Revolution. From an economic point of view, it was not profitable for Spain to enter into the Anglo-French confrontation. Ties with the Spanish colonies were disrupted. From the point of view of European politics, Spain, isolated by its geographical location, did not always benefit from an alliance with France, since it was an unequal partner in it. A special contribution of the author to the study of the topic is the proposed periodization of the history of Franco-Spanish relations of the late XVIII – early XIX centuries, its division into a number of stages. This makes it possible to better structure the work and identify the interrelationship of the changes that determined the nature of Franco-Spanish relations at each stage. The novelty of the research lies in the fact that in this work the evolution of Franco-Spanish relations in the late XVIII – early XIX centuries is considered as a whole and continuous process, the influence of domestic political events on changes in the foreign policy of the two countries is analyzed.

Keywords: contract, Consulate, The directory, Godoy, Urquiho, Napoleon Bonaparte, Spain, France, union, war

Abstract: The article examines the foreign policy of the United States of America in the Greater Middle East region, which acquired strategic importance after the end of World War II and the beginning of the Cold War with the Soviet Union. The subject of the study is the American-Iranian relations of 1953-1974, within the framework of which the Iranian Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi consistently built cooperation with D. Eisenhower, J. Kennedy, L. Johnson and R. Nikson. Despite the fact that their approaches to the implementation of American foreign policy in the Greater Middle East underwent significant changes, the desire to maintain influence in the country, consolidate control over cheap Iranian energy resources and prevent the return of Soviet influence on Iran remained the main directions of American activity. The methodological basis of the research is based on the principles of historicism, objectivity and consistency. The following methods were used in the work: historical-comparative, historical-typological and historical-systemic methods. The reviewed diplomatic documents of the United States of America "Foreign Relations of the United States" allow us to establish that the influence of the oil factor on American-Iranian relations in 1953-1974 remained high, despite changes in the approaches of the presidents to the implementation of foreign policy in the region. The return of Iranian oil to the global market allowed Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi to initiate the start of the "white revolution", supported by the United States, among others. Huge oil revenues allowed Iran in a short time not only to realize its claims in the region, but also to become an important ally of the United States, responsible for regional security during the presidency of R. Nixon. The work illustrates the changing role of the United States of America and Iran in the Greater Middle East, due, among other things, to the influence of the oil factor.

Keywords: oil factor, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, oil, foreign policy, Nixon, Johnson, Kennedy, Eisenhower, Iran, USA

Abstract: The purpose of this study is to analyze the possibility of using the concept of the “long 19th century” as an interpretative model of historical science that claims to be universal. The author analyzes the concept of the “long 19th century” proposed by Eric Hobsbawm. The subject of the article is the concept of the “long 19th century”, the object is the possibility of its application and transplantation into Indonesian historical research. The novelty of the study lies in the analysis of the concept of the “long 19th century” as an interpretative model that allows us to analyze the features of the historical, social and cultural development of the territories of Indonesia, reduced in this article to Aceh. It is assumed that the interpretive models proposed by Western historians have a claim to universality, although the effect of their transplantation into non-Western historical contexts may be limited. The article analyzes 1) the features of the social and economic components in the transformation of Aceh during the “long 19th century”, 2) the role of the Islam in political changes in the region is revealed, 3) the consequences of the “long 19th century” for the subsequent history of the region are studied. The article shows the potential of the concept of the “long 19th century” for analyzing the history of social and political transformations in Indonesia through the prism of regional history. The results of the study suggest that the effect of using the concept of the “long 19th century” is limited. The author believes that this interpretative model is relatively effective and useful for analyzing social and political dynamics through the prism of religious institutions as sources and incentives for change, transformation and change in a modernizing society, to which Aceh belonged during the analyzed period of history.

