Abstract: The article analyzes the French migration policy in the 1960s and 1970s, when a large number of migrant workers from the Maghreb countries arrived in the country, with an emphasis on the significance of the decree on family reunification that came into force in 1976. In modern historiography, both French and Russian, there is an idea that this decree became one of the main mistakes of the presidency of Valery Giscard d'Estaing, symbolized the beginning of the policy of opening borders, attracting a large number of migrants from North Africa to the Fifth Republic and ultimately served as a starting point for the spread of Islam in France, the growth of religious radicalism and, in general, to the modern crisis of national and religious identity. The article is based on the latest achievements of French and Russian historiography. In particular, for the first time in Russian historiography, the results of the research of the French historian Muriel Cohen are introduced into scientific circulation, largely due to which the interpretation of the 1976 decree has changed in France. The article shows that in fact, the procedure for family reunification has not changed significantly since the end of World War II. However, depending on economic conditions and the degree of need for new migrants, law enforcement practice has changed. The French authorities liberally interpreted the issue of housing compliance with established standards in the 1960s during a period of shortage of workers, and vice versa, seriously approached the issuance of certificates of compliance with housing conditions in the 1970s. During the growth of unemployment and discontent of the French population with a large number of migrants from the Maghreb countries. Thus, the decree adopted in 1976 did not make significant adjustments to the migration policy of France and did not lead to an increase in the number of migrants in the country.

Abstract: Based on documents from the archives of the French Foreign Ministry and the Russian State Archive of Modern History, the article analyzes Soviet-Algerian relations through the prism of the rivalry between Moscow and Paris in the period from Algeria's independence in 1962 to the nationalization in 1971 by the Algerian leadership of oil transportation facilities and 51% of the shares of French oil companies operating in the Arab state. In the first years after the signing of the Evian Agreements of 1962, loans provided by the USSR, supplies of Soviet equipment, the start of a program to train national personnel, as well as assistance from other socialist countries helped Algeria to stabilize the socio-economic situation in the country.
Up until 1968, Moscow's actions in Algeria did not affect strategically important areas for France.     However, the aggravation of French-Algerian relations due to Paris' non-compliance with the Algerian wine purchase agreement and, more importantly, the Algerian leadership's desire for independence from France in the oil sector and, at the same time, the beginning of supplies of Algerian wine to the USSR in 1968 and Moscow's assistance in the exploration and exploitation of oil fields in Algeria led to the beginning of the Soviet-French rivalry for the Algerian market.
As a result, France and other Western countries were able to impose serious competition on the USSR, significantly reducing Moscow's capabilities in the Algerian direction. The USSR promoted Algeria's independence from France in the oil sector, but failed to make Algeria part of the socialist bloc. The main beneficiary of the Soviet-French rivalry was Algeria itself, which received significant support from the USSR in creating modern industry, agriculture and in the field of training qualified personnel, while retaining ample opportunities to enter Western markets.

Abstract: The article analyzes the French state policy on the preservation of national and religious identity in the period from the march for equality and against racism in 1983 to the first scandal with the wearing of religious clothing in a public educational institution in 1989.
"SOS Racism" was created in 1984. with the support of the ruling Socialist Party in France at that time and thanks to the attention of the major media, he quickly became the most famous anti-racist organization in France, turning into a symbol of French policy towards migrants of Muslim faith.
  The article, based on modern French historiography and memoirs of direct participants in the events, shows that the main activity of "SOS Racism" was aimed at working with university students and lyceum students in order to consolidate left-wing political views among young people to counter the growing popularity of the National Front, and not at improving the lives of migrants in the difficult suburbs of large French cities. Over time, SOS Racism increasingly turned from a public to a political organization, which became especially noticeable during the pre-election campaign before the presidential elections of 1988, when SOS Racism held large-scale events in support of F. Mitterrand. As a result, a power vacuum appeared in the suburbs of large cities, which was quickly filled by Muslim organizations, some of which were radical, fundamentalist in nature and almost all of them existed on foreign money. Thus, the rise in popularity of the Salafists and the Muslim Brotherhood, which began in the 1980s, largely determining the agenda of radical Islam in the modern Fifth Republic, was, among other things, a consequence of the unsuccessful work of the "SOS Racism" with the migrant community of France.

