Marginalization of urban space: Experience of sociological research on the example of Khabarovsk

Turkulets Svetlana Evgenievna Professor, Department of Criminal Law Disciplines, Far Eastern State Transport University 680021, Russia, Khabarovskii krai, g. Khabarovsk, ul. Serysheva, 47, aud. 3348 turswet@rambler.ru Other publications by this author     Gareeva Irina Anatol'evna Doctor of Sociology Professor, Department of Social Work and Psychology, Pacific National University 680035, Russia, Khabarovskii krai, g. Khabarovsk, ul. Tikhookeanskaya, 136 gar_ia@mail.ru Other publications by this author     Slesarev Aleksandr Valerievich Postgraduate student, Department of Criminal Law Disciplines, Far Eastern State Transport University 680035, Russia, Khabarovskii krai, g. Khabarovsk, ul. Tikhookeanskaya, 136 alekssles@yandex.ru Other publications by this author

Garnaga Anastasiya Filippovna ORCID: 0000-0003-2936-0934 PhD in Sociology Associate Professor; Graduate School of Architecture and Urban Planning; Pacific State University 136 Pacific Street, Khabarovsk, Khabarovsk Territory, 680035, Russia turswet@rambler.ru

Introduction

The current state of society is characterized by increased dynamics of the emergence of a wide variety of social trends. In turn, the social sciences and humanities face the need to explore social innovations in order to identify patterns, design projects and determine forecasts of social development. The concepts of marginality and marginalization have been studied for a long time and quite successfully by representatives of socio-humanitarian knowledge, at the same time, currently, in the context of the dynamics of socio-spatial processes, it seems important to focus on the study of the marginalization of urban space. Thus, the subject of the article is the process of marginalization of urban space (using the example of Khabarovsk).

Research methodology

The article uses methods of scientific and theoretical analysis, generalization and systematization of domestic and foreign studies of the problems of marginalization. The subject field of research is located at the junction of sociology and urban studies, which makes it possible to use theoretical methods of studying urban space, generalizing and systematizing scientific ideas of sociologists, philosophers, historians, geographers. The comparison method is used in the course of comparing the results of the author's research and secondary data obtained during the study of urban space by other scientists. The theoretical block of the article demonstrates many different approaches to the definition of marginality and marginalization, on the one hand, and the lack of stable definitions of these concepts, on the other. This is primarily due to the lack of a comprehensive approach to the study of the process of marginalization. In this regard, it seems that the integrative approach used in the article has a certain heuristic potential. For the most complete definition of the process of urban space marginalization, the article uses the algorithm: causes – essence – implementation – consequences. The empirical methods used include questionnaires, expert interviews, and the vernacular zoning method. The formula for calculating the sample size for a mass questionnaire survey depends on the purpose of the study and the characteristics of the general population, for which the total number of Khabarovsk as of January 1, 2024 (617 thousand people) is taken, the authors of the study used an online sample calculation calculator based on the Cochrane formula:

n = z² * p*(1-p) / c²,

where n is the sample size, z is the confidence coefficient (adopted 1.96 for the 95% confidence interval), p2 is the variance of the trait in the general population (50%), c is the marginal sampling error (adopted within the margin of error of 5%).

Thus, the sample of the mass questionnaire survey was 665 people. An additional 50 people were interviewed to repair the sample. The gender and age composition of the sample corresponds to the composition of the general population of citizens over the age of 18.

An expert interview was conducted with 5 employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, who keep statistical records of crimes in 5 administrative districts of Khabarovsk to identify the total number and repeatability of "marginal" offenses in different urban locations. Accordingly, the criteria for selecting experts were their access to the information they were looking for, the ability to broadcast it in a generalized and impersonal form, and experience working with the urban population on law enforcement issues. The format of a semi–formalized interview was chosen, during the formalized part of which the researchers received statistical information to be compared on "marginal" crimes in relation to different urban locations, and in the non-formalized part - proposals to define the marginalization of urban spaces.

