Translate this page:
Please select your language to translate the article


You can just close the window to don't translate
Library
Your profile

Back to contents

Conflict Studies / nota bene
Reference:

The place of the Arab Spring in French foreign policy

Ionov Dmitriy Dmitrievich

ORCID: 0009-0008-8598-0189

Graduate student of the Institute of International Relations and World History, Department of Political Science, National Research Nizhny Novgorod State University named after N.I. Lobachevsky

603000, Russia, Nizhny Novgorod region, Nizhny Novgorod, Ulyanova str., 2

dmitriy.ionov@unn.ru
Other publications by this author
 

 
Kretov Andrey Dmitrievich

ORCID: 0009-0001-9076-1465

Postgraduate student; Department of Oriental Languages and Linguoculturology; Lobachevsky National Research Nizhny Novgorod State University

603005, Russia, Nizhny Novgorod region, Nizhny Novgorod, Ulyanova str., 2

krietov2000@mail.ru

DOI:

10.7256/2454-0617.2024.3.71208

EDN:

NQUYIO

Received:

07-07-2024


Published:

23-08-2024


Abstract: The events of the Arab Spring have had a significant impact on the world stage, extending its influence beyond the Arab region, leading to dramatic changes in the political landscape of the Middle East. This article analyses assessments of the Arab Spring and its impact on French foreign policy. The paper examines the key factors that shaped France's approach to the Arab Spring events, including geopolitical interests, economic ties, historical relations with the Arab world, and domestic political considerations. The aim of the paper is to analyse the key assessments, approaches and interpretations of the French expert community in relation to the Arab Spring events. The object of the study is French foreign policy in the context of the Arab Spring events and its impact on France's relations with Arab countries. The subject of the study is the assessment of the ‘Arab Spring’ by the French expert community. The methodological basis of the article is based on the system approach. The scientific novelty of the work is due to the fact that it treats the events of the Arab Spring as a turning point for French foreign policy in the Middle East, leading to a revision of previously established approaches. The authors concluded that the events of the Arab Spring have become a serious challenge for France's foreign policy, requiring a flexible response and adjustment of previously established approaches. The results of the study contribute to the understanding of the peculiarities of France's foreign policy course in the Middle East region, and also make it possible to assess the impact of the Arab Spring on the transformation of foreign policy priorities of one of the leading states of the European Union.


Keywords:

arab spring, Middle East, European Union, Union for the Mediterranean, France, Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria, international relations

This article is automatically translated.

Introduction

The Arab Spring has taken many countries by surprise, despite warnings from the United Nations and many observers. France's first reaction to the rapidly developing events in the Middle East turned out to be rash. France has underestimated the attractiveness of democracy in the Arab world. The appointment of Alain Juppe to the Quai d'orsay in March 2011 was probably supposed to lead to more active support for anti-government forces in Arab countries, since France now unequivocally encourages the "democratic aspirations of the Arab peoples." This turnaround was confirmed at the level of the European Union and at the G8 summit in Deauville, chaired by France. France, together with the United Kingdom, initiated the intervention in Libya and played an active role in the Libyan crisis. However, since the end of 2011, Paris has taken a more cautious position for a number of reasons – from the election results favorable to Islamists to the risk of obvious destabilization in some countries of the region. France opposed the entry of a Saudi military unit into Bahrain, supported the reforms promoted by the King of Morocco, and called on the Islamist governments in Tunisia and Egypt to respect the rights of minorities and freedom of expression.

The object of the study is France's foreign policy in the context of the events of the "Arab Spring" and its impact on France's relations with Arab countries. The subject of the study is the assessment of the "Arab Spring" by the French expert community.

The aim of the work is to analyze the key assessments, approaches and interpretations of the French expert community regarding the events of the "Arab Spring" in the Middle East and North Africa region. To achieve this goal, the following tasks were set: 1. To study and systematize the opinions of French experts (political scientists, orientalists, analysts, etc.) regarding the causes, dynamics and consequences of the "Arab Spring"; 2. To identify the main factors and criteria that guided the French expert community in assessing the events of the "Arab Spring"; 3. To identify the points of view of French experts regarding the influence of the "Arab Spring the impact of the Arab Spring on French foreign policy in the region; 4. To analyze the evolution and change in the assessments of the French expert community regarding the events of the "Arab Spring" at various stages; 5. To identify key trends and patterns in the expert assessments of the French community regarding the "Arab Spring".

