Abstract: The term "hybrid war" is currently one of the actively discussed in the context of the geopolitical processes taking place between the countries of the collective West on the one hand, Russia and China on the other. However, there are many different theoretical concepts of the term "hybrid warfare" in the research field, which creates a certain terminological confusion, which consequently leads to an incomplete understanding of such a term. Thus, in this study, foreign and domestic concepts of the term "hybrid war" were presented, analyzed and systematized, and the problem of politicization of this term was also identified. The subject of the study is the analysis of the theoretical concepts of the term "hybrid warfare". The object of the study is hybrid warfare. The purpose of the study is to identify the main concepts of hybrid warfare and compare them.  The research methodology is based on general scientific theoretical methods such as analysis, generalization, comparison, deduction and induction, as well as special methods, namely the method of critical analysis of discourse, the method of historical analysis and the main methods of historical research, in particular, the comparative historical method and typologization. The results of this research are the disclosure of theoretical concepts of foreign and domestic scientists, as well as their systematization, comparison and analysis of their content in the context of discourse. The novelty of this study lies in a comprehensive comparison and analysis of various concepts of the term "hybrid warfare", which allows us to reveal the understanding of such a term from the point of view of researchers from Western countries and from Russia. Despite the existing concepts of hybrid warfare, it is concluded that the question of understanding such a war remains debatable. In conclusion, it is worth noting that this work will be a useful tool for in-depth theoretical research in the field of hybrid warfare, since this study identifies and systematizes the main scientific works related to the study of such wars, as well as analyzes their content.

Keywords: strategy, confrontation, security, war, concept, politicization, conflict, discourse, hybrid threat, hybrid warfare

Abstract: Authors examine the formation and development of Albanian separatism in the Serbian province of Kosovo and Metohija. The article deals with the main aspects of the history of creation and functioning of the first armed extremist groups of Kosovo Albanians, in particular the activities of the Kosovo Liberation Army (KLA) during the hottest phases of the Kosovo crisis in the 1990s, including the role of international actors in the development of Albanian terrorism in the Serbian province. In the article, the authors conclude that Albanian separatism is not a spontaneously organized ethnic group with the aim of fighting against "terror" perpetrated by state power, but is instead the embodiment of the idea of a "Greater Albania", projected in the First and Second Prizer Leagues. Western countries also actively supported the formation, training, logistical support and funding of the KLA. The leader among Western states supporting Albanian separatism in Serbia was the United States, which provided Kosovo separatists with comprehensive support. With the adoption of UN Security Council Resolution 1244 and the arrival of the UN Military and Civil Mission in Kosovo and Metohija (KFOR and UMNIK), Albanian extremists and terrorists used all-out violence to expel the non-Albanian population from Kosovo and Metohija. The separation of Kosovo from Serbia, which took place under the careful guidance of the international community represented by the USA and the EU, as well as the recognition of the so-called Kosovo's "independence" by, above all, Western countries, grossly violated not only UNSC Resolution 1244 and international law in general, but also created an international legal precedent which gave other proponents of territorial secession an excuse and right to seek the same as that of the so-called Kosovo.

Keywords: KLA, Kosovo, USA, NATO, Albania, terrorism, separatism, Serbia, Kosovo and Metohija, extremism

Abstract: The article is devoted to the US foreign policy during one of the most acute crises of the Cold War period. The issue of the Eisenhower administration's choice of a strategy of deterrence and non-interference in the military action of NATO allies is debatable and relevant as a historical experience in the development of geostrategic guidelines in the US foreign policy strategy. The purpose of the article is to identify the main risks and opening prospects for the United States in the choice of foreign policy strategy in the Middle East in the context of the development of the Suez crisis. The methodological basis of the study is the historical-genetic, historical-comparative, historical-typological methods. It has been established that the reasons that prompted the United States to form an appropriate strategy included geopolitical and economic motives: the desire to take a leading position in the Middle East, demonstrating an alternative to Great Britain and France; the desire to win the trust of Egypt, which has the potential of a leader in the region and military-strategic contacts with the USSR; readiness to join economic sanctions against Egypt with the potential to receive economic and political dividends and competitive advantages; preference to keep the possibility of balancing between the sides in the Arab-Israeli confrontation. The author comes to the conclusion that during the Suez crisis of 1956, the United States acted rationally, but in the conditions of the current moment.