Literature review

Turning to the analysis of marginality as a phenomenon characteristic of modern society, as well as to the study of the process of marginalization in relation to urban space, it is necessary to conduct a bibliographic review of approaches to these concepts. Marginality is currently an interdisciplinary concept, the study of which within the framework of various social and humanitarian sciences can subsequently provide a comprehensive comprehensive study of this complex social phenomenon ^[1].

Representatives of various scientific fields focus on different features of the phenomenon under study. In the context of the dynamics of modern social transformations, it is studied by psychologists ^[2-5], historians ^[6-7], sociologists ^{[1; 8-9]}.

The researchers record the absence of a well-established definition of marginality. So, Gatiatulina E.R. and Orlov A.N. note that there is still no generally accepted opinion about what marginality is as a phenomenon. In addition, the authors argue that "now the level of understanding of this phenomenon is still insufficient to make predictions and influence the processes of marginalization. One of the reasons may be the ambiguity of the mechanism of marginalization" ^{[10, pp. 63-64]}.

Nevertheless, attempts to characterize marginality are constantly being made in the scientific community. So, N.A. Sainakov formulates three criteria that determine the content of the term: 1) psychologically – a sense of insecurity, moral confusion; 2) socially – distancing, alienation from the public environment; 3) loss of self-identification within the framework of generally accepted cultural norms, normative uncertainty ^{[11, p. 99]}.

M.S. Ivanova identifies the following features of marginalization: the rupture of social ties, determinism by changes in the social structure, the borderline state of the object in the system of social elements ^{[12, p. 162]}.

Other scientists emphasize that when studying marginality, "we are faced with the following paradox: being a multidimensional phenomenon and, by its very definition, borderline, marginality as a subject of humanitarian research goes beyond the strict limits of any single discipline. We can say that the topic of marginality is marginal. The metaphorization of the concept of marginality threatens, in fact, to take it beyond the limits of science altogether" ^{[13, p. 54]}.

In its most general form, sociologists define marginalization as "the transition of an individual or a social group from one state to another… Within the framework of sociology, there is a tradition to consider marginality as a stable transitional, borderline state of a person or a social group in relation to other individuals, social communities or groups" ^{[14, p. 32]}.

Some scientists argue that "in the context of modern social reality, we can talk about universal marginalization" ^[15]. It is noted that not only refugees and migrants fall into the category of marginals, according to tradition, but also simply people who do not have the features of an average social status, potentially pensioners, the disabled, singles, the unemployed, low-paid working population, creative intelligentsia, ethnic minorities, etc. ^{[16, p. 112]}.

Yu.V. Preobrazhensky in his article "Spatial marginalization: approaches and levels of research" ^{[17, pp. 8-9]} provides the following approaches to the allocation of marginal territories:

The geometric approach identifies the remote, marginal parts of the region and the country as marginal;

The ecological approach refers to marginal regions or parts of them with an unfavorable environmental situation, possibly experiencing the consequences of an environmental disaster;

The cultural approach considers as marginal parts of the city, the region where subcultures have formed and manifest themselves;

The economic approach focuses on depressed territories that lag behind in terms of economic development;

The political approach classifies regions as marginal, which, for political reasons, are placed in worse conditions compared to other conditions;

The ethno-confessional approach considers national or religious characteristics that distinguish certain parts of a city or region as a criterion of marginality.

Yu.V. Preobrazhensky, closely dealing with the issues of urban marginalization, notes that the phenomenon of urban marginalization manifests itself in many aspects, changing the cultural space of the city, the composition and intensity of social practices. As a result of the process of marginalization, an urban inner periphery is formed, where subcultures or semi-legal businesses can be locally located. In the final stage, sections of the city can turn into zones devoid of people's attention, peculiar "non-places" – "territories that do not carry symbolic fullness, objects of interest to humans" ^{[17, p. 9]}.