The scientific novelty of the work is due to the fact that it interprets the events of the "Arab Spring" as a turning point for French foreign policy in the Middle East, leading to a revision of previously established approaches. The examples of Egypt, Tunisia, Libya and Syria showed the changes in France's relations with these countries, as well as how internal unrest in these countries affected French diplomatic strategies.

The methodological basis of the article is based on a systematic approach. This approach is based on the analysis of objects as systems and a holistic consideration of a certain set of events.

In the article, we use such methods as event analysis, which makes it possible to study in detail the specific foreign policy actions of the French presidents within a certain time interval, and the method of discourse analysis when studying the assessments of the "Arab Spring" in the French media. In addition, it is important to note the use of the historical comparison method, which provided an opportunity to conduct a comparative analysis of the concepts and practices of the presidents in the field of French Middle East policy during the "Arab Spring".

Quite a lot of scientific and analytical works are devoted to the events of the "Arab Spring". France continues to show neo-colonialist interests in a number of Muslim regions. The causes and facts of the Arab revolutions are discussed in the books and works of Yalloun T. [1], Bank A., Richter T., Sunik A. [2], Korotaev A. [3]. In their work, they study the emergence of revolutions in states, their origin, what role information technology played, whether there is a scenario for Arab uprisings and what are the prospects for the countries of the Arab world. France's reaction to the events of the "Arab Spring" has become the subject of research by I. M. Mokhova, A. I. Funeshima, N. Y. Uzunova. At the same time, these works mainly contain an analysis of the causes and consequences of the "Arab Spring", primarily for the Arab world and the world community as a whole. There are still few works devoted to the impact of the events of the "Arab Spring" on the foreign and domestic policy of France, which once again confirms the relevance of the topic of this study and determines the choice of topic.

France's reaction to the events of the "Arab Spring"

The "Arab Spring" began in Tunisia on December 17, 2010 after the self-immolation of Mohamed Bouazizi, followed by a series of mass demonstrations and an attempt to suppress them by force. After several weeks of street fighting and the overthrow by the Tunisian armed forces of the regime of Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali, a transitional government has arrived. Simultaneously with the events in Tunisia, demonstrations broke out in Egypt, Libya, Syria and several other countries in the Middle East. The reasons for the speeches also varied – some were based on the idea of a change of power and the organization of a more just social order, others on outside interference, and others were related to the imbalance of power between the tribes, together they created a number of acute problems for France [5].

These problems have caused rapid changes in French foreign policy. First, as noted in the introduction, France's position in the region was based on personal relationships with some Arab dictators, and therefore, when the Tunisian public began to call for democratic reforms, France found itself in a serious dilemma. On the one hand, as a champion of democratic values, France was expected to support, if not openly encourage, the aspirations of the public. But on the other hand, as an alternative, support for such movements would undermine the foundations of France's regional influence. Secondly, it was impossible to predict the scale and results of the protests in the short term. As a result of the "Arab Spring", France found itself in an unusual situation, waiting for political measures, rather than forming them. Thirdly, the unfolding revolutions led to general instability in the region, which further emphasized France's seemingly short-term detachment, since one of the key reasons why Paris supported authoritarian regimes was their stability and predictability [6]. Finally, instability in the region could lead to an increase in illegal immigration to the EU, so France sought to avoid such consequences. Ties between Paris and Tunisia, combined with fears of instability, forced France to show restraint in the early days of the demonstrations.

Such an obvious inaction by the French government provoked internal political tensions, which reached a climax when the first foreign policy statement with any content was made in the form of a "call to arms." In early January 2011, Foreign Minister Michel Alliot-Marie proposed that France send its security forces to support the Ben Ali regime. Eventually, amid growing public concern, French policy towards Tunisia changed – France began to actively work to support political transformations in Tunisia, and in February 2011, Prime Minister Francois Fillon presented a new plan aimed at supporting democratic reforms [7].

The period of the "Arab Spring" in Egypt coincided with the events unfolding in Tunisia. On January 25, 2011, demonstrations broke out in Cairo's central Tahrir Square. What began as a series of disorderly demonstrations aimed at expressing solidarity with the Tunisian people quickly turned into more organized protests against restrictions on freedom of speech, manipulation of the outcome of national elections and widespread corruption. Hosni Mubarak's government brought in security forces to quell the demonstrations by shutting down communication channels (Internet and mobile networks), mass arrests and the deployment of rival subnational groups loyal to Mubarak. In Egyptian society, the President has come to be seen as an obstacle to modernization and reform.