Keywords: Middle East, Israel, Egypt, France, Great Britain, USSR, USA, Suez Crisis, Cold War, NATO

Abstract: The authors consider the problem of the significance of Egypt's policy in the context of the transformation of the US geostrategic approaches in the Middle East in 1953–1956. It is shown that the approaches of the United States that have undergone transformation, which sought to create a controlled military-political bloc of the states of the Middle East region, were not implemented largely due to the policy of Egypt. Continuing the implementation of the military-political project - the Baghdad Pact, Washington not only did not achieve the favor of Cairo, but also caused its extremely negative reaction, which became a derivative of the understanding that American initiatives were an attempt to strengthen Egypt's traditional rival in the struggle for leadership in the Arab world – Iraq. A special contribution of the authors to the study of the topic is the designation of the role of Egypt as a regional power capable of creating alternative military projects to American initiatives. The circumstances preventing the inclusion of Cairo in the military-political bloc of states in the Middle East initiated by the United States, which directed a number of Arab countries against such initiatives, sympathizing with the anti-colonial sentiments of the Egyptian leadership, are indicated. It was revealed that the persistence of the initiatives of the Western states and the methods of their implementation prompted Cairo to seek protection in the face of an alternative center of power. Therefore, in the conditions of aggravation of Egyptian-Israeli relations on the eve of the Suez crisis, Egypt is drawing closer to the USSR. However, Washington retained the possibility of rapprochement with Cairo, not formally becoming a member of the Baghdad Pact, and also «staying aside» in the military anti-Egyptian action of Great Britain, France and Israel.

Keywords: Dwight Eisenhower, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Iraq, USSR, League of Arab States, Great Britain, Baghdad Pact, Middle East, USA, Egypt

Abstract: The author considers the problem of the role of Egypt in the US policy in the Middle East in the early 1950s. It is shown that a new political circumstances in the regions of the Middle and Near East forced the United States to act as a competitor to Great Britain. The United States understood the importance of gradually ousting Great Britain from the region, trying to prevent the increase of Soviet influence there using various methods. At the same time, the implementation of US's plan to form a controlled military-political bloc of Middle Eastern states in 1950-1953 proved to be untenable for various reasons. The decisive role in this regard was played by the position held by Egypt. A special contribution of the authors to the study of the topic is the focus on the project "Middle East Command", as the first failed plan of the military bloc of Western countries in the region. It was revealed that the US stake on Egypt as a conductor of its interests turned out to be unjustified. The US administration objectively saw in the anti-British movement, which was gaining momentum in Egypt during this period, an opportunity to strengthen its influence. However, with the approval of G. A. Nasser in power in Egypt, a new foreign policy strategy was being developed, which was based on efforts to raise the patriotism of the Arab countries and unite the Arabs in the fight against the colonial past. Also, US's efforts to achieve coexistence of Egypt and Israel in a single policy not brought the desired results. In the context of the unresolved Palestinian issue and the aggravation of the Arab-Israeli confrontation in Egypt's foreign policy, tendencies towards rapprochement with the Arab countries in the form of a number of military-political alliances were gaining momentum.