A modern American sociologist of French origin, Loic Vacan, stands at the origins of the theory of the marginalization of urban space. Speaking about the so–called "new marginality", the sociologist notes that it concentrates around disadvantaged areas of the city over which the official authorities have lost control, where general rules of law and order do not apply: "These areas are clearly defined - both by residents themselves and by external observers – as urban vipers full of deprivation, immorality and violence, where only the dregs of society can live" ^[18]. Describing the cities of Western Europe, the scientist quite definitely connects urban marginalization with social inequality: "Previously, poverty in Western megacities seemed for the most part to be a residual or short-term phenomenon, tied to the places of residence of the working class, and was perceived geographically dispersed and correctable through further expansion of the market. Now it seems to be more and more prolonged, if not permanent, and unrelated to macroeconomic trends, but tied to notorious disadvantaged areas in which social isolation and alienation feed each other. And at the same time, the gap between such areas and those where the rest of society lives is growing" ^[18].

Among the domestic sociologists who addressed the problem of the marginalization of urban space, one can name A.Y. Kazakova, who devoted her doctoral dissertation to housing deprivation and territorial stigma as attributes of marginality ^[19]. In her works, A.Y. Kazakova identifies the factors that cause the marginalization of urban areas of residence ^[20-22]. Turning to the theoretical origins of the study of the marginalization of urban space, the sociologist notes that the main methodological premise for analyzing the territorial distribution of risks, dangers, threats is R. Park's idea of the city as a set of "natural zones" – areas with their own specific environment, a special function in the urban economy, history, and further the author quotes R. Park: "The area is called a "natural zone" because it appears unplanned and performs a certain function, although this function may contradict someone's plans (as is the case with slums) /…/ The existence of such natural zones, each of which performs its own special function, indicates what the city turns out to be when analyzed in more detail – not just an artifact, as it was previously considered, but in a certain sense an organism" ^{[22, p. 106]}.

In search of signs of marginality phenomena in the urban environment, another Russian researcher, V.V. Novitskaya, notes: "To characterize the urban environment, we will identify the features of its structure:

– spatial and territorial location is usually the concentration of a relatively large number of people in a relatively small area;

– features of a socio-economic nature – a variety of work activities, a high degree of differentiation in social and economic spheres;

– features of a socio–cultural nature - the presence of dynamism, marginality, anonymity of the urban community" ^{[23, p. 66]}.

Obviously, the interpretation of marginality as a borderline state, close to deviant, no longer satisfies researchers of this phenomenon. They give it a much broader meaning. The discussion of the content of this phenomenon moves into the plane of tradition-innovation. "The most 'attractive' thing about marginals is that they are a source of novelty and cultural growth," notes L.I. Kemalova ^[24].

Many researchers see marginality as a potential for the development of culture and society. "The fact that the development of culture occurs as a result of going beyond the usual norms and frameworks, and new social structures arise in place of marginal social formations, is confirmed by such thinkers as R. Barth M. Foucault G. Bachelard, Bakhtin, etc." ^{[12, p. 162]}.

Foreign researchers have often focused their attention on the marginalization of urban space in the context of territorial stigmatization ^[25-26].

Thus, Loic Wakwan, Tom Slater, Virgil Borges Pereira ^[25] show the dynamic interaction of various components of social space: territorial and administrative units, cultural and symbolic group behaviors and everyday individual actions. Using numerous examples of European (for example, Paris, Stockholm, Bristol, Edinburgh, Copenhagen) and American (for example, New York, Chicago) urban areas, the authors reveal the living connection of three spatial structures in a single urban ontology: symbolic space, social space and physical space. In the course of the research conducted by the authors, such trends were identified as the desire of people living in special, disadvantaged, "God-forsaken" areas to "close themselves off" from others, to retire, to hide their stigmatized identity. This is due to the close connection of territorial stigma with factors such as poverty, immorality, street crime, ethnicity of migrants, etc. The authors argue that the following characteristic features are inherent in modern territorial stigmatization: 1) close relationship with the ethnicity of the participants in this process; 2) the phenomenon of territorial stigmatization is taken for granted by society as a kind of visible attribute of "social hell"; 3) stigmatized neighborhoods of modern post-industrial megacities embody vectors of social disintegration (general laxity of lifestyle); 4) hypertrophy of racial or religious characteristics residents of these territories provoke increased stigmatization processes; 5) stigmatized areas of a modern city cause negative reactions (emotions, opinions, assessments) of residents of so-called normal areas, which, in turn, contributes to the philistine justification of harsh measures by the state (restrictions on rights, fines, punishments). Moreover, public services manipulate this image of disadvantaged areas fixed in the public consciousness in order to promote their strategies in the development of territories (for example, the demolition of entire neighborhoods or the radical restructuring of urban areas).

