Library
|
Your profile |
International Law
Reference:
Amiantov A.A., Sodikov S.D., Rabadanov I.R.
Interparliamentary cooperation in the context of representing and realizing national interests: foreign experience of Asian countries
// International Law.
2024. № 4.
P. 107-120.
DOI: 10.25136/2644-5514.2024.4.72618 EDN: YQFIEV URL: https://en.nbpublish.com/library_read_article.php?id=72618
Interparliamentary cooperation in the context of representing and realizing national interests: foreign experience of Asian countries
DOI: 10.25136/2644-5514.2024.4.72618EDN: YQFIEVReceived: 07-12-2024Published: 24-12-2024Abstract: At the turn of the century, the role and place of interparliamentary cooperation institutions in international relations has increased. Identifying the reasons for the increased activity of interparliamentary cooperation structures makes the research topic relevant. The complexity, multifaceted nature, multi-vector and multi-actor nature of the modern global political process actualizes the search for new institutions, forms and technologies for the presentation of national interests. The article analyzes various projects and initiatives of inter-parliamentary cooperation carried out in a number of Asian countries from the point of view of their democratic legitimacy. The authors shows the numerous forms and conditions currently existing for cooperation between national parliaments. Based on the study of the content of multilateral meetings in the BRICS format, the authors traces the obvious readiness of large Asian countries to establish interstate relations on the terms of equality and mutual benefit of all participating parties. In this regard, the idea is substantiated about the importance of actively implementing the decisions of the leadership of the BRICS member countries through the parliamentary level and maintaining a constant dialogue to bring cooperation to a new level in various areas, such as economics and trade, the fight against poverty, as well as joint work in the field of international and regional issues in order to ensure peaceful coexistence and regional development of the member states. The authors focuses on the positive dynamics of the development of Chinese-Indonesian relations. The issue of developing legislative initiatives that will work towards achieving the main goals of BRICS in various areas continues to be controversial: development of common payment systems, expansion of cooperation in the judicial and legal sphere, creation of analogues of the IMF and the World Bank, etc. Keywords: BRICS, CSTO Parliamentary Assembly, law, international cooperation, inter-parliamentary cooperation, multilateral dialogue, Central Asia, International Law, Multilateral Diplomacy, International RelationsThis article is automatically translated.
The relevance of this study is determined by the fact that at present the modern system of international relations has acquired a diverse aspect related to changes in the development of international political processes, the activation of global integration structures, the identification of priorities for the political organization of states and ensuring their national security. Such global, rapidly growing trends raise the issue of creating a special space for interaction between legislative and representative institutions, one of which is interparliamentary cooperation. Within the framework of this structure, rules are being formed to ensure the solution of the most important tasks for the balanced development of countries' foreign policy, the regulation of interstate, interregional and inter-block relations, as well as the reduction of internal and external risks and the prevention of damage. In this regard, the chosen research topic is timely and relevant and is aimed at solving these problems. In modern scientific literature, the concept of "interparliamentary cooperation" is interpreted as a number of tools and strategies for building relations and developing cooperation between national parliaments. In addition, this format of cooperation involves participation in inter-parliamentary organizations, bilateral exchanges and other events where there is an opportunity to represent the interests of their countries, promote dialogue and partnership with their counterparts from other countries on various international issues. This research is based on works devoted to the study of parliamentarism as a system of organization of public policy. For example, the experience of functioning in various countries of the system under consideration is highlighted in the works of J. Curtis, S. King, S. Marshall, E. Maso, B. Wilfert [1-5]. The works of scientists A.S. Avtonomov, A.A. Belkin, Yu.Y. Boyko, O.N. Bulakov, I.N. Ryazantsev, A.D. Murzakulov and others are devoted to the study of the most important aspects of the formation and development of parliamentarism in the Russian Federation, the country's interaction with external partners, and the solution of common problems on an international scale [6-11]. In the works of V.I. Balakireva, O.V. Bakhlova, E. O. Karabaev, special attention is paid to the institutions of international political consolidation, in particular, the IPA CIS. In the research of these authors, a chronological typologization of the main stages of the Assembly's development has been carried out, and the content of the activities of this structure has been analyzed in detail [12-14]. As for the issues of the formation and development of the CSTO and EurAsEC interparliamentary institutions, they have not been fully studied and there are no scientific papers devoted to their detailed study yet. The main reason for this was that the parliamentary dimension of the CSTO and EurAsEC was institutionalized much later than in the CIS. In addition, aspects of cooperation in the format of these regional organizations have been within the competence of the IPA CIS for a long period of time, in the structure of which conditions were specially created for the work of delegations of the CSTO or EurAsEC member countries. It should be noted that the formation of