Keywords: Harry Truman, Free Officers, Gamal Abdel Nasser, Middle East Command, League of Arab States, Israel, Great Britain, Middle East, USA, Egypt

Abstract: This article is dedicated to the process of normalization of Yugoslav-Soviet relations, which took place on the background of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. The goal consists in identification of causes for the absence of strong negative influence of the Yugoslav factor in the Hungarian events upon the relations between the Soviet Union and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia. Using the analysis of a wide array of sources and systematic consideration of the international situation that formed in 1956, the authors characterize the dynamics and vector of Yugoslav-Soviet relations during this period, determine the degree of impact of the Yugoslav factor in all its manifestations upon the development of Hungarian events, as well as trace the influence of the Hungarian Revolution upon Yugoslav-Soviet relations. The scientific novelty of this research consists in the analysis of direct and indirect participation of Yugoslavia in the conflict, which has been traditionally regarded as the conflict between the Soviet Union and Hungary alone. The conclusion is made that in 1956, the Soviet Union sought to unite the socialist countries on the background of tense foreign policy situation, trying to overcome the consequences of the conflict of 1948 and “attach” Yugoslavia to the bloc. Despite the fact that such intentions were jeopardized by the events of 1956 due to a range of controversial steps taken by Belgrade, Moscow did not immediately turn to public criticism of the Yugoslavs, as the mutual cooperation between the two countries was rather advantageous that the return to the situation of 1948 – 1953.

Keywords: the Cold War, Nikita Khrushchev, Josip Broz Tito, Soviet-Yugoslav relations, Hungarian revolution, Hungary, Yugoslavia, USSR, international relations, the socialist camp

Abstract: The subject of this article is the policy and ruling techniques of the Ottoman Empire in Western Caucasus as a whole, and Abkhazia in particular, implemented due to expansion of military and economic presence of the Russian Empire in Caucasus in the early XIX century. Such methods include bringing local population (mostly representative of aristocracy – princes and noblemen) to the side of the Ottoman Empire for returning their dominance in the countries and cities (fortresses), considered by the Sublime Porte as the territories of their authority, and unlawfully annexed by the Russian Empire (namely the Principality of Abkhazia). This resulted in clash of interest of both superpowers that unfolded in Abkhazia and neighboring Circassia in the early XIX century. The scientific novelty consists in introduction into the scientific discourse of previously unpublished sources from the Ottoman State Archive of the President of the Republic of Turkey, as well as the Russian State Military-Historical Archive, which shed light on the methods of Ottoman control over the territories of Western Caucasus (Principality of Abkhazia, Circassia), as well as on the complicated questions regarding the clash of interests of the Russian and Ottoman empires in the region. The relevance of this work is substantiated by usage of both, Russian and Ottoman unpublished archival materials for describing the Ottoman ruling techniques in the region.

Keywords: Sukhum, conflict, Circassia, Abkhazia, The Ottoman empire, The Russian empire, The Western Caucasus, Novorossiysk, Anapa, The Caucasus

Abstract: This article is dedicated to the analysis of Turkey-Syria conflict. The is to examine the causes and course of this confrontation from the perspective of historical prerequisites, as well as assess the prospects of further cooperation within the framework of transforming system of international relations and change in the regional balance of powers in the Near East. Detailed analysis is conducted on the policy of the leadership of the Republic of Turkey with regards to Syria since its foundation until the present. Special attention is turned to the Turkey’s current Near East policy, in which Ankara attempts to strengthen its positions in the region, using Syria as a space for implementation of its Neo-Ottoman ideas. The article also reveals a range of problems that impede normalization of the bilateral relations between Turkey and Syria at the present stage. The conclusion is substantiates that there is a high likelihood of continued confrontation between Turkey and Syria in the short-term perspective. It is noted that the situation may change under the condition of the change of power in both countries, and coming to power of the government oriented towards mutually beneficial regional cooperation.