Abstract: The author of the article uses the newest French scientific literature, Mass Media materials and analytical research of social organizations to study the evolution of the process of polarization of political life in France and radicalization of the rightwing, in which moderate ideas give way to the rightist ones. The failure of the European constitution referendum in 2005, the legalization of same-sex marriage by the French Parliament in 2013, François Fillon’s victory in the primaries of the rightists and the centrists in 2016 - are the crucial steps in the process of radicalization of the rightwing in France. The author gives special attention to Éric Zemmour’s ideas and his role in the modern political system of the Fifth Republic. Zemmour intentionally puts the question of preservation of national and religious identity of France and the problem of the spread of Islam in the country to the centre of political discussion, adding the islamophobia issue to the Marine Le Pen’s arabophobia and trying to make a new core of France’s political life out of the confrontation of the moderate and the radical ideas, as it was with the struggle of the rightwing and the leftwing before 2017. Zemmour has no chances to win the 2022 election, and his participation is questionable, however the popularity of his ideas can lead to the formation of a new pole of France’s politics as a result of the 2022 election - Identitarian, conservative and Catholic. 
 

Abstract: The relations with Arab countries have always been an intrinsic component of French foreign policy, predominately in the de Gaulle's Fifth Republic. Namely in the 1960s the General de Gaulle laid the groundwork for the so-called “new Arab” policy of France, intended for consolidation of the country's role in the Middle East and the Mediterranean, as well as for overcoming issues in the relationship with Arab countries caused the colonial past of France. Leaning on the wide range of scientific literature and sources, including the documents from the Archive of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of France, the author reviews the circumstances of signing a major contract by France for delivering arms to Libya in 1970, few months after the Libyan Revolution and assumption of power by Muammar Gaddafi. The signed in 1970 Franco-Libyan agreement was congruent with the overall context of “new Arab” policy of Gaullist France, and can be regarded as its symbol. Special attention is given to the factors that prompted French leadership to military cooperation with Libya, although France was aware that it could aggravation relations not only with Israel, but also with the United States. Along with the interests of French military-industrial complex, oil factor, and, prospects for the development of Franco-Libyan cooperation, an important role played rivalry between France, USSR and the countries of socialist camp, the activity of which increased in the third world countries during the 1960s – 1970s. In a way, namely the concerns about the growing influence of Moscow in the Middle East and the Mediterranean accelerated the “new Arab” policy of France.

Abstract: The author considers France’s politics in the field of integration of child migrants into the system of secondary school education during the first three years of E. Macron’s presidency (2017 - 2020). The author gives special attention to the measures against the proliferation of religious radicalism among young people. The author proves that, unlike his predecessors whose steps were limited to merely counter-terrorist measures, Macron focuses on the individual approach to each detected radicalism case or behavior and on taking particular steps aimed at the prevention, monitoring and combating such cases. Generally speaking, Macron pursues the mainstream right policy on the issues of integration of representatives of religious and national minorities into the school education system. The steps taken by him, such as compulsory kindergarten attendance since the age of three, the reduction of the number of pupils at elementary school rooms, and the closing of the ELCO program, should lead to the improvement of the situation and can promote the Republic return to the lost territories in the suburbs of large cities. At the same time, the President of France avoids radical measures (e.g. the Arab language remains one of foreign languages studied at school) which could “stigmatize” the Musliim community of France. 
 