institutions of interparliamentary cooperation is associated with the establishment of institutions designed to ensure the separation of powers, elections and the rule of law. The development of parliamentarism is one of the indicators of the movement of the political system towards democratic governance in general. Interparliamentary institutions, in turn, are designed to promote the democratization of inter-State relations. Despite the relevance of the interparliamentary component of cooperation for understanding the pace and prospects of development of the CIS as a whole, it remains insufficiently studied and, unfortunately, rarely becomes the object of a separate research analysis. The degree of scientific elaboration of the problem remains insufficiently deep, despite its increasing relevance, it is on the periphery of scientific research. Among the inter-parliamentary studies The Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) was established as a political multilateral organization designed to promote international partnership and conflict resolution through constructive dialogue rather than armed conflict. Throughout its history, the IPU has been an important platform for parliamentary diplomacy, allowing countries to engage in productive discussions and mediation in various fields. The influence of this organization is emphasized not only by the fact that its chairmen (Frederic Passy (1901, France), Albert Goba (1902, Switzerland), William Randall Creamer (1903, Great Britain), Frederick Bayer (1908, Denmark), Auguste Beernart (1909 Belgium), Henri Lafontaine (born in 1913, Belgium), Christian Lange (born in 1921, Norway), Ferdinand Buisson (born in 1927, France) were Nobel Peace Prize laureates. These founders made a special contribution to building a global world based on trust in political institutions on an ongoing basis. Ensuring this factor is currently extremely difficult, since most states, including ours, face problems from populist and nationalist movements [7, p. 130]. In order to resolve the contradiction between different economic growth and comprehensive development, China is organizing the "One Belt, One Road" initiative to promote the concept of inclusive development of globalization in the international community, introduce innovative models of cooperation, and reform existing global governance mechanisms in developing countries. During the discussion and exchange of views on the platforms of this initiative, representatives of parliaments demonstrate the valuable experience of their states in solving emerging problems and in achieving sustainable development of their own economy and social sphere. Within the framework of the "One Belt, One Road" events, through various thematic seminars and visits, representatives of parliaments from different countries not only have the opportunity to see China's brilliant achievements in the field of economic reform and general openness, but also to learn about problems, for example, China's unbalanced regional development and its efforts in various fields aimed at promoting the implementation of the goals of maintaining a leading position on the world stage [1, pp. 55-56]. Moreover, during the visits, representatives of the parliaments of each country compared the real situation in their countries, paying special attention to the visited projects that have important developments that can serve as an example for the development of their own country. The parliaments of most of the participating countries have stated that they will continue to cooperate in the future, with the aim of expanding exchanges in many areas and increasing mutual understanding and friendship between states [7, p. 130]. Of course, the development of Russia's relations with China is accompanied by great popularity and support from the Russian society. There is no doubt that the parliaments of the two countries should further strengthen cooperation in the legislative sphere, encourage exchanges between local legislative bodies, as well as develop cooperation in various fields such as economics, trade, interpersonal and cultural exchange [6, p. 38]. The Chinese Communist Party, for its part, is ready to strengthen exchanges and enhance cooperation with all political parties in Indonesia in order to further deepen and consolidate the society with a common future between China and Indonesia. The current agenda of interparliamentary cooperation includes a number of communications in the field of energy extraction and production, scientific research, including in the field of artificial intelligence development. Practice shows that it is politically correct to share legislative experience in these areas, implement educational and scientific projects, and create joint scientific research. The BRICS Parliamentary Forum can be described as a vivid example of solidarity, multilateral dialogue and an important symbol of parliamentary diplomacy in the system of interstate relations. Today, in a difficult geopolitical environment, there is no doubt that there is an urgent need to strengthen cooperation at all levels and support each other to jointly address issues of common concern, while increasing the level of trust between the participating countries. As for legislative initiatives, it is important to legally protect multilateralism by advocating for common prosperity, form a convenient form of interaction that promotes effective corporate activities, promote conflict resolution, ensure common and harmonious interaction, and jointly develop new tools in the field of artificial intelligence for further use in the scientific community. The BRICS organization should give an impetus to the system of international cooperation and bring it to a new level, thereby contributing to ensuring international security [8, pp. 57-58]. To this end, it is necessary to remove all obstacles and barriers to trade, make joint investments, and provide incentives for the development of infrastructure and digital technologies. And this, in turn, is impossible without strengthening inter-parliamentary cooperation, creating strong