Here we can see a direct socio-political manipulation of this problem, instead of thoroughly and deeply investigating the causes of its occurrence, the conditions and factors of its current reproduction, as well as developing on this basis ways to overcome it in the future. Foreign researchers conclude their research with the thesis that territorial stigmatization, as a kind of anchor of social discredit, plays a key role in the material, objective and symbolic-cultural transformation of the modern urban landscape. In their opinion, territorial stigmatization is not a static state, a neutral process or a harmless cultural game, it acts as a consistent and harmful form of action of a social community in relation to its own members. Scientists point to the urgent need to take political measures aimed at the re-socialization of persons who have been subjected to territorial stigmatization.

Sune Kvotrup Jensen and Ann-Dorte Christensen ^[26], considering the specifics of the formation of urban marginal areas, note that the inhabitants of these territories take their marginal status for granted, without any critical reflection. Moreover, such uncritical self-determination only enhances the effect of territorial stigmatization. Residents of marginal territories get so used to their stigmatized position that they are subjectively even satisfied with their status. The authors believe that state institutions and the development of the political culture of the whole society should play a certain role in overcoming this negative effect.

We have already addressed the problem of urban marginalization in the context of studying territorial stigmatization ^[27-28], where we noted that territorial stigmatization can have a significant impact on the formation of personal life strategies.

It is obvious that marginalization cannot be considered solely in the context of negative connotations. The diversity of its manifestations and consequences should be taken into account.

The marginalization of urban space is a concrete historical, objective socio–cultural process, characteristic to a greater extent of a transformational or abnormal social condition.

For the most complete definition of the process of urban space marginalization, it is advisable to use the algorithm: causes – essence - implementation – consequences.

Reasons

The causes of marginalization include:

– economic reasons (inflation, low income, economic distress, etc.),

– conflict with established norms in society,

– loss of identity,

– forced social mobility.

The essence of the process

– in the course of marginalization, a person is alienated from the usual environment, in fact, the social exclusion of individuals living in marginal locations;

- there is a replacement of traditional value priorities with new ones, not yet mastered, not established, not mastered;

– Territorial stigmatization is being carried out;

– a marginal (borderline) image of individual localities of the city is being formed.

Implementation of the process

– an invisible boundary is established between the stable and transitional (borderline) mental image of the city;

– the space of the city is differentiated into various urban localities, united by a common exclusion from the public view of the city.

The consequences of marginalization

– the ambivalence of the process determines, on the one hand, the exclusion of the individual from the usual social environment, on the other, provides for his simultaneous existence in various socio-cultural communities in order to adapt most successfully;

– another manifestation of the ambivalence of the process – on the one hand, in conditions of progressive development, marginalism does not act as something accidental and subject to elimination, but acquires legitimacy, an attribute of necessity; on the other hand, in addition to a sense of insecurity and uncertainty, a skeptical, reaching cynicism, attitude to the world is highlighted in the list of its properties; axiological relativism; detachment and alienation; isolation, loneliness, internal discord ^{[16, p. 111]};

– as a result of the marginalization of urban space, a value system is being developed in the mass consciousness of citizens, where individualism, intolerance, hostility and a tendency to skeptical, simplified judgments prevail ^{[14, p. 34]}, the manipulativeness of consciousness increases.