Despite such measures, or perhaps because of them, the clear alienation of the ruling elite from the Egyptian masses became apparent, which marked the beginning of a period of constant violence and general instability. Mubarak's military support waned and he handed over power to the Supreme Council of the Egyptian Armed Forces. By that time, the demonstrations were in full swing, and France decided to pursue a more active policy towards Egypt, since that country had long been considered a bulwark of regional stability. In addition, any civil war in Egypt, especially with explicit Islamic overtones, could damage European political and economic interests [8].

Stressing the friendly nature of Franco-Egyptian relations, France called for dialogue between all parties in order to maintain stability in the state and initiate democratic reforms. Further, France took the initiative to involve the EU States in developing a common position, which was expressed in a call for an end to violence against civilians and respect for human rights. France has put forward a number of demands, ranging from responsibility for the protection of journalists to the desire for a quick transfer of power in Egypt, that is, in fact, to regime change from within.

On February 11, 2011, French President Nicolas Sarkozy publicly welcomed the resignation of the Mubarak government and expressed hope that the new Egyptian authorities would establish democracy and the rule of law. This does not mean that France blindly opposed Mubarak, without thinking about who would replace him. France has repeatedly expressed concerns about Egypt's future, even calling for a complete rejection of any religious dictatorships, stressing that "Western democracies have a moral responsibility to help Egypt avoid systems that would be worse than previous dictatorships" [9]. In March of the same year, French Foreign Minister Alain Juppe visited Cairo, where he personally congratulated Mohammed Morsi and tried to convey France's interests in restoring stability in the region. Juppe stated that "in Egypt, this movement is being carried out in an admirable way." He also promised to increase financial assistance from France, the European Union and the United States, emphasizing the importance of the Mediterranean Union for Egypt. However, it is noteworthy that France rejected the proposal to write off the Egyptian debt [10].

France's attitude towards the Egyptian demonstrations was multifaceted and included several features that deserve attention. Firstly, France openly supported the protesters and began to speak out against the regime. Learning from the mistakes in Tunisia, Sarkozy has made great efforts trying to promote France as an unwavering, unapologetic fighter for democracy and inalienable human rights in the region. By doing so, Sarkozy demonstrated the inconsistency of his policy, since in the recent past he proclaimed the principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of Arab countries. Secondly, Sarkozy began to work closely with his European allies, in particular with Great Britain and Germany. This multilateral cooperation was aimed at strengthening France's position in the region and was not aimed at shaping EU policy as such, rather, it was aimed at legitimizing France's position through approval from Britain and Germany. Thirdly, France continued to fear that the momentum of change would lead to an Islamic revolution. These were well-founded concerns, because although the Muslim Brotherhood initially faded into the background, they were the most disciplined and organized opposition group in the country. In order to prevent the emergence of a theocratic Egyptian state, France has set itself a new, albeit impossible, goal – to support democratic reforms as a means of suppressing Islamist sentiments.

Unlike the short–term revolutionary impulse characteristic of both the Egyptian and Tunisian episodes, the Syrian one is one example where the suppression of demonstrations led to a full-scale civil war.

France, like a number of other countries, has been actively trying to cope with the growing instability in the country. However, the French government either underestimated the demonstrators' ability to overthrow the regime, or overestimated the regime's ability to suppress the revolution. In addition, and perhaps most importantly, France was on good terms with Bashar al–Assad and used its leverage in the country to weaken the influence of Iran, Russia and China. Thus, initially, France's reaction to the outbreak of violence in Syria consisted of restrained criticism and weak condemnations.

The European Union was responding to the bloodshed in Syria with a limited-scale sanctions regime imposed on Syrian officials four months after the conflict began. However, as the death toll increased, European diplomacy changed its tone. On June 20, 2011, the EU Foreign Affairs Council strongly condemned the escalation of violence in Syria. Regretting that the Syrian authorities did not respond to calls for an immediate end to violence and constructive negotiations, the EU called the ongoing violent repression in Syria a threat to internal and regional stability. Stressing that the crisis can only be resolved through a political process, the EU called on the Syrian authorities to immediately start a dialogue and carry out political reforms. As expected, the reaction of the Syrian government was formal and did not affect policy changes, which could not be said about the EU, which, largely thanks to the initiative of France, imposed a second wave of personal sanctions against a wide range of Syrian officials on June 23 [11].

