Functional and semantic peculurities of personal euphemisms of the Uzbek language through the prism of Russian and English cultures

Alimov Timur Ermekovich Postgraduate student, Department of Foreign Languages, Patrice Lumumba Peoples' Friendship University of Russia 117198, Russia, Moscow, Miklukho-Maklaya str., 6 alimovcom@mail.ru Other publications by this author

Introduction

The change in the focus of modern philology on the practical aspects of linguistic communication leads to a revision of the research of euphemisms. The structural, semantic and pragmatic features of euphemisms are studied in new contexts, which makes it possible to develop a more accurate and practically applicable classification of euphemisms. The variety of approaches to the definition of "euphemism" indicates the complexity of this concept and the lack of a unified theoretical framework in linguistics and related fields. This is due to the versatility and complexity of this phenomenon, since euphemism covers various aspects of language, culture and society. Euphemistic units are a complex and multifaceted phenomenon in the language system. In the literature on euphemia, there is considerable variability in the interpretation of some of its characteristics, which is due to the versatility of the phenomenon under study and the difference in methodological approaches that influence the formation of euphemisms. The differential features in the interpretations are due to the complexity of the nature of euphemistic codes, their cultural and social conditionality, as well as differences in the perception and use of euphemistic expressions depending on the context. The classical linguistic paradigm defines euphemisms as linguistic means used to replace words or expressions that may be considered rude, offensive, taboo, or inappropriate in a particular context. The purpose of euphemisms is to soften the expression, make it more acceptable and neutral, while preserving the essence or meaning of the statement. Euphemisms are traditionally considered as a means of social and cultural adaptation of language, allowing one to speak about complex, delicate or unpleasant topics more correctly and politely ^{[1, p. 527]}. This definition of euphemism demonstrates the functional effectiveness of the substitutional approach, which makes it possible to systematize and analyze linguistic phenomena associated with substitution. This approach emphasizes that euphemisms function as alternative expressions that circumvent the social, cultural, or moral constraints imposed on the direct use of certain words or phrases in society. Replacing rude, taboo, or inappropriate expressions with softer forms helps preserve social norms and ensure acceptable communication. When using a euphemism, the form is replaced, but not the meaning. The substitutional aspect of the study of euphemistic units suggests that the meaning or content of the utterance remains the same, but an expression is selected that causes less negative associations and emotional discomfort in the interlocutor. Within the framework of this approach, euphemisms are considered as a way of adapting speech to the requirements of social norms and cultural standards. This allows the speaker to avoid violations of etiquette and maintain politeness, especially when discussing sensitive or taboo topics (for example, death, illness, sexual issues, etc.). Despite the fact that, in general, characterized by multi-purpose motivational determinants (which is typical of all languages), each individual language reflects cultural and national characteristics (linguistic and cultural universals) peculiar to a particular community or ethnic group, realizing an individual request ^{[8, p. 74]}. Therefore, euphemization is "a phenomenon where linguistic properties are intertwined with cognitive, social and creative aspects" ^{[6, p. 37]}. It is not just a linguistic process of replacing one word with another, it reflects a complex system of interactions between thinking, cultural norms and social attitudes. This makes it a multifaceted and multilevel phenomenon in which language is used not only as a means of communication, but also as a tool for managing perception and interpretation of reality.

Within the framework of this study, euphemisms are considered among a variety of linguistic phenomena used to designate various objects of reality, to which they relate not directly, but indirectly, and are understood as signs of indirect nomination intended to encode certain objects, phenomena, events, or actions for various purposes (according to the characteristics of the signs) ^{[13, p. 131]}.

The peculiarity of euphemisms is that their formation is based on the principle of secondary nomination. This principle assumes that an already existing phenomenon, object or action receives a new designation, different from the direct or original one. The principle of secondary nomination implies the creation of an indirect designation that replaces the direct nomination. This can happen through the use of metaphors, periphrases, comparisons, or descriptive expressions. Expressions Nobud bulmok (to die) instead of shlmok (to die) is an example of a euphemistic code where the secondary nomination hides the physiological aspect. At the heart of each euphemism, the primary concept or the main meaning remains unchanged. Euphemism only puts this meaning in another form, making it more gentle, indirect or culturally acceptable. For example, in the expression wafot etmok (to die), the concept of death is preserved, but the term itself is replaced by a less harsh and more respectful designation. This approach allows us to consider euphemisms as dynamic linguistic phenomena that adapt to cultural and social changes, while remaining connected with the original essence of the signified. Euphemistic expressions have flexibility and variability, which makes them an important tool in language to respond to changes in society and reflect current cultural and social norms. The substitutional approach assumes that euphemism arises as a result of replacing the original concept with a new nominative means, which receives a new function of naming, as V.N. Telia notes ^{[9, p. 129]}, representing part of the general way of reflecting reality for native speakers, integrating into the system of cultural, social and cognitive representations characteristic of a particular language the language community. They not only serve the function of softening or veiling meanings, but also reflect how native speakers perceive, interpret and structure the world around them.

