The UN-OIF peace and security cooperation : nature, scope and challenges

Belfekih Dkhukha Postgraduate student; Department of Theory and History of International Relations; Patrice Lumumba Peoples' Friendship University of Russia 10 Miklukho-Maklaya str., Moscow, 117198, Russia belfekihdhouha46@gmail.com

Introduction

The relevance of the research topic is conditioned by the rapid development of cooperation between the UN and the OIF in the context of growing problems in peace and security in Africa, as well as the increasing number of conflicts on the African continent.

The object of the study is the cooperation between the UN and the OIF. The subject of the study is the deepening of the UN-OIF cooperation in the area of peace and security. The main objective of the study is to identify the key reasons for the development of the UN-OIF cooperation in peace and security after 1998, when the OIF was granted observer status in the UN. To achieve this goal, the author had the following objectives: to study the history of the UN-OIF relationship; to analyze the UN-OIF security cooperation; to identify the key problems of the UN-OIF cooperation. This article is based on the theory of regional security complexes.

In the process of this research the author used the following methods: institutional, historical, statistical, analytical.

The scientific novelty of this study can be determined by the author's new vision of the model of interaction between international organizations of the UN and the Francophonie in the framework of ensuring peace and security, with the purpose of further possible transition of this experience to cooperation between other international organizations in the field of establishing peace and security.

Moreover, the author has identified the most pressing problems of cooperation between the UN and the OIF in security, which include strategic, financial, political, linguistic and logistical obstacles.

Historical aspects of cooperation

The key principles of the UN-OIF cooperation were developed in a new agreement of 25th of June 1997, which provided for the development of projects of mutual interest and representation at each other's conferences. In 1998, the OIF was granted observer status at the UN and became a regular participant at high-level meetings between the UN and regional organizations, which “underscored the usefulness of enhancing the exchange of information on each organization’s individual experiences and capacities in peacebuilding” ^[1]. Strengthening UN cooperation has been consistently supported through the UN General Assembly resolutions since 2001 ^[2],[3].

At the Franco-British summit in Saint-Malo in 1998, the French and British governments signed an agreement, thereby underlining their desire to abandon the French unilateralist approach to military interventions in Africa. Despite their different views on defence and security issues, France and the UK agreed to cooperate more closely in this field, creating a single European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) ^[4], and to establish systematic cooperation on African policy and security issues.

The events of the 1990s thus ended the era of the French monopoly on military interventions in its former colonies. France intervened in Africa more often with other powers, but not alone, and many Africans increasingly perceived French influence and presence on their territory negatively. These trends continued into the first decade of the 21st century, especially after the attacks on the World Trade Centre and the Pentagon in 2001. After the events of 11th of September, attention to security issues in Africa was once again drawn to security concerns in Africa, as al-Qaeda^[1] and other African terrorist groups were believed to be based on African territories, thus reinforcing the need for multilateral cooperation. In 2001 the former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan compared the achievements of the OIF to the UN's contribution to peace, human rights and democracy ^[1].

Cooperation in armed conflicts

In XXI century, international society oscillates between peace and violence, and interstate relations oscillate between order and disorder. However, the Francophone world, and Africa in particular, has been the region most affected by conflict in the world over the past two decades. The continent has witnessed numerous coups d'état, attempted coups d'état and ethno-religious wars.

Conflicts in the Francophone world have one thing in common: a lack of democracy, good governance and the rule of law. The lack of democracy is often the root cause of these conflicts, which are often linked to problems of democratic transition, governance and the recognition of minority rights. Conflicts can also be linked to identity issues such as ethnic and tribal tensions, which can escalate into genocide.

La Francophonie plays an important role in promoting international security, as several recent studies have shown. The Francophonie has a particular responsibility in promoting peace and stability in French-speaking regions ^[5],[6].

Indeed, Africa is a continent where the Francophonie is particularly active, as ^[7],[8]. The role of La Francophonie is significant in promoting peace and stability in Africa, particularly through its conflict resolution and peacekeeping efforts.