Keywords: Ummah, nationalism, historical imagination, Islam, ideal models, social transformation, socio-economic history, history, Aceh, long 19th century

Abstract: The subject of the study is the analysis of the formation of Buddhism under the Northern Wei Dynasty. The object of the study is Buddhist construction projects as a way of asserting political power. The author examines in detail such aspects of the topic as the construction of a Buddhist pagoda, a hall on Mount Sumeru, Vulture Peak and the "Great Monastery" (Dasa). When the state of Northern Wei was formed at the end of the fourth century, Buddhism became extremely widespread in their empire. Imperial patronage of Buddhist society continued throughout the dynasty until its decline in the sixth century. Powerful images of rulers, alternative ideas about the centers of power and special ways of sponsoring public monuments came from the understanding of the rulers of Northern Wei of ancient India, which, in turn, were obtained from Indian missionaries, reports of Chinese pilgrims and Buddhist scriptures translated into Chinese. Construction projects, in particular, gave the rulers the opportunity to present themselves to the people in various mythological and historical figures. The main conclusions of the study are that Emperor Tao-wu created an image legitimizing his rule, based on Indian Buddhist symbols of power, and not on Chinese Confucian traditions of government. The association of pagodas, Vulture Peak with King Ashoka was still strong in the popular imagination, which Tao-wu could not help but take advantage of. The new Buddhist construction complexes were actually intended to demonstrate political dominance in the capital. The novelty of the study lies in the fact that the author showed Emperor Tao-wu portraying himself as mytho-historical Indian authority figures such as Indra, King Bimbisara, Emperor Ashoka and Vimalakirti to assert his imperial authority.

Keywords: Emperor Aśoka, Weishu, Emperor Dao-wu, Tobias, Buddhist architecture, Buddhist structures, Northern Wei, Buddhism, medieval China, Faxian

Abstract: The paper considers the geopolitical situation of the Black Sea after the end of the Cold War. The main stages of changing the geopolitical situation are highlighted: from attempts by new regional actors to build their own course in the 1990s to falling into the sphere of influence of the United States and the EU. The interests of both the Black Sea and non-Black Sea powers in the region, their strengths and weaknesses are analyzed. The growing aggravation of relations between Russia and Western powers in the light of their penetration into the Black Sea region was noted. The ambiguous position of Turkey, its distance from the common Western course towards Russia was noted. It is concluded that without changing the positions of the main actors, stabilization of the situation in the region is problematic. It is noted that the conduct of ITS on the territory of Ukraine will seriously affect the preponderance of forces in the region and will have far-reaching consequences for Russia. The prospects of further cooperation of the countries in the Black Sea region are considered, taking into account the difficulties that arise due to their Prospects for the strategic and economic development of Russia are determined, taking into account the forecast of further developments in the area of the SVO. The author comes to the conclusion that the prospects for the further geopolitical situation in the Black Sea region will directly depend on how the SVO in Ukraine will end.

Keywords: Turkey, Russia, USA, EU, NATO, conflicts, Black Sea region, geopolitics, Black Sea, post-Soviet space

Abstract: The subject of the study is Buddhism in the context of the state system of medieval Chinese society. The author examines in detail such aspects of the topic as the place of Buddhism in the traditional Chinese concept of government, as well as in the context of studying the general parameters of the functioning and interaction of religious and secular institutions of government. Special attention is paid to the relationship between the state and Buddhism in medieval China on the example of the analysis of Hui Yuan's polemical treatise "Shamen Bujing wangzhe lun" 沙門 不敬 王者 論 ( A treatise on monks who do not honor the ruler) As a unique monument in the history of ideological thought in China, the main conclusions of the study are that Buddhism was actively used in the politics of the medieval states of China, but it never managed to subdue the state, but on the contrary, it itself turned into an auxiliary means of government. The analysis of Hui Yuan's treatise "Shamen bujing wangzhe lun" was made for the first time" 沙門 不敬 王者 論 ( A treatise on monks who do not honor the ruler). Hui Yuan tried to prove to the Chinese authorities the Sangha's right to autonomy. The treatise provides a theoretical justification for the autonomy of the Buddhist community, Hui Yuan even managed to convince opponents to preserve the monastic sangha's right to independent governance, but Buddhist monasticism in subsequent eras could not maintain its position in imperial China.