In early August, the third wave of European sanctions was adopted. These measures proved ineffective – the Syrian conflict has not been settled. However, if viewed from a more symbolic point of view, they are an important milestone in the EU's foreign policy, since they can be seen as a foreign policy in action. In addition to implementing the EU options, France has also launched several unilateral initiatives. In April 2011, Alain Juppe listed four priority areas for ending the internal conflict in Syria. First, France promised to use all possible diplomatic means to end the unrest. For example, the Syrian ambassador was summoned to the French Foreign Ministry to give explanations and listen to French demands. Secondly, Juppe announced more active cooperation in the UN Security Council in order to get both sides to agree to an immediate ceasefire. Thirdly, France has imposed its own sanctions. Fourth, tactical communication channels have been opened for the Free Syrian Army (FSA). And finally, fifthly, France intended to initiate measures to resolve the crisis within the framework of the Human Rights Council (HRC), having initiated the Council resolution of April 29, in which the blame was placed directly on Assad and his regime [12].

France's involvement in the affairs of Tunisia, Egypt and Syria pales in comparison with the active role that France has assumed in Libya. In February 2011, internal pressure on Muammar Gaddafi increased, as members of the Benghazi tribes, having studied the Tunisian experience and sensing an opportunity, advocated for increased control over Libya's economic and political future.

The demonstrations in Benghazi resembled not so much political gatherings as a call to mobilize the country against Gaddafi's rule. The crowd in Benghazi moved west to Misrata and was stopped, frozen in place, and then pushed back until NATO intervened. Indeed, the North Atlantic Alliance's intervention in the Libyan conflict was so strong that some researchers doubt whether the revolution would have survived at least another 24 hours alone.

NATO's actions were largely dictated by the interests of France. France became one of the initiators of the UN Security Council Resolution No. 1973, which gave an international mandate to apply "all necessary measures" to protect the civilian population of Libya. The French Air Force was the first to strike the positions of Gaddafi's troops. At the same time, France played a leading role in coordinating the international military operation in Libya under the auspices of NATO. The French armed forces carried out the bulk of the airstrikes and supported the rebels on the ground.

Dates of the beginning and end of the unrest

A country

Result

December 17, 2010 – January 14, 2011

Tunisia

The government has been overthrown

December 28, 2010 – February 24, 2011

Algeria

Widespread protest

February 13, 2011 – October 20, 2011

Libya

The government has been overthrown

January 14, 2011 – February 1, 2011

Jordan

Government reshuffle due to relatively small protests

January 17, 2011. - January 17, 2011

Mauritania

Relatively small protests

January 17, 2011. - January 17, 2011

Sudan

Relatively small protests, recognition of South Sudan's independence

January 17, 2011 – May 31, 2011

Oman

Government reshuffle due to relatively small protests

January 18, 2011 - February 27, 2012

Yemen

Government reshuffles related to serious civil unrest

January 21, 2011 - December 21, 2012

Saudi Arabia

Relatively small protests

January 25, 2011 - February 11, 2011

Egypt

Government reshuffles related to serious civil unrest

January 26, 2011 - July 29, 2011

Syria

Armed rebellion

February 20, 2011 - February 20, 2011

Morocco

Government reshuffle due to relatively small protests

February 4, 2011 - March 18, 2011

Bahrain

Relatively small protests

February 10, 2011

Iraq

Widespread protest

February 18, 2011 - November 28, 2011

Kuwait

Government reshuffle due to relatively small protests

February 26, 2011

Western Sahara

Relatively small protests

February 27, 2011

Lebanon

Relatively small protests

The impact of the Arab Spring on French foreign policy

From the very beginning, the French president ruled out military intervention, which "will remain the exception and cannot be the rule," he told L'Express in May 2011. Given the positions of Russia and China, no significant initiative is possible at the level of the Security Council. A different path was chosen: in consultation with the League of Arab States, France pushed the European Union to impose economic sanctions. While welcoming the formation of the Syrian National Council, initially headed by a Franco-Syrian, the French authorities took care not to recognize it, waiting for it to demonstrate its representativeness and for the opposition to put an end to internal quarrels and disagreements. Actions were carried out to expel opponents and humanitarian gestures were made towards Syrian refugees in Turkey and Jordan. However, France, like other Western countries, had to admit its impotence before unleashing violence and sliding the country into civil war.