Thus, in order to formulate a definition of the marginalization of urban space, we present the following definition: this is a concrete historical, objective socio-cultural process characteristic of a transformational or abnormal social state, the causes of which are conflict with established norms in society, loss (loss) of identity, forced social mobility, the essence of which lies in the emergence of new social practices, in the alienation of a person from a familiar environment and in the social exclusion of individuals living in in certain locations, in the implementation of territorial stigmatization and the formation of a border image of individual localities of the city.

The results of the study

Having reviewed the theoretical approaches to the problem of urban space marginalization, we turn to the analysis of empirical material for the purpose of a comprehensive study of the designated subject.

If we talk about the marginality of specific urban spaces, it should be noted that this marginality does not have any legal or formalized designations, just as the spaces themselves do not imply the possibility of a clear demarcation. In this case, it is reasonable to use a vernacular approach to the characterization of urban spaces, in which the boundaries are mental and conventionally designated by the majority of citizens. And the process of marginalization itself can be noted, in particular, due to the long-term monitoring of citizens, whose opinion was the goal in the surveys described below.

Vernacular areas are spaces defined by the residents themselves and having mental boundaries (an example of the definition of vernacular areas by residents is "Center", "South", "North", or the use of outdated names of urban locations). Accordingly, vernacular zoning is a method of conditional demarcation of urban space into vernacular areas and analysis of these areas according to the criteria under study. This method is more preferable for identifying specific urban characteristics than analyzing the administrative districts of a city that are formally divided.

To obtain primary empirical information about the subject under study, the most common methods of sociological research were chosen: a questionnaire survey and expert interviews. The synthesis of the results obtained using various research methods allows for a more voluminous and accurate presentation of the stated problems. The sample survey was conducted by interviewers in person in the period from December 1, 2023 to March 17, 2024. The geographical framework is set within the administrative boundaries of the city of Khabarovsk. The urban population is 617,000 people. The sample consisted of 665 people.

The sample population took into account the peculiarities of the socio-demographic and ethnic composition of the general population. The following criteria were fundamental for determining the sample population:

– demographic criterion: gender and age of the respondent;

– geographical criterion: place of permanent residence, urban area.

A formalized interview form was used for the survey. The survey was conducted by professionally trained interviewers. An additional 50 respondents were interviewed to repair the sample.

The survey was conducted in all five administrative districts of the city, the number of respondents in each of which is directly proportional to the number of residents.

The maximum number of residents according to statistics is in the Industrial and Railway areas. The third place in terms of population is occupied by the Central district, the fourth is Krasnoflotsky. At the same time, the number differs insignificantly, and the population density of the Central One exceeds the population density of the Krasnoflotsky district by more than 4 times – due to the significant difference in the areas of these inner-city areas, as well as taking into account the peculiarities of the historical concentration of city life in its central part. The survey was conducted according to a representative sample based on statistical data on the number of residents in a particular area.

Thus, the respondents were asked, based on their own criteria, to assess the level of "well-being" of both the vernacular area of their residence, employment, recreation, and other areas of Khabarovsk known to them (Fig. 1).

Fig. 1. The degree of "well-being" of urban areas in the assessment of respondents

(1 – disadvantaged area, 5 – prosperous area)

The two highest ratings of "well–being" for more than 40% of respondents were given to 3 vernacular districts - the Central part, the Northern and Southern microdistricts. This distribution of responses exactly duplicates the features of the localization of residents in an urban environment. Thus, the assumption is confirmed that citizens prefer to live, work and relax in those areas that they consider the most "prosperous".

Khabarovsk residents consider such vernacular areas as the Fifth Site, Krasnaya Rechka, the First microdistrict, Khabarovsk-2, the area of Vyborgskaya St., Shelesta St. to be "dysfunctional". The first three of these districts were studied by sociologists E. L. Strokova and K. A. Puzanov back in 2009. In their study, they suggested that "socio-economic disadvantage becomes a characteristic of a district when disadvantaged households are concentrated in it" ^[29]. E.L. Strokova and K.A. Puzanov analyzed districts by family income level. Below are the indicators of 2009 obtained by these researchers, and, in comparison with them, the income indicators of citizens obtained by us in 2024 (Fig. 2).