institutions, using modern technologies and promoting the development of human relations in order to jointly resolve international disputes and conflicts on the basis of equality and multipolarity [11, p.373]. As part of the Asia-Pacific Parliamentary Forum, issues related to how one-sidedness can be avoided are being discussed, as well as the increased need to harmonize the legal framework, as well as to achieve the rule of law at all levels of government. Exchanges between legislative bodies are an important part of interstate relations. Parliaments are responsible and currently have all the necessary tools to build interstate relations based on equality and mutual trust, expanding mutually beneficial cooperation. It is important to note that global governance plays a positive role, and China, in turn, is ready to work with other countries to promote global modernization that ensures peaceful existence and common prosperity, as well as jointly serve as a stabilizing force for peace, the basis for the open development of modern society [12, p. 276]. On this basis, the political mutual trust between the National Assembly of Vietnam and Laos has strengthened, effective cooperation in the field of national defense and cybersecurity can be noted, many positive trends have been achieved in economic, trade, industrial and investment cooperation, and recently there have been a number of positive changes in the quality and quantity of cooperation in the field of culture and education, as well as also in the concept of human resource development [2, pp. 130-131]. Both sides are actively implementing various provisions of the cooperation agreement, holding events for the exchange of experience between the parliaments of the two countries, paying special attention to legal issues such as legislation, constitutional amendments, as well as the formulation and implementation of economic and social development policies. Both sides maintain high-level and committee-level exchanges of visits, and it is also important to note the recently formed trilateral cooperation mechanism between the Foreign Affairs Committee of Cambodia, Laos and Vietnam related to national defense and security. The fight against terrorism and poverty, and a rapid response to climate change will certainly benefit not only current but also future generations. It is obvious that the modern world is facing geopolitical tensions, climate change, the energy crisis and other problems that no country can solve alone. For effective interparliamentary cooperation, joint work in the field of legislation and capacity-building at the national and regional levels is important, as well as the creation of a global parliamentary network of national parliamentary security committees [3, p. 71]. Guided by the Belt and Road initiative, it is important for the participating countries to continue to cooperate in areas such as social infrastructure, technological innovation, and green development. Deepening cooperation in culture, education, healthcare and other fields will promote exchanges, dialogue, mutual learning and harmonious coexistence in a multipolar world. At the ASEAN Interparliamentary Assembly, the exchange of experience in the field of legislation and supervision, the timely approval and amendment of legal documents that promote effective cooperation, as well as the promotion of exchanges between political parties, local authorities, interpersonal exchanges and other areas will strengthen communication in multilateral parliamentary organizations. For example, the solution of the Taiwan problem is an internal issue of China, but in fact we see the intervention of a number of external factors, among which the United States and Japan are the largest and most important influencing factors. From a geopolitical point of view, India is also a factor that cannot be ignored. At the same time, it should be noted that since the beginning of the 21st century, India has begun to take a more "flexible" approach to the development of Indian-Taiwanese and Sino-Indian relations. Many analysts point out that India and Taiwan should resume regular political interaction in the near future. First, the political parties of both sides should sign a memorandum of cooperation, regular exchanges and dialogues; deepen informal diplomacy, such as academic exchanges between Taiwan and Indian think tanks to expand institutional ties [9, pp. 200-201]. Secondly, to continue cooperation in the semiconductor industry in order to eventually become a global center for the production and design of electronics. Semiconductor manufacturing is a high–tech industry with the characteristics of serious capital investment, high risk, long cycle, slow payback and fast iteration, requiring constant large investments. In addition, India faces the risk of rising unemployment, and Taiwan's investments in the Indian electronics industry could create thousands of jobs and meet rapidly growing domestic demand. Thirdly, to strengthen military cooperation, for example, by implementing maritime cooperation with Taiwan in coast guard and submarine projects. Fourth, to strengthen scientific and technological cooperation, especially in the field of software and aerospace. Both sides should also expand the partnership between research universities and institutes to promote scientific cooperation. Cooperation in the space sector has also attracted the attention of Indian think tanks. For example, by cooperating with the Indian Space Research Organization, Taiwan can promote its space programs. Of course, India and Taiwan have similar positions regarding the commercialization of their space sectors. There is a huge potential for cooperation between Indian and Taiwanese aerospace startups in terms of investment and financial opportunities, sharing technologies and infrastructure. In addition, the Indian Space Launch Corporation can also provide Taiwan with affordable and reliable satellite launch services. Fifth, it is necessary to strengthen cooperation in the field of cybersecurity: to encourage informal cooperation between law