Keywords: conflict, crisis, Turkish-Syrian relations, Syria, Turkey, Middle East, Neo-Ottomanism, military operations, territorial disputes, security

Abstract: The subject of this study is the diplomatic background of the European 1812-1814 conflict. The goal of this work is to reveal how the Russian Emperor Alexander I, facing a seemingly impossible situation, managed to establish relations with Stockholm and Constantinople, protecting his Empire from the north and the south before the war of 1812. On the other hand, it is also necessary to discuss the reasons that lead to the failure to prevent the March, 1812 treaties between France, Prussia and Austria which were disadvantageous for Russia. For this purpose it is fruitful to turn to the studies of A.N.Popov, a prominent Russian historian of the late XIX century. Using the method of historical and psychological research, the author draws attention to the reconstruction of ideas, goals and motives of the main actors. The novelty of this research is based on the historical and psychological substantiation of the actions of Napoleon's and Alexander I instead of explaining their policies by a vulgar need to outsmart each other, or to claim a territory. The main conclusion is that Napoleon, facing a difficult situation as the continental blockade of Great Britain started to fail, could not, or did not want to go on using politics and economy, turning to the methods of using military force, well-tested in the 1789-1799's French Revolution. Alexander I responded using diplomatic maneuvers, but later responded with overt resistance, turning Napoleon's weapon against himself, using French Revolution’s rhetoric empathizing the justice of fighting for freedom and independence.  

Keywords: Alexander Nikolaevich Popov, Napoleonic wars, Napoleon I, Alexander I, diplomatic history of Europe, Russia, France, Great Britain, Prussia, Austria

Abstract: The subject of this study is the American strategy to combat the so-called. "Islamic state" during the presidency of D. Trump. Although the United States and its allies managed to achieve significant success over the course of military operations against the so-called “Islamic state”, the resources available to the United States are clearly not sufficient to resolve the crisis in Syria on American terms. Hence the fluctuations in the approaches of American leaders to the issue of the American presence in this Arab country. The study was performed in the framework of the neorealistic paradigm. During the study, the author uses the methodology of comparative and factor analysis. The use of this methodology allowed the author to identify the different and coinciding interests of the leading actors of the Middle East policy, primarily the USA. For the first time, the author was able to show a close correlation between the American Middle East strategy, which boils down to attempts to combine the fight against international terrorism with the forced regime changes of sovereign states, and the gradual formation of the Iranian-Russian-Turkish alliance, which clearly contradicts American plans. The study demonstrates the evolution of the US Middle East strategy during the Trump administration.    

Keywords: the military-political leadership, the Syrian political process, the Russian-Iranian Union, the Islamic state, the anti-Assad opposition, the regime change, anti-ISIS coalition, National security strategy, the Russian factor, the Kurdistan workers ' party

Abstract: The subject of this study is the dangerous hot spot of international tension, the Republic of South Sudan (RSS), which has been the focus of the peacekeeping mission which involves 10,000 "blue helmets", including a 4-thousand strong regional defense force. The author examines the situation in the RSS from the viewpoint of the increased economic interest by the major international players being focused on this region, and reaches a substantiated conclusion that there is a targeted, strategically, organizationally and methodically planned interference of foreign actors in the domestic business of this lucrative African area. Over the course of this study, the author uses the structural and functional method for analyzing the information, which allows for outlining the types of interference and, through it, to unveil the active and passive actors of the interference into the affairs of this region. To sum up the study, the author offers a prognosis of the further rise in the tendencies for the emergence of new tension hotspots, basing on the difficulty of the transition from the unipolar world to a multipolar world, resulting in the spread of double standards policies, and the permissiveness of "great powers", the reluctance of those in power to step down on one side, and the desire of others to establish themselves in the region, on the other side, as well as gross violations of international Law and the lack of any real mechanisms to reign in the ambitions of trans-continental actors.  