As for other revolutions or movements, the French position was less advanced and more cautious. The Egyptian revolution is being welcomed positively, and the departure of President Mubarak was welcomed. In March 2012, during a visit to Rabat, Alain Juppe welcomed the Moroccan "model" in which the country adopted a new constitution and a new government headed by a Prime minister under the leadership of Makhzen. In Bahrain, after the brutal suppression of Shiite opponents with the military assistance of Saudi Arabia [13], the French reaction remained restrained. By this time, the period of active support had passed, and France was not going to act as a destabilizing force for the current regimes.

This caution, noticeable since the beginning of 2012, was confirmed by President Francois Hollande in his first foreign policy speech, delivered shortly after his election before the conference of ambassadors on August 27, 2012. The success of the demonstrations in Tunisia and Egypt did not set an example for other Middle Eastern states – countries such as Libya and Syria, with the help of European countries, found themselves in a state of protracted civil wars with no early prospects of ending them. European countries find themselves in a situation where their security is threatened by hostile regimes, resurgent terrorism and an increased risk of migration [14]. However, the democratic process in Tunisia, as in Egypt, is slow. In both countries, reactionary governments are in power, which, even if they rule in a coalition, are gradually taking control of the main political and administrative levers. It is worth noting that the rise to power of Islamist movements is not a surprise. During the period of instability, they were the only organized political force opposing the regimes that could repel the opposition. In addition, in both Tunisia and Egypt, the mentality remains predominantly conservative with a strong attachment to Islam.

This was precisely the policy that France pursued prudently and with some success, and which is being carried out today. Nevertheless, it is clear that this policy of support, especially economic, is the only possible one, even if the current governments do not have a good image in French public opinion. Caution is also necessary because the French government is trying to prevent countries that are still stable and with which France has good relations from falling into uncontrolled turbulence. This explains their caution regarding the situation in Algeria, Morocco [15], Jordan or Lebanon. In fact, the French authorities support the current regimes and heads of state, encouraging them to carry out reforms.

The evolution of French public opinion, which has moved from open sympathy to explicit concern about the establishment of radical Islamist regimes in some Arab countries, is also an element that the authorities must take into account. This concern is combined with domestic political problems, even tragic events such as the Merah case, which are causing an increasingly clear hostility to Islam. The IFOP survey shows that 43% of respondents consider Islam a threat, while 60% believe that Islam has too much influence and fame, and 68% believe that Muslims refuse to integrate into French society. However, in France, Islamophobia is rapidly turning into Arabophobia. This alarming development is an additional argument in favor of caution.

Another call for vigilance on the part of the French authorities is related to the need to avoid any confrontation with the countries of the Persian Gulf, especially with Saudi Arabia, which can only be concerned about events in the Arab world (with the exception of Qatar, which is playing its game). Considering that, except in Yemen [16], there was no real "Arab Spring" in the countries located on the Arabian Peninsula, there is a potential threat, in particular for Saudi Arabia [17], where the prerequisites for a protest movement have formed. Thus, France is trying to avoid the need to make a big distinction between the unrestrained promotion of democracy and the need to maintain good relations with the countries of the Persian Gulf.

This significant shift was already confirmed by his successor at the end of Sarkozy's presidency. In his speech to the ambassadors, President Hollande mentioned the "Arab Spring" very briefly and without much lyricism. Recalling what is at stake, he, first of all, calls on "political formations claiming the status of Islam" to commit themselves to "guarantee freedoms, in particular the freedoms of women, to protect minorities, their cultural or religious values." And he added that "those countries that are working on the transition should demonstrate this, and we should encourage movement without distrust, but with vigilance." Further, speaking about the Mediterranean countries, the President adds that "France will never fail to recall respect for the opposition, freedom of the press, the rights of minorities, the opportunity to participate in public life, whatever its political or religious views, are such essential principles for France."

Ultimately, these passages sound more like warnings to governments emerging from revolutions than as incitement to promote democracy in the Arab world. Referring to the situation in the Sahel and the problems it poses for French security, the President directly raises the question of how the French intervention in Libya was carried out.

As for the speech at the UN on September 27, it essentially talks about the crisis in the Sahel, which may seem to be one of the vicious consequences of the Libyan revolution. This wariness was confirmed during Francois Hollande's official trip to Algeria in December 2012, which, moreover, was successful at the bilateral level – the French president refrained from any references to the "Arab Spring" and any significant calls for reforms. On the contrary, he seemed to condone, reluctantly, the regime and its political immobility.

