The pragmatic function of neologisms in the modern Russian media discourse

Yaremchuk Aleksandr Vladimirovich Postgraduate student; Department of Russian Language and Speech Culture; Rostov State University of Economics (RINH) 344113, Russia, Rostov region, Rostov-On-Don, Korolev Ave., 13 alex.v.yaremchuk@gmail.com

Linguistic pragmatics and the pragmatic function of the word

Language has long been more than just a system of sound and vocabulary-grammatical tools that consolidate the results of thinking. With the help of language and speech, native speakers communicate with each other, as well as exchange thoughts and express their attitudes towards certain things. The section of semiotics that studies the relationship between such sign systems and those who use them is called pragmatics. The very concept was introduced by the philosopher Charles William Morris in 1938, when his scientific work "Signs, Language and Behavior" was published ^[21]. In it, he not only developed the ideas of American pragmatism and analytical philosophy, but also derived such a concept as semiotics (the science of signs). In his work, Ch.Morris created a theory of signs, and also tried to explain their nature, functions and interaction in various systems. As a result, he considered semiotics as a synthesis of three different directions.:

● Semantics is a science that studies the meaning of signs and the relationships between them, as well as the objects they denote.

Syntactics is the science that studies the relationships between signs in sign systems.

● Pragmatics is a science that studies the relationship between signs and their users.

Thus, "Pragmatics" as a branch of semiotics and linguistics studies how signs (including words and expressions) behave in communicative processes. Pragmatics is also about the ability of native speakers to express their own intentions with the help of individual words or syntactic constructions and to understand the intentions of the interlocutor; that is, why and why he uttered a particular utterance, based on the context, the situation in which the utterance was uttered. This allows the same object or object to be called in different ways. B.Y. Norman cited as an example lexemes that can be used to name an active and disobedient child: from "tomboy" to "daredevil" ^[13].

Among the Russian scientists who studied the functioning of pragmatics and its functions in the Russian language were Yu.M. Lotman, V.V. Vinogradov, A.M. Pyatigorsky and others. Russian Russian linguists were able to make a significant contribution to the development of the general theory of pragmatics based on the works of Charles Morris and John Austin, applying its concepts to the peculiarities of the Russian language and expanding the understanding of the pragmatic function of the language as a whole.

If we consider specifically the Russian language, then it plays a major role in the implementation of one or another pragmatic function. In oral speech, this is done using lexical means (marker words; evaluative vocabulary; emotionally colored words and expressions), intonation, grammatical and paralinguistic means, as well as using modal words and particles. There are many more tools in writing: in addition to the above, you can also mention syntactic tools, introductory constructions, conjunctions, graphic tools, tropes, quotations and references. However, if we consider how the pragmatic function is implemented in media discourse, then the situation is different here.

Features of the implementation of the pragmatic function in the context of media discourse

The very concept of media discourse implies the synergy of products and processes of speech activity in such a field as mass communication. Thanks to media discourse, it is possible to obtain a cultural and linguistic cross-section of society in its current situation ^[2]. Media discourse is a kind of mirror of society, as well as its participants. The media discourse can be used to read public sentiment and attitudes towards certain topics. At the end of the 20th century, a communication model was formed, according to which media discourse still "works". It consists of the following components ^[4-5]:

● The sender of the message (in our case, this is the media, i.e. the addressee);

● The recipient of the message (the media audience, i.e. the addressee);

● Channel (it can be a newspaper, Internet portal, radio, television, etc.);

● Message (news, note, materials generated by the sender);

● Feedback (generated by recipients as part of the response to the sender's message);

● Encoding and decoding;

● Context.

We would like to focus specifically on this context, because it is precisely this context that affects not only the reality, but also the pragmatic function of the message, as well as the sender and recipient. If text and oral speech intersect only in some means to implement a pragmatic function, then there are literally no restrictions on the use of linguistic means in media discourse: after all, media discourse itself is a complex and multimedia phenomenon.

As previously noted, the media discourse has various channels for delivering messages to recipients. Among them there are periodicals, television, radio and the Internet ^[17]. Thanks to radio and sound, any information message, within the framework of media discourse, can be given one or another pragmatic function using paralinguistic means, intonation, etc. Television allows you to use the same tools, but also visually accompany the text and the narrator's story. The Internet not only combines the above-mentioned means of implementation, but also allows for more substantive and detailed work with the context, as well as with feedback, which directly or indirectly comes and affects the further formation of the message and the media discourse as a whole. However, in our opinion, neologisms are a key factor in the implementation of pragmatic functions in media discourse.