Finally, terrorist threats are also a major concern for the Francophonie. There is need for the Francophonie to develop a common security strategy to combat terrorism and promote peace and stability in French-speaking regions as shown in ^[9].

Most of these conflicts have emerged against the backdrop of geopolitical reorganisation, with factors such as poorly conducted democratic transitions, highly lucrative mineral trade, ethnic and tribal issues, and great power games. These conflicts multiply, creating a vast zone of instability stretching from the Horn of Africa to Central Africa and from the West to the Great Lakes region. These problems have intensified the interaction between international and regional organizations, for instance, the UN-OIF cooperation in conflict resolution.

Cooperation between international and regional organizations in armed conflict can be implemented in three formats: 1) through the deployment of troops in a sequential, 2) parallel or 3) integrated manner ^[10]. As for the OIF situation, cooperation with other intergovernmental organizations is not an exchange of tasks in the strategic sense, nor does it involve the dispatch of troops, as the OIF is not directly involved in peacekeeping.

However, the expansion of multifunctional peacebuilding missions, as well as the use of the Chapter VIII of the UN Charter, offers new opportunities for the OIF to support elections and conflict prevention initiatives.

By operating in parallel as a secondary organization, the OIF has the status of an additional partner in the division of labour between actors. Regional organizations often have greater capacity on the ground than the UN, due to the fact that they have full information about the conflict and can influence actors. Regional actors often have the privilege of hegemony in determining actions to promote peace and security, as the formal hierarchy of the UN Charter is not fully adapted to these practical possibilities.

The OIF makes a significant contribution to support of peacekeeping operations by strengthening the capacity of member states at the operational and institutional levels. The UN at the operational level faces two significant challenges that need to be addressed: the growing number of peacekeeping missions and the associated need to increase peacekeeping contingents; the number of missions of the Department of Peacekeeping Operations deployed in French-speaking territories. Indeed, 6 of the 15 peacekeeping operations conducted by the Department were in French-speaking states, including: MINURSO (Western Sahara), MONUSCO (Democratic Republic of the Congo), MINUSTAH (Haiti), UNIFIL (Lebanon), UNFICYP (Cyprus), UNOCI (Côte d'Ivoire).

Challenges and Problems of Cooperation

In the implementation of peace operations, the OIF faces a wide range of obstacles and challenges in efforts to increase its participation in these operations. Four types of challenges can be identified: strategic, political, linguistic and logistical.

Strategic issues

Deep divisions divide the ranks of Francophone states and organizations. In particular, they concern the use of force, legitimate defence and perceptions of military issues. Regarding the use of force, the debate mainly revolves around the notion of credible peacekeeping. According to T. Tardy, this notion “encompasses different realities for Western states and for some so-called Southern countries, as reflected in the debate at the 2010 session of the Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations (C-34)” ^[11].

While the West sees this as a necessary strategy to address the conditions of deployment, guarantee the safety of peacekeepers and ensure that their mandates are fulfilled, many The Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) countries see it as a threat to the sovereignty of non-UN members. Some countries of the South draw a parallel between the concept of active peacekeeping and the responsibility to protect, believing that the use of force in situations other than legitimate self-defence blurs the lines between peacekeeping and peace enforcement, thereby violating the sacred principles of peacekeeping agreed upon during the Cold War.

There are two other factors that hinder the consistent participation of francophone countries in PKO: the gap between the OIF's desire to promote a strategic vision of peacekeeping and the fragmented nature of francophone participation in peacekeeping.

Political obstacles

Two types of political obstacles hinder the full participation of francophone states in PKOs, whether under the auspices of the UN or under the flag of a regional or sub-regional organization. For francophone states in the North, these obstacles relate to the accountability of decision-makers to the people. For the francophone states of the South, accountability issues are increasingly important; they are above all imperatives. Internal security imperatives prevent them from becoming fully fledged peacekeeping operations.

In the south, a number of Francophone states are wavering between the political will to become full players in the PKO and international security imperatives constraining the deployment of their armed forces abroad.