Keywords: geopolitical domination, military-political conflict, interference, sovereignty, independence, hotbed of tension, Republic of South Sudan, oil, peacekeepers, agressive non-state actors

Abstract: The object of this study is the influence of the issue of national minorities in the Democratic Republic of Congo on the security in the Great African Lakes region. The author examines the issues of the displeasure of the Tutsi Congolese (the Banyamulenge) regarding their position in the society, their demands for the resolution of the issues of harassment. The author also focuses on the protection of interests by a defined ethnic group, on the brink of developing a political consciousness. The article examines various political associations, including nationalist parties. An accent is made on the so-called "Banyamulenge issue", and the following destabilization in the eastern regions of the country. The methods of empirical political studies allowed to discover the correlation between those phenomena, and to define the contradictions in the political process in the Democratic Republic of Congo. The author draws the conclusion that unsolved national issues in the Democratic Republic of Congo are the reason for the emergence of new conflict hotspots, which, combined with existing ethnic conflicts, grow into large-scale conflicts with high victim counts. According to the author, the reason for nation-based conflicts is the weakness of political authority, the lack of influence by the central authorities on the regional political processes, as well as the complexity of the interaction between the numerous ethnic groups that constitute the country's population.

Keywords: Congolese Tutsi, conflicts, ethnic groups, Africa national issues, security, Africa, natural resources, illegal armed groups, armed forces, central government

Abstract: This article focuses on the study of geopolitical and strategic aspects of Russian Air and Space forces in Syria. The goal of this article is to define the role of Russian Federation in the fight against international terrorism and islamism in Syria.The methodological basis of this research includes the systemic, structural and functional, comparative political approaches, methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, observation. The author notes that Russia's involvement in open conflict with frontline forces of international terrorism in Syria has opened a path to improving strategic partnerships with Iran, Iraq, Syria and other states for Moscow, as well as for the formation of a new system of international security in the Near and Middle East.

Keywords: diplomacy, international relations, U.S. foreign policy, world politics, Russia, geopolitics, interests, state, security, color revolutions

Abstract: The article focuses on clarifying the role of the French secret diplomacy and the French special services, which, since 1958, have made every effort to destroy the foundations of the sovereignty of the Republic of Guinea because it didn't wish to be a part of the French Commonwealth and declared a full national sovereignty. This article examines the social, political and economic factors that allowed a very small and poor African state to effectively oppose the French neo-colonialism. Using the method of historical reconstruction the author finds out the reasons for the destructive policy of France with regard to Guinea in the late 1950's - early 1970-ies. The author analyses the role of the Soviet Union and other socialist countries in providing real sovereignty to Guinea through the rebuilding its economy and financial system. The author concludes that due to the international situation prevailing in the world after the World War II, the "Françafrique" spy network failed to destroy the state security services in Portuguese Guinea as well as to kill the leader of the Guinean nation A.S. Toure. This highlights the role of the Guinean precedent in the collapse of the French colonial empire.

Keywords: Charles de Gaulle, democracy, Portugal, China, the Soviet Union, France, Guinea, Africa, "Françafrique", neo-colonialism

Abstract: A border conflict occurred in 1989 between Senegal and Mauritania, it grew into an armed conflict, and later, into a prolonged crisis. The Senegal-Mauritania 1989–1991 crisis had long-standing political, economic, and sociocultural background. The main reason for the conflict was the lack of resolution of territorial disputes between the two countries, reaching from colonial times. The conflict between two countries sparked ethnic and racial tensions between African and Arab population in Senegal — and aggravated an existing one in Mauritania. The methodological basis of this research consists of systemic, structural-functional, comparativehistorical, comparative-political, geopolitical, cultural-civilizational approaches, and the methods of analysis, synthesis, induction, deduction, modeling and observation. Along with the escalation of the Senegal-Mauritania conflict, mass riots have taken place, and fighting between two ethnic groups broke out, resulting in hundreds dead and thousands forced to become refugees. The harshest consequences of the Senegal-Mauritania conflict are humanitarian. Thousands of afro-Mauritian refugees that fled their homes during the conflict still cannot return to Mauritania, and thousands more who returned cannot restore their homes, their land, and their status, and even citizenship.

Keywords: Conflict studies, foreign politics, Senegal, Mauritania, political instability, conflict, slavery, interests, values, security.