Fig. 2. Income indicators of residents of the districts of Krasnaya Rechka, the First microdistrict and the Fifth site of the city of Khabarovsk in 2009 and 2024.

It should be noted that in all three areas under consideration, the income level of citizens has increased: the number of people living "beyond the poverty line" has decreased (in the area of the Fifth site is especially noticeable), the number of those who live "from paycheck to paycheck" has increased, more or less decently and without material worries. But, despite the improvement in the material well–being of the majority of residents, the stereotype of the general "disadvantage" of vernacular areas of the Fifth Site, Krasnaya Rechka and the First microdistrict, noted by E. L. Strokova and K. A. Puzanov in 2009, persists to this day. 77%, 39% and 65% of respondents, respectively, characterize the considered areas as "disadvantaged" and "rather disadvantaged", which indicates a high level of stigmatization of urban spaces in the opinion of citizens.

An important issue is the correlation between the "disadvantage" of the vernacular area and its marginalization. Does the process of marginalization lead to "disadvantage", according to the citizens? Or is the progression of "disadvantage" the very process of marginalization of urban spaces? How does the stigmatization of vernacular areas affect the process of marginalization?

It is also important to ask what kind of content citizens put into determining the "well-being" and "disadvantage" of vernacular areas. The composition of their family has a direct impact on the needs of citizens in a certain environment. For example, families raising young children in the definition of "well-being" of an urban location include the availability of high-quality playgrounds, a sufficient number of children's educational and entertainment facilities. For those who do not live in a nuclear family, only with their spouse and children, but also with representatives of older generations – grandparents, it is important to have such elements as ramps, sound traffic lights, walking accessibility of a polyclinic, pharmacy, grocery market, park, etc. in their area. According to the survey, 31.13% of such families. Those who live alone (such 20.50%), in determining the "well-being" of an urban location, along with the factors listed above, included the importance of good road surfaces, public transport stops, and the proximity of shopping centers. However, it seems that their opinions were more determined by the characteristics of the personalities and preferences of the respondents themselves than by the stereotypes formed, as in the first two cases. The answers vary greatly and, in general, are difficult to systematize.

Definitely, the assessment of the "well-being" of vernacular areas also includes the concept of security, which is directly proportional to the level of criminality in the area. The level of criminogenicity, according to respondents, is one of the most important indicators of the well-being/disadvantage of the territory of residence. It is not possible to reliably assess this level in different vernacular and even administrative regions. This is due to the special designation of the boundaries of influence in different police departments, which do not coincide with the well-known civil demarcations of urban spaces. At the same time, thanks to expert surveys of 5 employees of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in June 2024 and the provided statistical information on the number of offenses registered in different police departments of Khabarovsk, we were able to compile a picture of crime levels linked to police departments.

The types of offenses that are called "marginal" in the professional police environment are selected as evaluation criteria: improper parenting (Article 5.35 of the Administrative Code of the Russian Federation), offenses related to the use and distribution of drugs (Articles 6.8, 6.9, 6.9.1 of the Administrative Code of the Russian Federation), prostitution (Article 6.11 of the Administrative Code of the Russian Federation), petty theft, minor hooliganism, drunkenness (Articles 7.27, 20.20, 20.21 of the Administrative Code of the Russian Federation). Quantitative data for the period from 2020 to the first half of 2024 are presented in table 1.

Table 1. The level of criminality in the city of Khabarovsk in the period from 2021 to the first half of 2024 (number of offenses)

In six of the eight departments, the most cases of drunkenness were recorded, improper child care was in second place, and minor hooliganism was in third place in terms of the number of offenses. The largest total number of offenses was registered in OP No. 4, 6, 1 and 8. OP No. 4 and 6 are also in the lead in the number of registered cases of alcohol and drug use, OP No. 5 is in the lead in the number of cases of child neglect.