Neologisms themselves can be borrowings, new phraseological units, and words that constantly appear in the language. As A.N. Nikolyukin notes in his dictionary, it is often difficult to trace the history of the emergence of such lexemes, and specifically common-language neologisms, since most of them arise anonymously ^[12]. Neologisms themselves are classified according to their source, purpose, and methods of occurrence. There are also individual authorial neologisms in the language, which are formed based on specific artistic goals. However, as part of our analysis and the study of other studies, we can conclude that for the most part neologisms are formed in order to name new phenomena and objects. In addition, neologisms are able to implement certain pragmatic functions, just like any other part of speech in a language.

If we talk about the media discourse itself and its connection with neologisms, then it is worth noting the fact that the media discourse itself depends very much on the relevance and general information and news agenda ^[21]. It is important for its participants, both addressees and addressees, to respond promptly and clearly to certain events that later become part of the media discourse. In addition, there remains a need to implement some specific pragmatic function, using not only established lexemes in the Russian language, but also new words. Thus, neologisms get into and become part of the media discourse. solve several controversial issues for the sender and recipient at once:

● The speed of obtaining information increases;

● The recipient's language is enriched (in our case, it is Russian);

● The sender manages to create a closer contact with the recipient of the information;

● Accelerated integration into global language processes of native speakers of the recipient's language;

We do not deny that for every positive aspect, there can be a negative one, for example, the excessive use of Anglicisms can lead to clogging of the language and its degradation. Therefore, more and more often, not only scientists who deal with the ecology of language, purist scientists, but also political figures speak about the need to "get rid" of foreign words ^[22], as well as somehow regulate their use in the language. But despite the conflicts, the use of neologisms (including foreign ones) helps, first of all, to form the necessary images and narratives. Further, as part of the analysis of the pragmatic function of neologisms in media discourse, we would like to divide neologisms into the following two groups:

● Neologisms formed using the resources of the Russian language

● Foreign language neologisms

The fact is that due to the difference between them, in media texts they solve completely different tasks and perform dissimilar pragmatic functions.

Examples of the implementation of a pragmatic function in media discourse using the example of neologisms formed at the expense of the resources of the Russian language

Take, for example, the word "kinodel" - a neologism that arose as a result of the addition of two bases: cinema — the base, derived from the Greek root kineo (movement), which in Russian has become established as an abbreviation for "cinema" and "affairs" — a suffixally truncated part of the base, derived from the verb to do, which indicates on the process or result of the activity. Specifically, such word formation (through the connection of parts) emphasizes the initial desire to save linguistic resources and create a concise colloquial name. If we look at the material "The Star of The Witcher revealed his attitude to bed scenes" ^[23], we can see which pragmatic functions were implemented in the context of this material.

If terms such as "director" or "cinematographer" are used to emphasize status, then the lexeme "kinodel" in its semantics focuses not on creative potential, but on a craft, sometimes even a mechanical approach to working with cinema. This neologism seems to distance the author of the statement from the object of criticism, expressing a skeptical attitude towards modern trends in cinema. "Cavill stated that modern filmmakers are abusing bed scenes. Most of them, according to the actor, do not make sense and cause discomfort on the set": using the verb "abuse", as well as focusing on the fact that there is no meaning in such episodes, allows the author to additionally emphasize the emotionally colored context.

In the era of the coronavirus, many neologisms with an emotional context have appeared in the Russian language. For example, one of them is "Anti—Masochnik" - it consists of the prefix "anti-" (indicates opposition, denial) and the basics are "masked" (a person who wears a mask). The suffix "-nickname" has the meaning of belonging. This token was usually applied to those who refused to wear a mask in public during the pandemic. In an article from Moskovsky Komsomolets, "Ride under guard: alarm buttons will appear on Novgorod buses" ^[24] this word appears in the following sentence: "In October of pandemic 2020, a 36—year‑old man opened fire with a traumatic pistol after the conductor asked him to put on a mask or get out of the cabin, the driver He refused to go any further, and his fellow travelers tried to drop off the anti-masochist. One of the four bullets fired hit the leg of another passenger." As we can see, this word is used to describe a passenger who refused to wear a mask according to the rules of sanitary standards. The use of this neologism in the context of conflict description only reinforces the author's negative attitude towards antisocial human behavior. It also serves as a marker of the social phenomenon associated with the COVID-19 pandemic, when protests against the mandatory wearing of masks were part of public discussions. Thus, this neologism performs several functions in the article under consideration.:

1. Informative — the term refers to a specific type of behavior associated with the refusal to wear masks, which has become a significant phenomenon in the context of the pandemic.