enforcement agencies and technical agencies on both sides; to share best practices in protecting critical infrastructure; to raise public awareness of cyber threats, cybercrimes, propaganda and disinformation [5, pp. 32-33]. Sixth, strengthen cooperation in the field of education. It should be noted that in recent years, India has hoped to get rid of economic dependence on China and diversify its supply chain. India and China have had a large trade deficit for many years, and many Indian industries are heavily dependent on raw materials from China [10, p. 22]. Indeed, in diplomatic negotiations, Indian officials are very flexible in using various means to achieve their goals. A turning point in India's foreign policy in recent years has been its attitude towards free trade agreements. When the Bharatiya Janata Party came to power in 2014, the direction of the state's policy regarding free trade agreements became negative. The reasons for this decision not to join the agreement were: the growing vulnerability of the Indian market to the influx of Chinese goods, including through third countries; an increase in the trade deficit with China; a steady increase in competition from China. In addition, representatives of this structure believed that the country needed to abandon the use of imported products, with the rare exception of essential goods (critical goods), and all goods should be produced in India. Along with this, there is another problem – the Russian Federation has strengthened its ties with China over the past few years. For India, although it seeks to develop relations with the United States, China is also a major trading partner. Currently, the volume of Indian-Chinese trade is about 118.4 billion US dollars, and the volume of Indian-American trade is 118.3 billion US dollars. At the same time, there is no trade deficit between the United States and India. According to experts, if such a political separation continues, it will be difficult to maintain trade relations, which in turn may lead to India losing its advantageous intermediary role, which it plays to a certain extent [13]. It should be noted that over the past two years (2023-2024), India's exports to China amounted to 16.65 billion US dollars, while imports increased sharply to 101.74 billion US dollars. Due to the rapidly growing trade imbalance, India has run a cumulative trade deficit of over $334 billion over the past five years, reflecting its growing dependence on Chinese goods. Despite India's efforts to develop local manufacturing, the country remains heavily dependent on Chinese industrial imports, especially in sectors such as electronics, telecommunications, and engineering. As Chinese companies continue to strengthen their positions in India, the country's dependence on Chinese imports is likely to grow further. "This raises concerns about India's economic resilience and the risks associated with over-reliance on a single trading partner, especially given the fragile political relationship between New Delhi and Beijing." However, in recent years, India has resumed negotiations on this issue and consistently launched the negotiation process with the EU, the UK, Australia, Peru and other countries. India is well aware that its biggest rival in the international arena is China. Beijing has invested heavily in foreign policy under the Belt and Road Initiative, bringing South Asia, the Middle East and Africa into its sphere of influence, forming India's strategic environment. Over the past few years, the Indian Ministry of Foreign Affairs has not only hosted two Voice of the Global South summits, but has also commissioned think tanks to organize similar conferences in Asia and Africa. Indian economic policy is expected to maintain continuity. The government will actively seek foreign investments for the development of production, infrastructure and renewable energy sources [4, p. 32]. In recent years, Indian trade policy has been characterized by both a high level of unpredictability and a clear line to defend its own economic interests. Although India's economic growth is largely driven by integration processes, however, Indian authorities often use protectionist measures to protect the national market. At the same time, the leadership of this country, in conditions of unstable global trade, is conducting lengthy and ineffective negotiations on potential free trade zones, which, ultimately, may worsen the situation of the Indian economy. In the future, in order to ensure relatively sustainable economic growth in India, the ruling leadership will need to focus on domestic development, seek compromises with foreign partners in order to increase its participation in integration value chains [14]. In conclusion, it should be noted that in the new political landscape, competition between Asian states in various industries will only increase, so exchanges between legislative bodies play an important role in promoting the development of relations between them. The joint organization of parliamentary seminars to strengthen exchanges and mutual learning between parliaments in developing countries, strengthen the capacity and take advantage of parliaments helps to give a new impetus to the sustainable development of all States. It is important not to forget that the parliaments of developing countries should first of all pay attention to the importance of exchanging experience in the field of legislation, supervision and other aspects in order to ensure a strong legal environment for the sustainable development of their own state. Representatives of various parliaments seek common ground in joint debates, while maintaining their own views, and reach consensus through exchanges of views and discussions. It is important to learn from each other's experience, strengthening infrastructure ties, and gradually transforming the economic complementarity of Asian countries. References
1. Azizova, M. Sh. (2023). General overview of cooperation between the European Union and the Central Asian countries. Bulletin of the International University of Kyrgyzstan, 4(52), 55-59.