Abstract: In March 2004, the law prohibiting wearing of conspicuous religious symbols in public schools was adopted in France. Today, it may be said that the law aimed at protection of the principles f secularity in secondary education turned schools into “islands of the Republic”, worsening the identity crisis in areas of concern of the Fifth Republic.  The article analyzes the causes that propelled the French Parliament to adopt the law of 2004, as well as the legal and ethno-confessional aspects of its text that are the center of public discussion throughout the past 15 years. This work was written on the basis of the contemporary French historiography, reports of the government and civic organizations, materials of the French national press. The relevance of the selected topic lies in the fact that the experience of France, which first experienced the identity crises in schools, with escalation of religious radicalism among the school students, as well as contestation of school curriculum of various subjects due to the religious beliefs of children and their parents, is quite valuable for other countries, including Russia.

Abstract: Over recent years, in the face of migration crisis, growing popularity of Islam and the failure of multiculturalism policy, public demand for the rightward turn in the politics, from centrism to conservatism, has been growing in France. The article analyzes the main stages of “awakening” of conservative, specifically Catholic, electorate: from the 1968 defeat to emerging from coma during the legalisation of same-sex marriage by the French Parliament in 2012. The author uses the historic, chronological and system methods to both analyze the evolution of political life in France of the last half a century, and consider the role of rightist political parties and movements in the political system. The research is based on the analysis if the latest French historiography and materials of the most influential mass media. The topicality of the issue consists in the fact that the rightist turn in politics is typical for many European countries. As for France, the victory of conservative François Fillon in the rightist primaries in 2016, or the election of  Laurent Wauquiez as a leader of the republicans in 2017, as well as Marion Maréchal-Le Pen’s high ratings, prove that French conservatives have fairly meaningful political future.
 

Abstract: This article demonstrates the factors of the advancement of religiosity in radical forms among the youth in outskirts of large French cities, as well as the impact of this process upon the development of education system in the country. The author minutely analyzes the issues experienced by the teachers in secular schools and colleges under the conditions of actual penetration of the religious questions and dogmas into educational process. The article also presents the possible ways out of the crisis of national and religious identity that has developed in France.  This work is prepared based on the contemporary French literature and primarily the recently released book “Director of College or Imam of the Republic”, which rapidly gained popularity in France. The scientific novelty consists in the fact that the text provides an “inward glance” upon the problems of the French secondary education. Considering the popularity of religious organizations among youth worldwide, the presented in the article solutions to the problem carry universal character and are suitable not only for the Fifth Republic.

Abstract: The topic of preservation of national identity gradually becomes central in life of the modern France. Emmanuel Macron during the presidency campaign of 2017 drew a veil over this subject, having no desire to play in field of his major adversary – the leader of National Front Marine Le Pen. However, considering the importance of the problem and heightened attention of mass media towards her, throughout his presidency will be forced to clearly formulate his position and conduct national and religious policy. The article analyzes the situation established after the presidential and parliamentary elections of 2017 in France, as well as the first decisions adopted by Emmanuel Macron as a President of France. The author comes to a conclusion that Macron’s policy pertinent to the question of preservation of national identity will gradually approach the ideas of the moderate right-wing parties  and movements, and take its place between the well-known legal concepts: “unhappy identity” of Alain Finkielkraut and “happy identity” of Alain Juppé.

Abstract: In November of 2016 and January of 2017, the two largest party of France – the Republicans and Socialist Party, held the open primary election for nominating their candidate for the presidential elections. The article analyzed the causes for holding the primary election, as well as their consequences for the French political system. The author comes to a conclusion that despite the number of obvious advantages that are common to such event in various countries, it led to negative results in France by discrediting the future of the two major political powers and existence of the system of Fifth Republic. Method of this research consists in the analysis of just-completed presidential campaign in France. Leaning on the central French news media, the author examines the impact of prime election upon the final result of the presidential elections of 2017. The recently ended presidential campaign in France became unique for the Fifth Republic. There is yet no published material on this matter in the Russian or foreign historiography, which defines the scientific novelty of this article.