2. Evaluative — the word has a negative connotation, which builds an association with antisocial behavior and rule violations. The additional mention of "shooting" only helps to enhance this feature.

3. Identification — this lexeme allows you to identify a social group of people who do not recognize the obligation of sanitary standards, creating a basis for their discussion or condemnation.

To summarize, the "anti-clockwork" in the article performs an important function: it not only designates a specific phenomenon, but also forms the audience's attitude to the described situation. This neologism during the pandemic reflected the dynamics of modern social processes and the adaptation of the Russian language to new realities. At the same time, the token itself retained its expressiveness and emotional intensity.

Another neologism that also retains a certain emotional connotation and performs a number of pragmatic functions is "remote". It is a colloquial abbreviation of the term "remote work". It is formed by means of suffixal word formation (-k-), which is characteristic for the formation of colloquial forms with a diminutive or simplified shade of meaning. In this case, the word takes on an informal character and is used to refer to a remote work format, which is especially popular in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic.

In the publication's article news.ru the author uses a token to identify the work format, which implies participation in work processes from home. On the one hand, the author uses this neologism to emphasize the popularity and mass character of this phenomenon, and on the other, its inconsistency: "Cybersecurity specialist Sergey Vakulin previously warned that web programmers and web designers could be completely replaced by artificial intelligence in the future. According to him, most programmers work remotely, which is beneficial for organizations, but the higher the number of employees in a company, the more idlers there are" ^[25]. As we can see, on the one hand, the author, using the expert's opinion, emphasizes the economic benefits of this type of work, and on the other hand, he is critically evaluated due to the possibility of reduced productivity (an increase in the number of "idlers").

By analogy with the lexeme "antimasochnik", the neologism also implements the work of the informative, evaluative and identification functions of the word. The lexeme designates a clear format of work, allows the use of a dual meaning (in the context of a sentence) and, in addition, implements an expressive function through the juxtaposition and use of the associative connection "programmers work remotely": "profitable"; "the more of them, the more idlers").

Implementation of the pragmatic function in media discourse on the example of foreign language neologisms

There are many foreign-language borrowings among the neologisms. Some of them have become fixed over time and have already become a full-fledged part of the Russian language, while the rest have naturally fallen out of use and have been preserved only in dictionaries and studies. It is problematic to say exactly what will happen to the neologisms that we are considering in a few decades. However, as is the case with other neologisms, time will tell if they are necessary in the Russian language. Now I would like to focus on the analysis of specific lexemes as part of the study of their pragmatic function.

The word "storytelling" comes from the English language and implies the process of "telling a story." This lexeme entered the Russian language without changing its form, while retaining its semantic and phonetic identity. For example, in an article published by Vedomosti, namely in the material "Draniki with crab and khinkali Tom-yam: what to try in restaurants in Vladivostok" ^[26], the neologism is used in the following context: "According to the storytelling of the project team, the cunning nymph Circe did not want to let go of the handsome Ulysses from Voskhod Island and she created a place where an unknown Asian culture turned his mind upside down. Whether this is the case is debatable, but the restaurant's guests will definitely be impressed by the tea ceremonies, traditional Asian rituals and the freshest seafood." In this fragment, we can observe how the neologism is used in the context of describing the marketing concept of a restaurant. "Storytelling" specifically in this case means not just a story about a project, but its strategy, which is aimed at creating an emotional connection between the brand and the audience through a fascinating story. Using this term, the author of the article emphasizes that the owners of this restaurant have taken care not only of the quality of products and dishes, but also of the image. The pragmatic function of the neologism "storytelling" in this case is as follows:

1. Implementation of an informative function. Thanks to the neologism, the author clarifies that the restaurant's communication with guests is based not only on products and services, but also on a carefully constructed emotional background.

2. The word adds a modern professional touch to the text. Thanks to him, the author manages to emphasize the fact that modern marketing approaches are used in the institution.

3. The use of this neologism forms an association with creativity and innovation. This allows the audience to perceive this restaurant as a premium segment establishment.