Our approach assumes that the analysis of the conceptual foundations of the semantics of euphemisms will reveal the specifics of their functioning, which, in turn, will become a key criterion for evaluating euphemisms. Comparing the personal euphemisms of the Uzbek language with similar phenomena in Russian and English cultures makes it possible to identify both common features and unique features associated with the cultural and social norms of each of the studied cultures.

The methodology of our research, based on the work of Anna Vezhbitskaya, indicates a deep connection between language and culture, as well as the importance of cultural semantics in the analysis of euphemistic units. This allows us to consider euphemistic expressions not only as linguistic units, but also as a reflection of cultural values and worldview, which is especially relevant in studies between language and culture. Firstly, within the framework of the linguocultural approach, meaning is considered as the main value of language, since it reflects not only information, but also cultural, social and psychological aspects characteristic of native speakers. Meaning becomes a link between language and culture, allowing linguistic units to convey not only meaning, but also cultural attitudes, taboos and values ^{[12, p. 8]}. Secondly, "the word acts as the main key to decoding cultural meanings and norms" ^{[16, p. 34]}. Thirdly, "a word is an indicator of a set of codes that should and can be decoded using linguistic tools existing in current practice" ^{[12, p. 2]}. Fourthly, "each language includes words that represent carriers of cultural wealth and have the status of key cultural terms" ^{[16, c. 37]}. Fifth, "the meaning of the word can be interpreted" ^[11]. Sixth, "the semantic component contains information related to the cultural stratum of a particular community" ^{[17, p. 64]}. In conclusion, "for a comprehensive perception of the cultural semantics of the word" it is necessary to draw parallels with the cultural and historical universe in the course of interpretation" ^{[16, p. 40]}.

The results of the study

As a result of the analysis of the corpus of euphemistic names of a personal field obtained by continuous sampling from a variety of sources, including modern explanatory, specialized and linguistic dictionaries, as well as authentic texts of fiction and journalism, 3,000 examples were analyzed and 1,234 euphemistic units were allocated for this study, of which (see diagram 1):

Figure 1. The number of identified euphemistic nominations in Uzbek, Russian and English

This provided an opportunity to conduct a detailed analysis, formulate reliable conclusions, and identify the following three functional and semantic groups of personal euphemisms (see Diagram 2.): 1) the sphere of death; 2) the euphemistic group of fat nominations; 3) euphemistic units replacing the negative connotations of old age. The conducted research reveals unique (culturally conditioned and linguospecific) intra-nominative areas, which represent specific conceptual and semantic zones within lexical units. These areas reflect the peculiarities of nomination and euphemization characteristic of a particular culture, and include cultural connotations, emotional shades and contextual meanings.

Diagram 2. Functional semantic classification of personal euphemisms and their quantitative ratio in the compared languages