Keywords: sacredness, esteem for Emperor, monks, anti-Buddhist diatribe, Huangxuan, state system, monastic community, Huiyuan, Buddhism, medieval China

Abstract: US-Chinese relations often become the object of researchers' consideration. Russian historians often raise the issue of Chinese immigration to the New World, but, as a rule, these are review and retrospective works covering the entire period of this problem, starting from the middle of the XIX century. And the vicissitudes of the development of sinophobia, which flourished in American society in the era of the “Gilded Age" and united all segments of the population, are shown in general terms. Meanwhile, racism towards Asians manifested itself not only in the adoption of the law on the restriction of Chinese immigration in 1882, but also in acts of violence against newcomers: murders, lynchings, sometimes taking the most massive form – the form of anti-Chinese riots. For this reason, the author turned to the poorly developed question in Russian historical science about anti-Chinese pogroms in the northwestern United States in the mid-1880s. The article examines the events that took place in Tacoma and Seattle, examines the causes, course and consequences of the racially motivated riots that occurred on the Territory of Washington in the autumn-winter of 1885-1886, and also reveals the reaction of local and federal authorities to what happened. The events in the north-west of the United States reflected the chauvinistic sentiments prevailing in society at that time and the unwillingness to assimilate the Chinese within the framework of the American "melting pot".

Keywords: North-West USA, Seattle, Washington Terrirtory, nativism, radicalism, racism, sinophobia, Gilded Age, anti-chinese riot, american society

Abstract: The subject of this research is the relations between Napoleonic France and German states in the early XIX century. The object of this research is the various models of the development of German political space during the Napoleonic Wars. Analysis is conducted on the role of France in transformations that influences the Holy Roman Empire, as well as in the process of creating Confederation of the Rhine. Under the reign of Napoleon Bonaparte, France pursues active foreign policy, competing for hegemony in Europe. The article considers positive and negative consequences of transformations that took place in the German political space, the importance of political modernization for the Confederation of the Rhine member-states, as well as the corresponding territorial and institutional changes. The novelty of this work lies in the original approach towards the problem. An attempt is made to reconsider the known events of the early XIX century from the perspective of evolution of the models of German political space. The research employs chronological, historical-comparative, and historical-systematic methods. It is claimed that without analyzing the impact of foreign policy of Napoleonic France upon the German states, it is impossible to fully understand the trends of further development of Germany, goals and ways of reaching national unity, and peculiarities of Franco-German relations in the late XIX – early XX centuries. The main conclusion lies in recognition of the contradictory nature of transformations that took place in the German states, assessment of the ambiguous role of Napoleonic France in the German integration process, and importance of studying this topic for outlining further historical path of development of the German states towards political unity.

Keywords: political space, Confederation of the Rhine, Holy Roman Empire, Napoleon Bonaparte, German states, Germany, France, model, foreign policy, modernization

Abstract: The goal of this article lies in examination of the process of preventing collaborationism in the former capital of the French state, as well as in determination of whether the process of suppressing cooperation with the German occupier has any peculiarities associated with the special position of Vichy in relation to other departments. The author examines such aspects of the topic as spontaneous and organized violence in Vichy and other French regions during the postwar period (1944 – 1945). Special attention is given to reprisal against the collaborationists in Vichy and the formation of representation on the unity of France during the occupation imbued by the Gaullist state. The main conclusions of this research consists in the two interpretations of the purges that took place in the postwar years in France. The situation in the agglomeration has several similarities with the situation in multiple departments: shaving of women; government branches responsible for repressions; urgent purges. However, the fact that namely Vichy was the seat of the French government has its own peculiarities:  weak first phase of the extrajudicial purge due to the presence of law enforcement forces during the occupation and opposition, and on the other hand, the cruelty of spontaneous violence in June of 1945,  numerous arrests in the first two weeks after the liberation, excessive city residents representation in the Court and  Civil Chamber, as well as severity of the sentences.