Thus, storytelling in this text fulfills the task of designating a modern approach to brand promotion, focusing on the professionalism of the project team. In addition, the text conveys the message of the relevance of the object, belonging to international marketing trends.

Another neologism that, once in the Russian language, also tends to follow international trends is "merch". The token itself is an abbreviated form of borrowing from the English language "merchandise", which in the original designates goods usually associated with a brand or artist. In Russian, it has become actively used among fans of music, movies, video games and other forms of popular culture, namely in the context of selling souvenirs related to popular personalities or events. In the Izvestia article, it is used in the following context: "In addition to live high-quality sound, Alice fans have received a new merch and a comfortable pastime" ^[27]. In addition to the obvious use of a neologism to indicate the presence of attributes dedicated to the group, the lexeme also, in the context of the article, acts as a marker of belonging to the modern vocabulary of "fan culture". This helps to make the text light and informal, as well as to emphasize the relevance of the event to modern trends. After all, the presence of "merch" at the band's concert is an attribute of the band actively working with its fans. Although the emotional intensity of the term "merch" in this context is minimal, it still retains a functional, almost neutral character, functioning solely as a communication tool. However, fans who are well acquainted with the cultural connotation of this word will have positive associations associated with involvement in the unique experience that the band offers to all concert-goers.

Another neologism that also came from the English language is "coworking". This token is used when it comes to collaboration or the organization of a workspace. In the Russian language, the term was adapted without changing its form, so it retained a neutral emotional connotation. In the article "Most remote workers do not want to return to the office" ^[28], the author uses this word in the following sentence: "It also turned out that almost half of the respondents did not equip a full-fledged workplace at home and work wherever they have to: on the couch, in an armchair, in a coworking space, cafe. Another 52% of respondents work at their desk, and another 11% have set aside an entire office for themselves." Firstly, the neologism performs the function of informing (it indicates an affordable solution for those who cannot or do not want to work from home), and secondly, thanks to the use of the term by the author of the article, it gives it the previously mentioned progressivity and modernity, attaching to the word "coworking" a symbol of a new approach to labor organization. which has become possible thanks to digital technologies. Thus, coworking in this text not only denotes a specific phenomenon, but also becomes a symbol of the transformation of labor culture, where flexibility and a variety of work formats are becoming the new norm. E.G. Kulikova considers "coworking" from the point of view of linguoecology.: "The new type of business, called coworking (co + working) in the USA, is officially called cotravail in French, cotrabajo in Spanish, and cotreball in Catalan. In the Russian language, no one defends their similar word, co-work, it seems to be "Russophilia", a return to Shishkovsky's "wet-outs". This may be true of this word, but there is no corresponding practice in cases where the Russian equivalent is ethically and aesthetically acceptable." The use of this loan reflects not only linguistic changes, but also lifestyle changes that are taking place in modern Russia, emphasizing the connection of local realities with global trends.

Conclusion

After analyzing the current neologisms in the Russian media discourse, it is safe to say that they perform a fairly wide range of pragmatic functions that reflect both social and cultural changes in society and the world. First of all, neologisms serve as a tool for accurate and expressive communication of thought. However, their impact on the audience's perception depends not only on the meaning, but also on the form, origin, and context of use.

Neologisms formed at the expense of the Russian language, such as "kinodel", "antimasochnik", "udalenka" often turn out to be emotionally saturated and expressive. They allow the author to express his attitude to the described object or phenomenon, without hiding his position, whether it is ridicule, criticism, approval or irony. These lexemes, due to their expressiveness, create a cultural context, reflect the mentality and emotional reaction of native speakers. They make the text not only informative, but also convincing, allowing you to establish contact with the audience through emotional identification.

At the same time, foreign language borrowings such as "storytelling", "coworking", "merch" are perceived as more neutral and "sterile". Their main function is to inform and identify phenomena that are very often associated with global trends, technologies, or cultural borrowings. The use of neologisms specifically of this group allows the author of articles and texts to create the effect of "modernity", demonstrate his own erudition and awareness, as well as belonging to the global information space. However, such neologisms rarely contain a vivid emotional coloring, which limits their role in expressing an attitude towards an object.

Thus, in modern media discourse, foreign language borrowings and intra-linguistic neologisms perform complementary functions. The former strengthen the connection with the international agenda and emphasize modernization, while the latter contribute to the preservation of the Russian language, create expression, conveying emotionality and a subtle play of meanings. This allows media discourse not only to be informative, but also pictorial and expressive.