Comparative analysis revealed that in the Uzbek language the largest percentage of euphemisms refers to the sphere of death, amounting to 64.5% (300 euphemistic units), which is significantly higher than in Russian (58.6% or 198 units) and English (57.1% or 200 linguistic signs). This indicates a more pronounced desire of Uzbek culture to soften references to death compared to Russian and English-speaking representatives. From a cultural point of view, in Eastern philosophy, especially in Islam, which believes in monotheism, life after death is understood as the achievement of eternal pleasure and happiness. There is a belief that, having left the mortal world, a person can live in constant comfort in the next world ^{[4, p. 77]}. For this reason, Uzbek religious texts contain many euphemistic expressions of the concept of death based on this postulate. For example, bokiy dunega ketmok (to go to the eternal world), ҳakiy ҳaetga yil olmok (went on a true path), yelgon dune mushkullaridan kutulmok (left the mortal world), abadi farogatga erishmok (went to eternal pleasure). The semantics of these sentences reveal, on the one hand, the cause of death and even its purpose, and, on the other, death as a force independent of man. Firstly, people are born to die, and secondly, death, according to Islamic ideas, is happiness, reward. The considered euphemisms-sentences reveal the concept of death through such a parameter as comprehension of happiness, finding grace: shlim – oliy masudlik (death is a high grace), masudlik onini – shlim saodati (the moment of happiness is the bliss of death), shlim – bu dunening eng ulug mukofoti (death is the highest reward in the world). We are talking about the inevitable onset of death, which must be accepted. These euphemistic sentences are designed to calm a person down, to help him come to terms with parting with a priceless life. The euphemistic explications of taqdirdan kochib kutula olmayslik (there is no escape from fate), taqdirda bor ekan (destined by fate), taqdirda yozilgan bylmok (what is written by fate happens) can be considered in two plans: in the semantic aspect it appears as something inevitable, if we consider the sentence in the aspect of cognitive linguistics, then a visible image of death arises. Fate in this unit is presented as a kind of element that deprives a person of life, from which it is impossible to hide or escape. Thus, the concept of taqdir (fate) arises, i.e. a set of representations and associations in which sensual and rational elements are combined. The main meaning of the considered euphemisms is death – the highest grace, death – inevitability.

Russian culture was largely shaped by the influence of Orthodoxy, which has a significant impact on the perception of death. In the Orthodox tradition, death is considered not as the final cessation of existence, but as the transition of the soul into eternal life. This belief gives death a special meaning and comfort to the living. Death is described as passing away, passing into another world, which emphasizes the idea of death as a journey or transition. To leave life, to leave us, to leave the world/us – expressions represent death as a process of leaving or moving away, which is often perceived as a transition to another world or another state of being. The use of verbs of movement emphasizes the idea of traveling or moving the soul.

Expressions are used to plunge into eternal sleep, to fall asleep with the last sleep, where death is equated with a state of sleep. The expressions to find eternal peace, to find peace reflect the idea of death as the achievement of final peace and quiet. Death is denoted through metaphorical expressions that transfer meaning from one concept to another by similarity of signs. For example, to give up the spirit, the soul flew away. Death is endowed with human traits or qualities, which is manifested in the expressions cold scythe, noseless, bony. These images are often associated with traditional representations of death in the form of a skeleton with a scythe. The euphemisms heaven took away, heaven took away, reflect the belief that the soul of the deceased goes to heaven or to another, better place. In Russian culture, heaven is often associated with paradise, higher powers and the afterlife.

Thus, the unique features of Russian culture that hide the nomination "death" lie in deep philosophical and spiritual approaches to this phenomenon, reflected in the language. Euphemisms serve not only as a means of mitigating the psychological impact of the theme of death, but also as a way to express respect, memory and faith in the continuation of the path of the soul. They allow us to talk about death with delicacy, preserving the richness and imagery of the Russian language, and reflect the national character, which combines emotionality, spirituality and a deep understanding of the path of life.

There are about 200 names of death, the process of dying and burial in the English language, used in all areas of human activity. This reflects a deep interest and attention to the topic of death in English culture. Unlike Russian and Uzbek, where there are many proverbs and sayings about death, there are fewer such parodies in English. Despite the declining role of religion in modern Western society, the English language retains many expressions reflecting Protestant ideas about death. For example, afterlife (life after death), everlasting life (eternal life), to meet your Maker (meet the Creator). Many expressions emphasize that death is not the end, but a transition to another, better world or a return home: to go home, better place, to be gathered to your fathers.

The verbs go, leave, pass are widely used, reflecting the idea of movement or transition: to pass away (to die), to cross the River Jordan (to cross the Jordan River), to depart this life (to leave this life). Death is perceived as the end of a life path: end of the road, to call it a day. Expressions are used in which death is represented as eternal sleep or rest: asleep (to fall asleep), at rest (at rest), to put to rest (to rest).

There are many slang expressions related to death in the English language that use humor or grotesque to alleviate the fear of death: to kick the bucket (throw away the skates), to bite the dust (drop dead), pushing up the daisies (go to the next world). As a maritime power, Great Britain has many expressions related to the sea and the navy: to go aloft (to go upstairs), to sleep in Davey Jones' locker (to sleep in Davey Jones' chest, that is, to be buried at sea). Some idioms reflect a rational and practical approach to death: to pay the final debt (to pay the last debt), written out of the script (written off, excluded). Expressions have been found where death is associated with burial and nature: under the daisies (under daisies), to push up the daisies (to push out daisies, that is, to be buried).