Keywords: occupation of France, repression, twentieth century, France, collaboration, Vichy, violence, Allier, Resistance, Peten

Abstract: The goal of this research consists in determination of the place and role of French cinematography of 1960s – 1970s in the political history of postwar France. The object of this research is the process of transformation of political discourse in the context of transfer of power from Charles de Gaulle to Georges Pompidou. The subject of is reflection of the history of collaborationism in the films “Sadness and Pity” (1969) and “Lacombe Lucien” (1973). The author examines such aspect of the topic as reflection of the political and cultural elites on the Vichy regime. Special attention is given to the political consequences of the screening of films about collusion of the Nazi to French citizens. The scientific lies in the analytical overview of the popular films of French national cinematography of 1960s – 1970s, which interpret the phenomenon of “collaborationism” and “opposition" of the period of German occupation. As a result, it is proven that these films distorted the silence on collusion of a number of citizens to the occupier that prevailed in the French political and public discourse. The author notes that resign of Charles de Gaulle as the head of the French Republic led to the emergence of the products of popular culture that revise the previous interpretations of the military past and have a capacity to change the political situation in the country.

Keywords: Resistance, Georges Pompidou, Charles de Gaulle, political history, French cinema, collaborationism, France, occupation, Lacombe Lucien, Pity and sadness

Abstract: The Republic of Korea underwent intensive industrialization in the 1960s – 1970s, followed by a range of sociocultural transformations. The society suffered changes, and the fact that the government restricted freedom in sociopolitical environment and undertook unpopular economic decisions made this process even more painful. This led to the formation of civil opposition. The composition of the participants in the movement against the dictatorship was diverse, and all of them to one or another extent infringed on their rights. An interesting nuance of the movement for democracy in South Korea is the role of the Christian Church in its consolidation. The subject of this research is the Christian Church in the movement against dictatorship in the Republic of Korea. The goal is to analyze the process of the Christian church's joining the protest movement. The questions of interaction between the society and religious circles, the level of Church engagement in the social processes remain on the agenda in many countries. The novelty of this work is defined by articulation of the problem. The emphasis is placed on the motives of social participation of the Christian Church in South Korea, its interaction with the society and government structures. The following conclusions were made: joining the antigovernment movement by the Protestant and Catholic churches in South Korea is first and foremost associated with their pursuit to expand their range of influence, increase the number of believers prevailing in the competition, and secondly –  with the response to authoritarian methods of governing the country. The interaction between society and the Church within the framework of democratic movement was mutually advantageous. The level of involvement of various religious organizations differed, but all Christian denominations represented in South Korea in one way or another proved themselves in the fight against the dictatorship.

Keywords: minjung theology, Park Chung Hee's regime, Urban Industrial Mission, socio-political movement, the movement for democracy, Catholic Church, Protestant Сhurch, Christian church, authoritarian regime, Republic of Korea

Abstract: The subject of this research is the terminological polemics in Arab historiography of the late XX – early XXI centuries unfolded around the terms referring to Crusades and crusaders. Proceeding from the fact that the era of Crusades has been and remains one of the most traumatizing periods within the Arab historical memory, it seems relevant to explore the terminology used by the modern Arab historians for describing the evens and personalities of that time. Terminological polemics around designating crusaders in the modern Arab historiography has not previously become an independent subject of research in Western or Russian historical science. Examination of terminological question was conducted within the framework of the methodology of discourse analysis by juxtaposing the opinions of Arab historians, analysis of their structure, and correlation with the historical context. Analysis of the narrative of modern Arab historiography demonstrates that the Arab author do not have a uniform opinion on legitimacy of the use of the Arab term “Crusades” – al-hurub as-selibiyah. At the same time, in modern Arab historiography, “secular” historians along the authors considering these historical events first and foremost as a part of history of the Muslim world, either advocate or dispute the use of the term salibi that stands for the crusader. The examination of this aspect is a step towards understanding the processes of formation of image of the other within modern Arab historiography.

Keywords: islam, arab nationalism, crusader, historical narrative, the image of the other, arab historiography, The Crusades, middle eastern christians, postcolonial studies, Arab world