A research report on Francophone Africa's contribution to UN peacekeeping operations identified the internal and external security logic of states as one of the recurring reasons “that may explain the reluctance of some states to increase their participation in peacekeeping operations” ^[12]. In countries where armed forces are primarily a tool to protect governments from any source of internal instability, it is not easy for these governments to part with their shield. This practice is all the more difficult to question, as it is has a long history, dating back to the authoritarian regimes that preceded the wave of democratization in the 1990s. In a context of internal insecurity, such as in Mali or Côte d'Ivoire, it is not easy for political leaders to abandon even part of their armed forces and deploy them to the PKO.

Furthermore, regional stability considerations may also prevent the francophone South from fully participating in the PKO. Persistent unrest in certain regions or sub-regions may contribute to the reluctance of countries seeking to protect their territorial integrity to commit to deploying forces abroad as part of a peacekeeping operation. For example, Cameroon's reticence to contribute to peacekeeping operations is due to the country's need to act in concert with its neighbours.

Linguistic challenges

Linguistic obstacles and challenges revolve around two key aspects: training and recruitment. Peacebuilding training courses in French, which were relatively rare a decade ago, are becoming more numerous and more accessible. They are provided by various organizations, including ENVR, the School of Peacekeeping in Bamako and, to a lesser extent, the Kofi Annan International Peacekeeping Training Centre (KAIPTC). These courses are also offered by other francophone training centres under bilateral agreements. Also of note is the increase in the number of online courses in French, in particular thanks to the United Nations Institute for Training and Research (UNITAR) and its Peacekeeping Training Program and Peacekeeping Training Institute.

However, while basic training courses are now widely available in French, the same cannot be said for more technical or strategic training courses for current and future leaders. The OIF has tried to address this problem by funding the translation of documents into French and the organization of certain training courses (reimbursement of contingent-owned equipment, senior mission leadership, etc.). However, the vast majority of these training courses and training materials are still in English.

The Francophone capacities used by the UN do not match its needs. In most cases, mission staff working in Francophone environments do not have a professional command of French, also due to the more frequent use of English. During the May 2004 intervention in Haiti, Kofi Annan appealed to Francophone states and the OIF for assistance. The UN Special Committee on Peacekeeping Operations advocated a more balanced use of languages in operations and accepted the OIF as an observer to the Committee, which was the starting point for a strengthened partnership that led to the OIF adopting an ambitious program, aimed at increasing the contribution of Francophone countries through training and the promotion of expertise in peacekeeping operations and improving the use of French in operations conducted in Francophone countries.

This objective was formally declared at the Ministerial Meeting of the Francophonie Conference on Conflict Prevention and Human Security, held in November 2005 in Antananarivo ^[13], and has traditionally been regularly supported. The OIF seeks to encourage its members to increase cooperation with the UN in order to manage effectively the interaction between Francophone countries that can contribute troops and the UN.

The OIF actively supports the exchange of experience and expertise between Francophone countries and the UN, which will help not only to utilize but also to transfer lessons learned to other countries in peacekeeping operations, as well as to improve the efficiency and success of missions.

Logistical issues

Francophone participation in the PKOs is also constrained by a number of obstacles and logistical challenges. These can be summarized into three points: inadequate logistical facilities, insufficient financial resources, and the problem of coordination.

Most francophone countries of the South suffer from a serious lack of necessary equipment. On the one hand, these countries do not have the most modern military equipment, which is often required for deployment in inaccessible terrain (in particular, a severe shortage of helicopters for troop transfer in the United Nations Mission in South Sudan, night vision equipment and other similar equipment).

Equipment often does not meet UN standards. There are sometimes more serious problems related to clothing for peacekeeping personnel, in particular the lack or absence of appropriate clothing for certain climatic conditions.

Financial problems

The UN and the OIF lack resources to fund peacekeeping operations, resulting in limitations on the scope and duration of missions, as well as the ability to fully support post-conflict reconstruction. Francophone countries, especially in Africa, often face multiple crises and challenges competing for the attention and resources of the international community.