Thus, in English culture, death is perceived as the natural end of life, which is reflected in numerous expressions describing it as a transition, a path or a return home. She demonstrates a practical view of death, considering it as an inevitable part of life, which is reflected in the use of business and clerical expressions. Despite the secularization of society, religious beliefs about death continue to influence language and culture, complemented by secular and humorous approaches. Black humor and metaphorical expressions help to overcome the fear of death, making the topic more acceptable for discussion.

Euphemisms related to the topic of old age also show correlational differences: in Uzbek, their share is 30.7% (160 units), which is significantly higher compared to Russian (20.7% or 70 units) and English (14.3% or 50 units) languages. These data reflect the cultural specifics of the perception of old age and respect for the elderly in Uzbek culture, which requires more frequent use of euphemistic forms. The euphemistic names of age in the Uzbek language are similar to English and Russian discourse, but there are unique euphemistic codes that represent, firstly, information about religion and, secondly, the worldview of Uzbek society. In the existing dictionaries of the Uzbek language, the word age is interpreted as "the total number of years lived since birth" ^{[2, p. 22]}. Even if lexicographic comments do not reflect the time spent in the womb, from an Islamic point of view, in the Uzbek language and culture, it is added to the total age of a person. In this regard, the English and Uzbek linguistic cultures have differential characteristics. It is worth noting that in collectivism-oriented societies, there is a tendency to avoid anything that can cause confrontation or create tension in the team. This leads to the emergence of a large number of euphemisms related to social interactions and conflict-averse behavior. In individualistic cultures (to which the Anglo-Saxon one belongs), on the contrary, euphemisms of the nominative field of old age are less common.

In the speech communication of the Uzbek people, it is not customary to address elderly people by first name or patronymic. Metaphorical forms of address are used in relation to them, which led to their functional transformation, initially applied to the category of family ties, and subsequently explicating the use in relation to strangers: "Ota", "Otahon", "Otajon" (father), "Bobo", "Bobojon" (grandfather), "She" (mother), "Onajon" (mom), "Onahon" (mom)", "Boovie", "Bouvijon" (grandmother). The euphemistic units of this sphere contradict the traditional definition of euphemism and do not have any stigmatized semes in their semantic composition ^{[2, p. 87]}.

Separately, it is worth highlighting unique comparable linguistic signs encoding disrespect and expressing respect for older or highly respected members of society – "Opoki", "Opokdada", "Opokbuvi" and "Opokaya" (literally: "Elder father", "Elder grandfather", "Elder grandmother", "Elder mother"), who are the dominants of the highest degree of respect ^{[3, p. 67]}. It is also possible to distinguish lexical units–addresses "Taksir" highly respected, venerable (addressing a respected person above the rank), "Birodar" (addressing a person close to each other in activities, views, worldview), "Khizhaka" (addressing a man who made a pilgrimage, a representative of the once privileged class in the Middle Asia), and "Oksokol" (an appeal to elderly respected people, veterans of war and labor, literally: a white-bearded old man) ^{[7, p. 55]}. Old age is important in the Uzbek language culture, in particular, 60 years is the achievement of a special social status. Due to the fact that the prophet died at the age of 63, in Uzbek traditions this age is considered venerable and a person who has reached this age gives paigambar oshi (pilaf of the prophet), and a person who has lived 83 years and 4 months is valued as umr kyrgan kishiam ming oini kyrgan tabarruk inson (blessed man who saw a thousand months). It should be noted that these Uzbek expressions emphasize the status or spiritual position of a person who does not have direct reproduction in speech communication of representatives of Russian and English cultures.

Modern Russian society is largely focused on the values of youth and beauty. This leads to the fact that aging is perceived negatively, and older people may feel socially isolated. In the media and everyday speech, more than twenty variants of euphemisms are used to refer to the elderly. This indicates a desire to mitigate or avoid the negative connotation associated with the word old. For example, an elderly person, an elderly person, older people, older people, an elegant woman^{[5, p. 91]}.