Abstract: The subject of this research is the final stage of the struggle for independence of Syria (1945-1946). The article explores the “Anglo-French Agreement on Near East” of December 13, 1945, as well as the response of Syrian society to its conclusion. The author reviews the discussion in the United Nations Security Council  that took place on February 14-16, 1946 regarding the question of evacuation of foreign troops from the territory of Levant , as well as the results of decisions accepted in the UN Security Council that affected the attainment of independence of Syria. Moreover, the article analyzes the final stage of negotiations between Syrian, British and French governments, which led to evacuation of foreign troops from Syria on April 17, 1946. This event resumed the result of French mandate control in the country. The conclusion is made that the “Anglo-French Agreement on Near East” of December 13, 1945 became a breakthrough moment in the struggle of Syrian nation for independence. After it has been signed, the protest movement in Syrian cities reached its heights, forcing the government of Levant to propose it for consideration in the UN Security Council regarding the evacuation of foreign troops on February 14-16, 1946. Although no resolution has been adopted, the question received an international resonance. Under the international pressure, Britain and France had to withdraw their troops in April 1946. This marked another – Syrian – chapter of decolonization of Asian countries. The mandate system was left behind.

Keywords: UN Security Council, Agreement, Evacuation, Struggle for independence, England, Lebanon, France, Syria, Government, Foreign troops

Abstract: This article explores the outlook upon the process of settling Kosovo Conflict by one of the most successful and renowned mediators, President of Finland, Nobel prizewinner – Martti Ahtisaari. The object of this research is the conflict in Kosovo; while the subject is the position of Martti Ahtisaari in Kosovo Conflict and his outlook upon the conditions of its settlement. The article examines the attitude of M. Ahtisaari towards the conflict in Kosovo over the period from 2005 to 2007; methods and means of searching for a compromise between the government of Serbia, Kosovo and Contact Assembly represented by Russian Federation, Germany, France, Italy, as well as the United Nations Organization and NATO. The scientific novelty consists in the attempts of comprehensive analysis of mediation of Kosovo Conflict from the perspective of the Western European community represented by Martti Ahtisaari, and attraction of a wide variety of sources in form of reminiscences of Martti Ahtisaari, Kofi Annan’s archive, UN documents. Within the framework of this research, it is established that the negotiation process and development of the “Ahtisaari Plan” took place in the conditions of the preliminary structured position and commitment of the European counterparts to achieve the sovereignty of Kosovo; the method and means applies in negotiations were called to impose upon the Serbian side and Russian Federation the foregone conclusion. 

Keywords: independence, negotiations, UN, Kosovars, Serbia, Kosovo, Martti Ahtisaari, autonomy, special status, peacemaking

Abstract: This article examines the paramount stage of Anglo-Italian relations during the post-Munich period. Particular attention is given to the problem of possible “separation” of fascist Italy from the axis powers due to concessions on the part of the European countries. The author analyzes the various approaches of the Prime Minister of Great Britain Neville Chamberlain and the head of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs 1st Earl of Halifax regarding the scale of such concessions. Focus is also made on the “Roman” negotiations between Chamberlain and Mussolini that had to determine Italy’s attitude towards Great Britain. The scientific novelty lies in referring to the diverse layer of publishes sources of various countries (diplomatic documents, British parliamentary sessions, notes from the sessions of the Cabinet of the United Kingdom). The main conclusion of the conducted research is that as a result of defeating the aforementioned negotiations, Italy is being irrevocably involved into the foreign policy orbit of fascist Germany.

Keywords: First Vienna Arbitration, Daladier, Mussolini, Halifax, British Prime Minister, Colonial Question, Spanish Question, Easter Agreement, Southeast Europe, Anti-Comintern Pact

Abstract: The subject of this research is the examination of peculiarities of the relationship between the Communist Party of India and the group “Kirti” –  center of the revolutionary nationalistic party “Ghadar” that was closely related to the Communist International. The author sets a task to explore the interaction process of the aforementioned organization over the period of 1925-1942, determine the contradictions between them, reveal the specificities of the Communist International pertinent to the two parties, as well as analyze the attempts of conflict resolution between the Communist Party and the group “Kirti” that ultimately led to unification of the indicated organizations in 1942. The scientific novelty of this work consists in coverage of the previously unknown pages in the history of the Communist Party of India, and insufficiently studied in the national historiography group “Kirti” along with the official section of the Communist International that was the conductor of interests of the latter in India. This became possible due to the attraction of materials of the Russian State Archive of Sociopolitical History, as well as published documents by the Intelligence Bureau and works of the Indian historians.