The lack of financial resources has two main implications: 1) it prevents the participation of a few countries that cannot afford to commit resources and wait for reimbursement months later, and 2) it helps encourage the deployment of personnel from Southern countries to UN PKOs - as opposed to non-UN operations - because the UN pays more for troop deployment than most regional and sub-regional organizations. This initiative on the part of the UN may be an incentive for francophone Southern countries to participate more actively in the PKO, it is also a motivation for francophone Southern countries to participate more actively, but it may be an obstacle to their participation in the missions of regional or sub-regional organizations. Compared to the UN, organizations such as the African Union are not only under-resourced but also suffer from a lack of clear procedures for reimbursement of contingent-owned equipment.

Another asset that can be particularly useful in the field of peacemaking is the culture of dialogue and compromise that most often prevails in Francophonie. The OIF has extensive experience in mediation, which it has been able to utilize well in some crises. Finally, the Francophone expert networks supported by member states are often cited as an example of a specific feature of the organization that it could usefully and more effectively use in the service of Francophone missions.

Practical aspects of interaction

The OIF's activities consolidate the efforts of regional actors by developing Francophone training centres. For example, the OIF held two regional forums devoted to Francophone participation in Bamako and Yaoundé in 2009 in cooperation with the UN and the Francophone Peace Operations Network. The OIF has established relations with the UN training system and aligned Francophone programs with the UN norms and standards.

By the way, France sent an impressive number of troops to Côte d'Ivoire to support the UN forces tasked with monitoring and supporting the ceasefire during the UN Operation in Côte d'Ivoire (UNOCI), and played a leading role in the 4 ESDP military missions that kicked off Africa: 1) Operation Artemis (DRC), June-September 2003; 2) EU EUFOR Force in DRC, July-November 2006; 3) January 2008-March 2009; 4) EU Naval Force EU NAVFOR, Operation Atalanta, since December 2008. The French RECAMP program was transformed into the EU program called the EURORECAMP, following the Africa-EU Summit in Lisbon in December 2007.

When President Nicolas Sarkozy came to power in France in 2007, France's exclusive defence agreements with African governments were renegotiated. However, Sarkozy's promises were contradictory in practice. For example, statements about the reduction of unilateral intervention were refuted by practically unilateral interventions in Chad and Côte d'Ivoire.

The OIF has made a great contribution to the prevention of terrorism and extremism and to peacebuilding initiatives on the African continent. It is noteworthy that the UN General Assembly resolution unanimously adopted on 22nd of December 2008 noted the merits of the OIF in «increasingly close and fruitful cooperation» with the UN, «initiatives in conflict prevention, peacebuilding and support for democracy, the rule of law and human rights» ^[14]. Three areas of activity were highlighted: 1) electoral assistance and observation; 2) reinforcement of the French-speaking personnel in peacekeeping operations; and 3) contributions made to the situations in Côte d'Ivoire, Comoros, Haiti, Burundi, Central African Republic, Burundi, Chad, Central African Republic, Democratic Republic of the Congo and Chad in 2009.

The end of the French monopoly on intervention has meant that France now seeks to intervene multilaterally or alongside with international organizations including the UN, the EU and the African Union. It can then share the costs and risks of intervention. The increased involvement in the Francophone space by the UN, EU and AU comes against a backdrop of major changes in the structure of international power relations, which has led to unilateral French intervention. Changes in the financial sphere on which the special relationship between France and Africa was based have influenced the normative framework and the mentality of the Francophone African politicians. Intervention is no longer justified by the need to maintain or restore stability in Francophone Africa. Its aim now is to ensure security and the rule of law, which are prerequisites for the development and integration of a peaceful, prosperous Africa into the global economy.

International peacekeeping interventions in Francophone countries are mainly implemented in Africa, excluding Haiti. In Francophone Africa, it is necessary to take into account the special role of France and the dynamics of the Franco-African relations, as most Francophone African states share a common organizational, institutional and procedural model.

Preventing violent extremism through education

The United Nations has been active in building capacity on preventing violent extremism through education (PVE-E) in West Africa and the Sahel through a series of workshops.