In Russian culture, discussing age, especially in relation to women, is considered impolite or indecent. Question: How old are you? it can be perceived as a violation of personal boundaries "... native speakers of the Russian language are particularly sensitive to age issues, such an attitude borders on the taboo nature of this topic" ^{[5, p. 94]}. The terms senior people, people of the older generation reflect respect for elders and emphasize their status in society. Euphemisms like silver age, Balzac age woman use metaphors and cultural references to soften the theme. A large number of euphemisms indicates a creative search for the most appropriate and acceptable formulations reflecting the modern attitude towards age. Modern Russian society is experiencing a change in the perception of age due to an increase in the quality and duration of life. People aged 65 and older often continue to work actively and are not perceived as old in the traditional sense. The desire to find the most acceptable terms for age indicates discomfort with traditional nominations and a desire to avoid negative associations.

Thus, the attitude towards age in Russian culture is characterized by complexity and versatility. On the one hand, there is a desire to respect and appreciate the older generation, on the other hand, there is a fear of aging and a desire to avoid associations with it. This leads to the active use of euphemisms and the search for new forms of expression reflecting modern social realities and cultural values.

Attitudes towards aging in English culture are currently overshadowed by widespread negative stereotypes and ageism: older people are considered incompetent, hostile or a burden to society, and older people are subjected to a range of destructive stereotypes. Negative stereotypes are prevalent in the workplace, in health and social care, as well as in the media, while women and representatives of black and ethnic minorities face the "double danger" of discrimination. Older workers are considered to have lower productivity, lower learning ability, and more expensive than younger workers.

In health and social care, stereotypes are even more negative, with attitudes focused on death and physical decline, and aging is seen as a process of increasingly poor health. The media is a key factor in negative attitudes, presenting aging as a crisis or a public burden, while the aging population is described using metaphorical euphemisms such as grey tsunami, demographic cliff and demographic timebomb. Older people are often portrayed as villains, "villains" who unfairly consume too much of society's resources. The resulting impact on the well-being of older people and social effectiveness underscores the urgency of a cultural shift. Consequently, attitudes towards age and aging differ significantly in Uzbek, Russian and English cultures. In Uzbek culture, the older generations are traditionally highly valued, deep respect and reverence for the elderly are shown, who are considered to be bearers of wisdom and experience, which is reflected in the use of respectful addresses and honorary titles. There is also a respectful attitude towards the elderly in Russian culture, but it is accompanied by many euphemisms that seek to soften the direct mention of old age and focus on experience and wisdom, despite the presence of negative stereotypes in the media and the working environment. English culture, on the contrary, shows a tendency towards political correctness and the positivization of aging through the use of a variety of euphemisms emphasizing the activity, vitality and experience of older people, but faces widespread negative stereotypes and ageism, especially in the media and in the workplace. Thus, Uzbek culture is the most traditional and respectful towards aging, Russian culture combines respect with linguistic softening and stereotypes, and English culture strives for inclusivity and a positive perception of age, despite existing challenges.

Interesting differences are also observed in the use of euphemisms with a negative connotation associated with overweight. In English, the share of such euphemisms is 28.6% (100 units), in Russian — 20.7% (70 units), while in Uzbek they are significantly less — only 4.8% (23 units). This indicates cultural differences in the perception and discussion of physical characteristics, reflecting the greater degree of taboo on this topic in English-speaking and Russian cultures compared to Uzbek. Completeness in Uzbek culture traditionally symbolizes well-being, prosperity and social status and is not an acute problem in society, which directly affects the speech behavior of Uzbeks. In most cases, the female is not overweight, this is due to the fact that after the wedding, most of the housework, child care, and cooking are imposed on them, which makes it difficult to gain excess weight in such a rhythm. However, it is worth noting that modern trends in Uzbek culture, especially in the urban environment and among young people, are beginning to change under the influence of globalization and Western beauty standards, where slimness is associated with health and attractiveness.

Excess weight is a sensitive topic in Russian culture. A direct reference to a person's fullness can be perceived as an insult or a sign of tactlessness. On the one hand, being overweight can be the subject of jokes or negative assessments, on the other hand, there is a certain degree of acceptance and even approval of fullness, especially in a historical and cultural context where fullness was associated with well—being and health. The word full is widely used instead of thick. It is considered more tactful and neutral, and is equally applicable to men and women.