2. Amiantov, A.A., & Grachev-Vorontsov, A.V. (2021). Some aspects of the foreign policy activities of the Russian parliament. Bulletin of the Diplomatic Academy of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Russia. International law, 2(13), 127-143. 3. Andreeva, E. S. (2013). Military-political issues and inter-parliamentary cooperation. Tavricheskie Readings Actual problems of parliamentarism: history and modernity: International scientific conference, St. Petersburg, December 11-12, 2013. Interparliamentary Assembly of Member Nations of the Commonwealth of Independent States; Center for the History of Parliamentarism. Volume Part II, 70-76. St. Petersburg: Limited Liability Company "ElectSis". 4. Igumnov, P. V. (2011). The role of international unions and associations of the Asian region in the development of energy cooperation between Russia and Asian countries. Power and management in the East of Russia, 1(54), 30-37. 5. Kanatova, S. I. (2016). Interparliamentary cooperation as a category of modern legal science. Actual problems of interaction of the public with state authorities and local governments: materials of the All-Russian scientific and practical conference, Saransk, December 16, 2015, 31-33. Saransk: Limited Liability Company "YurEksPraktik". 6. Lebedeva, M. M. (2013). Actors of modern world politics: development trends. Bulletin of MGIMO-University, 3(28), 38-42. 7. Litvishko, O. M. (2014). Asian model of cross-border cooperation: ASEAN experience. Actual problems of our time: Proceedings of the 9th All-Russian scientific and practical conference "Alternative World", Blagoveshchensk, October 15, 2014. Volume Issue 8, 129-135. Blagoveshchensk: Blagoveshchensk State Pedagogical University. 8. Lyubimov, A.P., Amiantov, A.A., & Grachev-Vorontsov, A.V. (2020). Features of international cooperation on the example of the CSTO parliamentary assembly. Representative power-XXI century: legislation, comments, problems, 7-8(182-183), 56-64. 9. Nekrasov, K. V. (2023). Dynamics of business cooperation between Russia and Asian countries along existing transport and logistics chains. Competitiveness in the global world: economics, science, technology, 7, 199-203. 10. Popov, D. A. (2008). Inter-municipal cooperation: experience of foreign countries and development prospects in the Russian Federation. Sports: economics, law, management, 2, 21-25. 11. Smolina, D. O. (2018). Experience of economic cooperation between the state and business structures in foreign countries. Education, science and business-indicators of digital economy development: Collection of scientific papers based on the materials of the International scientific and practical conference of young scientists of the Plekhanov Russian University of Economics, Moscow, April 25, 2018. Under the general editorship of E. Yu. Vlasova, 373-376. Moscow: Auditor Publishing House. 12. Strokova, E. V. (2017). Inter-parliamentary cooperation as an instrument of "soft power". Strategy of "soft power" in the context of information wars: Collection of materials of the International scientific and practical conference, Moscow, November 7-8, 2017. Moscow State Linguistic University, 276-280. Moscow: Moscow State Linguistic University. 13. Negative balance: how does the trade deficit affect India [Electronic resource]. Retrieved from https://www.rbc.ru/industries/news/6668091a9a7947ca4c50c86d 14. India withdraws from RCEP: final decision or stage of negotiations? [Electronic resource]. Retrieved from https://ru.valdaiclub.com/a/highlights/indiya-vykhodit-iz-vrep/#masha_0=2:1,3:35%7Cmasha_1=1:81,1:102
First Peer Review
Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
Second Peer Review
Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
|