Abstract: The subject of the study is the regional dimension of "the Great Game" during its formation and development. The relevance of the study is due to the current increase in international tension and confrontation between Russia and the states of the collective West, as well as the related threats of destabilization of the Central Asian region. At the same time, there are many diverse, including mutually exclusive, interpretations of the regional dimension of "the Great Game" in the discourses. The purpose of the article is to characterize the transformation of the geographical boundaries of the classical version of the Russian–British geopolitical rivalry in Central and South Asia during its formation and development (late XVIII – mid XIX centuries). The following research sources were used: works by Russian and British travelers, officers and residents; interstate legal acts; reference publications. The methodological basis of the research is the provisions of neorealism in terms of a systematic analysis of international relations, which led to the use of historical-genetic, activity-based and comparative methods. As a result of the study, the problem of having many different interpretations of the regional dimension of "the Great Game" was identified. The reasons, context, and features of the formation of the area of Russian-British geopolitical rivalry are clarified. The core and periphery of this phenomenon are highlighted. The trends of localization and displacement of "hotbeds" of activity within the framework of this competition are substantiated. The stages of transformation of the geographical boundaries of the classic version of "the Great Game" are characterized. The conducted research allows us to identify the core (the main space) and the periphery (periodically activated "pockets") of the Russian-British geopolitical rivalry. The core of "the Great Game" has traditionally been the territories of India and Afghanistan. Peripheral "foci" located along the perimeter of the core and connected to it existed alternately, synchronously, or partially intersected in time. It has been established that there is a pattern in the relationship between the phases of activation of "the Great Game" and the intensification of manifestations of British Russophobia, which has been acquiring the characteristics of ideology since the first third of the 19th century.

Keywords: international relations, India, South Asia, Central Asia, The Great Game, Russophobia, geopolitical rivalry, Anglo-Saxon Russophobia, Russia, Great Britain

Abstract: The purpose of the study is a comparative analysis of the French narrative of "Oriental despotism" in the first half of the 19th century with the modern political agenda of France in relation to Russia and the Special Military Operation (SVO). The subject of the study is the ideological justification and media coverage of French international campaigns in the first half of the 19th century and today. The object of the study is the narrative of "Oriental despotism" in the ideology of the political elites of France. The relevance of the research topic is justified by the wide spread of historical anti-Russian narratives in the politics of Western powers. The article examines the plot of "oriental despotism" as a justification for the population of the expansionist policy of France in the first half of the XIX century. A study is being conducted on the formation of the narrative of "Oriental despotism" in the political culture of the West and France in particular. The main elements of the narrative are determined, consisting in the dehumanization of the enemy, by constructing the image of his state and population as a barbaric uncivilized world, which needs to bring the benefits of civilization and the Christian faith.   The research methodology is based on systemic, geopolitical and civilizational approaches. Both general scientific research methods (analysis, synthesis, comparison) were used in the work so it is specialized. The specialized ones include qualitative content analysis, historical and comparative method. According to the results of the study, it was revealed that the narrative of "Eastern despotism" is a process of creating a dehumanistic image of an enemy or a political regime based on the antagonistic opposition of civilization and barbarism. Given the status of the French state as one of the main protectors of the Catholic faith, which has persisted throughout its centuries-old history, the narrative was supported by a religious component. The general formula of the ideological justification of the French imperialist expansion was the positioning of the initiation of hostilities by the need to protect the Christian faith and the local population from the despotic regime. In the case of the invasion of Algeria and the Crimean War of 1853-1856, French propaganda used the image of a "crusade", thereby giving the military operation the status of the highest "civilizing mission". At the present stage, France is actively using the narrative of "Oriental despotism" against Russia, which is manifested in a whole range of publications seeking to create in the eyes of the French public a picture of the Russian state as a "despotic, Asian monarchy" with pronounced expansionist aspirations.

Keywords: Second empire, Eastern question, russian-french rivalry, Ideology, Special military operation, Eastern despotism, War in Algeria, French foreign policy, France, Political narrative

Abstract: The subject of this article is the assessment of the competitiveness of the European Union in the "Big Game" for influence in Central Asia. Brussels is actively using economic opportunities to promote its foreign policy interests. It is worth noting that for the Central Asian countries that pursue a multi-vector and pragmatic foreign policy, economic cooperation with the European Union is also a priority. The article examines the effectiveness of the use of some economic instruments of EU influence in relation to the countries of Central Asia. Particular attention is paid to assessing the effectiveness of the development of trade relations and the creation of preferential regimes, the provision of financial assistance as an instrument of political coercion. Based on the analysis of statistical data, the position is confirmed that the restrictions in the field of trade and investment, the conditions for providing financial assistance imposed by Brussels to exert political pressure on the countries of the region are ineffective. The author comes to the conclusion that political blackmail by the EU against the Central Asian states reduces the level of their trust. Ignorance of local specifics complicates the implementation of joint projects and programs. It is stated that the EU strategy in Central Asia is losing out to the strategies of third countries, primarily China and Russia.