According to the UNESCO Executive Board Decision 197EX/46 in 2015 ^[15], in which member states expressed a shared commitment to PVE-E and sought the UNESCO's support in building the capacity of key stakeholders, as well as the UN General Assembly Resolution A/70/L.55 of 1 July 2016 («UN Global Counter-Terrorism Strategy Review») ^[16], and the Plan of Action to Prevent Violent Extremism, published by the UN Secretary-General in 2015 ^[17], the UNESCO's work in the field of CVE-E is based on a commitment to the principles of peace and human rights education, and more recently Global Citizenship Education (GCED), which promotes respect, fosters a sense of belonging to a common humanity and can help students become responsible and active global citizens.

The UNESCO's activity includes the development of the following educational resources: 1) a guide for teachers on how to conduct classroom discussions on preventing violent extremism; 2) a guide on preventing violent extremism for education managers to support national efforts to integrate GCED into the education system; and 3) a GCED resource centre, established by the Asia-Pacific Centre for Education for International Understanding with the UNESCO's support.

Within the framework of ongoing programs, one of the OIF's priorities is to bring together programs to counter radicalization and prevent violent extremism to ensure a sustainable impact on member states and a sustainable world. The OIF's Francophone Regional Centre for Central and Eastern Europe developed educational materials aimed at creating awareness of human rights through diversity, understanding and education. These materials were intended to engage the school community in the Freedom Together initiative and to instill empathy for disadvantaged, excluded groups of people. In line with the conclusions of the International Conference organized in Paris in June 2016 on counter-terrorism and preventing radicalization to violence, the OIF is consolidating and coordinating its PVE-E efforts in French-speaking countries. This workshop was organized on the basis of a long-term partnership between the UNESCO and the OIF.

The regional workshop on building capacity to prevent violent extremism through education utilized the UNESCO materials and OIF youth resources. The workshop was a follow-up to a similar initiative for education stakeholders in East and Southern Africa organized by UNESCO in Addis Ababa in February 2017 with the International Institute for Capacity Building in Africa (IICBA).

A capacity building workshop in West Africa and the Sahel was held in close cooperation with the IICBA and APCEIU from 9th to 11th of May 2017 in Dakar with the participation of Liberia, Cameroon, Côte d'Ivoire, Guinea-Bissau, Senegal, Cameroon, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Sierra Leone and Gambia. The aim of the workshop was to assist West African and Sahel countries in implementing a strategy to prevent violent extremism, to familiarize themselves with the key issues, challenges and opportunities identified to implement and further stimulate the implementation of the VE strategy at the country level ^[18].

Cooperation on early warning and prevention

The UN and the OIF work together in the area of peace and security through mechanisms for early warning and conflict prevention, peacekeeping and peacebuilding, electoral assistance and electoral monitoring.

According to the UN Secretary-General for Africa, Ms. Keita, the UN and the OIF have recently collaborated in these spheres in Benin, Cameroon, Burkina Faso, Gabon, Comoros, Guinea, Madagascar, CAR and DRC. As an «example of enhanced cooperation on early warning and prevention», Ms. Keita pointed to a quadripartite meeting on Cameroon on 20th of July involving the UN Secretariat, the OIF, the Commonwealth and the African Union ^[19].

The UN and OIF share «strong support» for the G5 Sahel countries (Burkina Faso, Niger, Chad, Mali and Mauritania) in the field of development under the Priority Investment Program, as well as in terms of security, which «deserves enhanced international support» ^[19].

In her first address to the UNSC as the head of the OIF, Ms. Mushikiwabo reiterated her goal of making the OIF as «an important player in peacekeeping» ^[19]. According to Ms. Mushikiwabo, the OIF Secretary General, the «growing investment» of the OIF, international and regional partners in the Sahel, helps to foster cooperation with the G5 Sahel Permanent Secretariat for the benefit of governance, stability and countering radicalization and violent extremism. Moreover, the OIF has been instrumental in establishing the Francophone Network for the Prevention of Radicalization and Violent Extremism that can lead to Terrorism (FrancoPREV) to mobilize Francophone skills on this international issue. On the part of the OIF, this is a significant contribution, especially in the Sahel-Saharan region.