Keywords: National Independence Movement, Communist movement, Communist International, Communist Party of India, Kirti Group, Ghadar Party, India, Punjab, Sikhi, Revolution

Abstract: The subject of this research is the history of Ghadar Party, the organization of revolutionary oriented Indian emigrants who fought for independence of their motherland in the first half of the XX century, as well as the party’s activity in Latin America. One of the tasks of the international organization Ghadar consisted in the awakening of self-consciousness and mobilization of Indian communities in various countries. Due to the American location of the leading center of the party, this region was one of the first in the circle of interests among the members of organization, although its remoteness from the main goal – India – defined the specificity of Ghadar’s operation in Latin America. The scientific novelty lies in the fact that this article represents one of the first attempts to systematically and fully describe the history of emergence and activity of the centers of Ghadar Party in separate countries of Latin America, as well as their place and role in the entire organization of Indian emigrants.

Keywords: National Independence Movement, India, Communist International, Latin America, Gadar Party, Argentina, Panama, Indian emigrants, Sikhi, Revolution

Abstract: This article examines the reforms carried out by the local self-governance during the ruling period of the emperors Wen of Sui and Yang of Sui. The three departments system of administration was replaced by the two departments system, which significantly lower the number of the local officials. The established by the emperors of Sui dynasty central ministries Li Bu 吏部(the Ministry of Personnel) and Yushi Tai 御史臺 (Censorate) were one of the forms of supervision over the local officials. Li Bu was responsible for appointing all of the officials, which stroke the interests of the local aristocracy. The inspectors (controllers) of the Censorate performed visits to the local authorities and reported about the work of the local officials to the emperor. The scientific novelty consists in the fact that the author comprehensively examined the reform in the area of the local self-governance during the ruling period of the two emperors of Sui dynasty. The main conclusion lies in the thesis that these reforms become one of the crucial steps towards the revival of the united empire with the strong centralized power, the political and economic administration of which was carried out from the single center.

Keywords: Yushi Tai, Li Bu, Keju (imperial exam), Censorate, Judicial Ministry, Ministry of Personnel, local self-governance, Yang of Sui, Wen of Sui, Sui dynasty

Abstract: This article is dedicated to the process of the establishment and the main tendencies in the development of the Russian-Argentinian relationship at the brink of the XIX and the XX centuries. The author reviews the principal causes in the improvement of the relations between Russia and Argentina in the end of the XIX century in the context of changes that took place on the international arena within this historical period. The work of the prominent Russian diplomat A. S. Ionin and his significant contribution into the establishment and consolidation of the diplomatic and economic ties between the two countries is also being analyzed in the course of this research. The author gives characteristics to the main stages of the Russian-Argentinian collaboration, as well as examines the key issues that negatively affected the relations between Russian and Argentina. The conclusion is made that the Russian-Argentinian cooperation met the foreign policy interests of both countries and was closely connected to the events taking place on the global arena. Despite the issues of domestic and foreign nature, the dynamic of the development of the Russian-Argentinian relations is characterized as positive and very promising.

Keywords: Russia's foreign policy, Argentina's foreign policy, diplomacy, economic and trade cooperation, the public interest, the rivalry with England, abroad XIX-XX centuries ., World War I, Latin America, international relationships

Abstract: The subject of this research is the peculiarities of the accession of Dagestan to Russia as a result of the 1813 Gulistan Treaty concluded between Imperial Russia and Persia (Iran). During this historical period the accession of Dagestan to Russia became possible due to the need to choose patronage by the people of Dagestan, because Dagestan historically appealed all neighboring states because of its advantageous geopolitical location. This became possible as a result of Russia’s flexible and long-term policy towards Caucasus, which was based on the economic incentives. The author uses n interdisciplinary approach that allows studying this topic from multiple perspectives. Examining the peculiarities of the accession of Dagestan and its rural communities to Russia, the author comes to a conclusion that these nuances emphasize the necessity for Russia to carry out its policy on Caucasus as a whole, and Dagestan in particular, which made its historical choice more than two centuries ago.

Keywords: the Russian-Iranian Treaty, the Russian-Turkish Treaty, international environment, geopolitical interests, economic interests, Russian-Dagestan relations, the oath of citizenship, political commitments, trade and economic commitments, regional policy