Expressions like has a large size of clothes, the owner of large sizes shift attention from the physical body to the size of clothes, which softens possible negative perception. The foreign language expressions plus size and plus size also refer to the size of clothes and came to the Russian language from the fashion industry. Traditionally, in Russian culture, feminine forms and splendor were appreciated, which is reflected in literature and art. However, modern Western standards of slimness also have an impact. The expressions curvy girls, curvaceous ladies, and an appetizing figure evoke pleasant associations and focus on attractiveness and femininity. Word forms in the body, big people, big people are neutral and can be interpreted in different ways, which avoids direct indication of overweight ^{[5, p. 84]}

In general, the attitude towards overweight in Russian culture is characterized by a desire for a balance between respect for individual characteristics and social norms. Euphemistic expressions serve as a tool to maintain this balance, allowing you to talk about sensitive topics without violating ethical norms and resentment.

In English-speaking cultures, especially in the United Kingdom and the United States, the use of euphemisms related to obesity serves as a linguistic tool to overcome the stigma and sensitivity surrounding body weight. In English, many euphemistic expressions are used to refer to obesity and overweight without using the direct term fat (fat). The terms overweight and obese are often used in medical and official contexts to describe body weight without negative connotations. The expressions unhealthy weight and excess weight focus on health effects rather than appearance in an effort to reduce stigma. Euphemisms p lus-sized and plus-size (large sizes) mainly used in the fashion industry, these terms emphasize size without a hint of negativity ^{[14, p. 15]}. The terms voluptuous (curvy), curvy (curvy), and survaceous (rounded) carry a positive or attractive connotation, especially when describing female bodies. Pleasantly plump (pleasantly plump) and rubenesque (rubenesque) emphasize fullness in a flattering manner, relying on artistic references. The euphemistic units soish potato (couch potato) and tubby (chubby) have a humorous connotation, although in certain contexts they can still be considered insensitive, and the expressions well-built (well-built) and well-fleshed (well-fleshed) emphasize physical strength, not weight ^{[15, pp. 18-19]}. Consequently, English culture demonstrates a complex and often contradictory attitude towards obesity, characterized by a combination of political correctness, medicalization and persistent negative stereotypes. The widespread use of euphemisms serves as a linguistic mechanism to overcome the stigma and sensitivity associated with higher weight, reflecting broader cultural values of respect, inclusivity and a desire to avoid insults. However, the prevalence of negative stereotypes in the media and the professional environment highlights the current problems in the fight against ageism and body shaming. The cultural emphasis on appearance and the historical foundations of body image norms further complicate the situation.

Thus, based on the analysis of the fixed corpus of units, it can be concluded that euphemism represents a universal linguistic and cultural tool that, firstly, is capable of mitigating or circumventing taboo topics, and secondly, going back to various cultural codes, it reflects the cultural, social and emotional attitudes of society. Euphemistic units not only replace taboo or undesirable expressions, but also encode information about values, norms and rules of behavior characteristic of a given culture. Differential linguistic signs serve as indicators of which topics are sensitive and require mitigation, and which are acceptable for open discussion. Euphemistic substitutes make it possible to maintain communicative ethics and norms of politeness, avoid conflicts and maintain social harmony, demonstrating the ability of language to adapt to changing cultural and social conditions, offering new forms and nominations for topical or sensitive topics.

The results of the study revealed unique cultural features in the formation and use of euphemistic units. Quantitative analysis has shown that in the Uzbek language the largest percentage of euphemistic codes refers to the sphere of death, which is significantly higher than in Russian and English. The main reason is that Uzbek culture is characterized by a collective and ritual approach to death, which is directly reflected in speech communication, whereas Russian culture combines religious traditions with deep cultural reflections, and English culture strives for delicacy and individual perception of death. Russian Russian culture combines respect with linguistic softenings and stereotypes, and English culture strives for inclusivity and a positive perception of age, despite the existing ones. The euphemistic units associated with old age revealed differential indicators: the Uzbek language shows a higher indicator compared to Russian and English, which is associated with the most traditional and respectful attitude towards aging. challenges. Russian Russian, on the contrary, euphemistic expressions regarding the negative connotation of "fat" are more common in English and Russian, compared to Uzbek, this is due to the fact that the Uzbek people are the most traditionally and positively related to fullness, Russians combine respect with growing stigma, and the British strive for a respectful and inclusive approach, despite existing prejudices and discrimination.