As for the current period of practical cooperation between the OIF and the UN in the field of peacekeeping and peacebuilding, a partnership agreement was signed in 2021 between the OIF and the UN Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) ^[20], with the aim of strengthening the training of peacekeepers deployed in Mali, teaching French to the military personnel of this UN peacekeeping operation. The importance of the French language training stems from the fact that the French language skills contribute to more effective operations, facilitating not only integration within the mission, but also interoperability between contingents and interaction with the local population and authorities to fulfil peace consolidation tasks. For example, the mobilization of the OIF in CAR to support the peace dynamics resulting from the February 2019 peace agreement.

Ms. Keita commended the Security Council for the significant support provided by the OIF member states to peacekeeping operations in raising the level of French-speaking civilian and military personnel in peacekeeping operations deployed in the French-speaking countries of Mali, CAR, DRC, etc., including French language trainings.

The OIF always responds to the UN peace and security initiatives. For instance, the OIF in collaboration with the Permanent Missions of France and the DRC to the United Nations organized an event on “Acting in the Francophone World in the Service of the Women, Peace and Security Agenda” on 24 October 2024 ^[21].

The event took place during the annual debate of the UN Security Council, which once again recognized the slow progress in implementing the Women, Peace and Security Agenda and the priority that needs to be given to action on the ground.

Conclusion

Thanks to the growing participation of francophone countries in PKOs, the OIF can claim a legitimate role in peacekeeping at the political, strategic and operational levels. In this sense, the participation of francophone countries in peacekeeping operations contributes to the institutionalization of the “francophone fact”.

Francophonie has thus evolved from an ideology aimed at promoting the French language and culture to a more pragmatic and political organization focused on political governance and sustainable development. The OIF has also changed the meaning of “francophone space” and its involvement in peacekeeping, conflict resolution and prevention, and security sector reform is a part of this evolution. The OIF is unique as it has strong links with local actors and expert networks, and is therefore able to act swiftly to prevent and respond to crises and conflicts in direct cooperation with the UN and other international partners.

The OIF actively supports UN mandates in Francophone countries, especially in Africa, where most conflicts are concentrated. The fact that more than half of the OIF member countries are located in Africa, which makes this region important for joint work. Despite the progress made in the UN-OIF cooperation, the current level of participation of francophone personnel in peacekeeping operations remains relatively limited, as well as there is a slow progress in implementing the Women, Peace and Security Agenda. Thus, a strengthened partnership between the OIF and the UN could significantly improve the quality of communication and management of peacekeeping operations in francophone countries, enabling a faster response to conflicts and ensuring security in Africa.

An important area of cooperation is the issues of post-conflict reconstruction, where the OIF is actively involved in UN programs to stabilize regions after armed conflicts, including the restoration of infrastructure, support for democratic processes and human rights. Joint efforts are aimed at preventing conflicts by strengthening democratic institutions, supporting elections and strengthening civil society in Francophone countries. The OIF participates in election observation in cooperation with the UN.

However, there are a number of financial, logistical, linguistic, strategic and political challenges that the UN and the OIF must overcome to improve the effectiveness of peace and security cooperation. A major impact on the effectiveness of peacekeeping efforts in Africa is the fact that the participation of francophone countries in peacekeeping operations takes place within the framework of international, regional and sub-regional organizations in which francophone countries do not always have political weight or numerical advantage. Sometimes the priorities of the OIF may not coincide with the political or strategic interests of individual UN members, which complicates coordination. The interaction between the UN and the OIF is not always sufficiently coordinated. The lack of a clear coordination mechanism leads to duplication or ineffectiveness of efforts.

^[1] al-Qaeda is included in the list of organizations recognized as terrorist organizations under the laws of the Russian Federation. URL: http://www.fsb.ru/fsb/npd/terror.htm