Keywords: competition, political blackmail, official development assistance, trade, economic priorities, Global Gateway, europeanization, European Union, Great Game, Central Asia

Abstract: The subject of the study is the current role, approaches and activities of the U.S. and China in the UN system in the period 2017-2022. To conduct the study, authors used an applied analysis of the positions of China and the United States in the UN Specialized Agencies, the budgetary allocations of states to the organization, as well as the reactions of the United States and China and their allies to issues related to human rights and democracy in Taiwan, Hong Kong and the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. The main conclusions of the study, which authors come to, are that the strategic rivalry between the U.S. and China will continue to intensify during the Biden administration. The Biden administration's approach to competition and cooperation with China will also be characterized by the U.S. national interest. After the COVID-19 pandemic, new debates and conflicts over values, systems and ideologies emerged, changing the strategic competition between the United States and China from "US vs. China" to "free camp countries vs. China," which is more favorable to the US. J. Biden, a Democrat with a great career in Congress will move the debate about "values," "system," and the "ideology" of human rights and democracy to new areas of competition in the strategic competition between the U.S. and China.

Keywords: Taiwan, human rights, funding, Specialized Agencies, United Nations, China, United States, competition, Hong Kong, applied analysis

Abstract: The subject of the study is the development assistance of the United States and China to Sub-Saharan states and its impact on the voting of recipient countries in the UN General Assembly.The object of the study is the relations of the United States and China with Sub-Saharan Africa. The author examines in detail such aspects of the topic as development assistance, as well as voting in the UN General Assembly. Particular attention is paid to the impact of development assistance from donor States represented by the United States and China on the voting in the UNGA of recipient states on key issues of interest to China and the United States. The main conclusions of this study are the following: the more African countries receive more aid from the United States, the more they tend to vote for the same opinion as the United States in the UN General Assembly. On the other hand, China's assistance did not have a significant impact on the similarity of foreign policy between China and the recipient African States. The novelty of the study lies in the regression analysis. In addition to the amount of aid to African countries in the United States and China, the work includes variables that may influence the UN General Assembly vote on African recipient States in the statistical model as control variables based on existing research.

Keywords: Politics, United Nations, Voting, Saharan Africa, China, USA, Competition, Development assistance, Economy, Regression analysis

Abstract: In the era of renewed great-power competition, the Unites States is expanding the use of sanctions and other restrictive measures to ratchet up political and economic pressure on its major competitors – China and Russia. Since late February 2022, in response to Russia’s recognition of the Donetsk People’s Republic and the Luhansk People’s Republic and Russia’s military operation in Ukraine, the U.S. and it allies have unleashed an unprecedented array of restrictive measures against Russia. These coordinated measures include personal and economic sanctions, financial and technology restrictions, export controls, travel and import bans. Although the restrictive measures imposed on Russia following the Ukraine crisis of 2014 failed to achieve their political objectives, the U.S. continues to escalate sanctions against Russia. Recessionary trends in the sanctioning economies (for instance, rising inflation and unemployment rates) do not stop them from looking for additional restrictive measures and tightening the existing ones. Geostrategic and geopolitical ambitions of the U.S., its allies and partners prevail over economic pragmatism. The purpose of this article is to analyze the U.S. sanctions policy towards Russia following Russia’s military operation in Ukraine. Specifically, it seeks to explore the logic of decision-making by the Biden administration regarding the use of sanctions as a foreign policy tool. The article also analyzes the prospects of escalation and de-escalation of the sanctions imposed on Russia. The author concludes that the U.S. sanctions, especially those that have been passed by Congress, will be in place for a long time. As the U.S. is enhancing its enforcement efforts, it will likely tighten the existing enforcement measures and introduce the new ones to punish sanctions evaders. The U.S. and its allies are likely to continue pursuing their long-term goal of containing Russia, degrading its capabilities and weakening its national power.

Keywords: sanctions policy, Joseph Biden, restrictive measures, Russia, European Union, great-power competition, U.S. Department of Treasury, the Ukraine crisis, U.S., economic sanctions