In addition to the number of offenses committed, the interviewees provided information on the results of sociological surveys of addictions in educational institutions in Khabarovsk, according to the assessment of the indicator "Signs of a high tendency to develop dependent behavior" for 2019-20, 2020-21, 2021-22, 2022-23 academic years. From this analysis, we have identified educational institutions in which the "clear risk of involvement in dependent behavior" was more than 10%. They are indicated on the schematic map of Figure 3 together with the police departments.

Discussion of the research results

Based on the conducted empirical research, a schematic map of the city of Khabarovsk was compiled with an indication of vernacular areas and criteria for assessing the marginalization of urban areas.

Fig. 3. A schematic map of the city of Khabarovsk with the designation of the location of vernacular areas and criteria for assessing the marginalization of urban areas

As follows from the diagram in Figure 3, police department No. 1, which is one of the three leaders in the total number of "marginal" offenses, includes vernacular district Fifth Site, characterized by citizens as dysfunctional. In addition, there are 2 technical schools and a school in this area and close to it, which have an increased level of addictions among students. In this vernacular area, there is a direct correspondence between the prevailing stereotypes regarding the well-being of the area and criminality. In the area of police station No. 4, where a large number of offenses are also recorded, there is only one school with a high level of addiction. In addition, the Central district itself is characterized by citizens as the most prosperous. Police departments No. 6 and No. 8, which are also leading in the number of offenses, do not have any educational institutions with a high level of addictions in their districts, which allows us to conclude that the correlation of the number of crimes, the presence of educational institutions with a high level of addictions among students in districts and the assessment of the "well-being" of districts is rather random or the formation of public opinion regarding different vernacular areas is not flexible and dynamic, does not take into account the actual assessment of security in the area at the moment.

The potential of the vernacular approach to the characterization of urban spaces, in which the boundaries are mental and conventionally designated by the majority of citizens, is very significant, since it provides the possibility of correlating the assessment of public opinion, the real social situation in the relevant urban locations and the marginalization of disadvantaged areas.

Despite positive objective changes in the level of income and well-being of citizens living in previously stigmatized areas of Khabarovsk, public opinion estimates consider these areas to be still disadvantaged, remaining marginalized.

Citizens' assessments of the level of well-being /disadvantage of city districts directly depend on their criminogenicity (the number of offenses committed). Conversely, the criminality of certain urban areas is due, in a certain sense, to their negative assessments by the public, which leads to the marginalization of urban space.

The practical significance of studying the marginalization of urban spaces is due to the need to control marginal areas in terms of the spread of various social deviations in them, as well as the need to predict trends in marginalization.

The elements of the scientific novelty of our research include the development of the author's definition of the marginalization of urban space and the actualization of the problems of territorial stigmatization in relation to the subject under study.

Conclusions

Our attempt to make a correlation between the process of marginalization of urban space and estimates of the locations of urban residents has shown the ambivalence of marginalization: on the one hand, it affects the assessment, on the other hand, the assessment depends on its manifestations.

Khabarovsk, being a peripheral city, reflects the most characteristic trends in the process of marginalization of urban space in the Far East due to the increase, on the one hand, the outflow of local population to the regions of central Russia and the increase in the number of migrants from neighboring countries, on the other. Poorly managed large-scale migration movements, forced social mobility lead to social tension and territorial stigmatization of residents of marginal areas of the city.

Summarizing the results of the study, we use the above algorithm for determining the marginalization of urban space (using the example of Khabarovsk).
Firstly, among the most significant objective reasons for the marginalization of urban space should be attributed the historical experience of the formation of urban territory and the prevailing criminal situation in certain areas of the city.
Secondly, the essence of the process of marginalization is expressed in the territorial stigmatization and social exclusion of those living in certain urban locations, which forms a marginal (borderline) image of a number of vernacular areas.
Thirdly, the implementation of the process of marginalization is directly related to the formation of a specific (negative) identity of the inhabitants of these areas.
Fourthly, the most obvious consequence of the marginalization of urban space is the spread of deviant practices, up to criminal ones, which leads to social tension and further marginalization of the relevant areas.