The only obvious exception to this line of great caution is Syria, with regard to which the President holds a special position. This position can be understood as a double concern for ending the clashes and preventing Syria from completely plunging into chaos [18]. In addition, these clashes are beginning to affect neighboring Lebanon, to which France has always had a special affection and whose sovereignty and even existence it wants to protect.

By bringing this initiative to the fore, France intends to act more broadly as an actor of importance in the Arab world in general and in the Middle East in particular, continuing the tradition started by General de Gaulle and continued by his successors. However, the persistence of disagreements within the coalition, the uncertainty of the American government and the rebuff from Russia mean that this initiative has not yet given an opportunity to influence the course of events.

In addition to sympathizing with the democratic aspirations expressed by the Syrian opposition, there is a desire to overthrow the regime of Iran's strategic ally, while avoiding the complete destabilization of this region, in particular Lebanon. More generally, there is concern about countering the harmful effects of the Arab Spring, in particular the emergence of terrorist groups in a political vacuum, as well as expanding their activities in nearby areas, especially in the Sahel.

In fact, the so-called "Arab Spring" is behind profound changes in this traditionally unstable region. Far from being completed, they are changing the geopolitical situation in the Arab world, especially in the Middle East. The word has been released, but the conquest of power by democratic forces is far from over, the game between the Arab countries themselves is radically changing. Non-Arab regional powers such as Turkey, Israel or Iran intend to control these events in their interests. External forces (Russia, the United States and European countries) continue to exert their influence there. New actors (China and other BRICS countries) They clearly demonstrate their desire to be present and interested parties in the "Big Game" unfolding there [19].

However, apart from the "Arab Spring", two main problems remain, largely hidden for two years. The first is the Palestinian issue. The lack of prospects for real peace talks and the increasingly problematic nature of the so–called two-State solution create an explosive situation in the heart of the Middle East - as evidenced by the ongoing armed conflict between Israel and Hamas. The second is the nuclear dispute with Iran, which could not be resolved through negotiations. In this case, the military option, which is still on the table, but is no longer a likely outcome, will have devastating consequences for the region, which is already in a zone of severe turbulence. Thus, these facts testify in favor of redefining French policy towards the Arab world, with which France has historically had difficult relations.

Conclusion

The Arab Spring has entered modern history as an important turning point in French foreign policy in the Middle East. For decades, France has insured its position in the region by supporting authoritarian, anti-democratic regimes in the Maghreb and Mashriq countries.

The events of the "Arab Spring" had a significant impact on the world stage, expanding their influence beyond the Arab region, leading to drastic changes in the political landscape of the Middle East. These events provoked waves of protests and revolutions that affected many countries and prompted civil societies to demand democratization, economic reforms and higher living standards. However, the consequences of the "Arab Spring" were ambiguous: in some States there were successful transitions to more democratic forms of government, while in others protracted conflicts arose that led to the destabilization of the entire region.

Having its own interests in the region, France, in turn, was forced to reconsider its approaches to foreign policy, adapting its support and interaction strategies to new political realities. This has created many challenges, from humanitarian crises to security issues, which, in turn, has had an impact on global economic, social and political processes.

Considering itself a model of a just state, France initially perceived the Jasmine Revolution in Tunisia as a threat, fearing both the strengthening of Islamic parties and a sharp increase in immigration to Europe, and took a wait-and-see attitude. During the Libyan crisis, caution was discarded, because in this conflict France saw an opportunity to confirm its positions, demonstrate a new division of responsibilities between NATO and the EU led by itself, as well as enhance the image of France and Europe in the eyes of American partners [20]. It is worth saying that France's foreign policy in the region has been selective since 2010 – paying significant attention to the events unfolding in Libya, Tunisia, Egypt and Syria, the French Foreign Ministry turns a blind eye to other episodes of political violence, such as the Shiite rebellion in Bahrain or a mixture of tribal and religious conflicts in Yemen, limiting itself to expressing concern. Finally, France's intervention in Libya has led to a number of contradictions. First, France supported the rebels in their quest to bring about a change in the Gaddafi regime [21]. This was contrary to UN Security Council Resolution 1973, which obliged the international community to use all means necessary to urge both sides to observe the ceasefire during the "Arab Spring", which was never undertaken. The intervention of NATO countries in Libya was regarded as a violation of the sovereignty of the state, as stated by officials of Russia, Belarus, China and several other countries. For example, Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov said that members of the international community, primarily the countries of the Western world, chose the path of supporting one of the sides in the civil war – probably the side that represented the legitimate aspirations of the Libyan people, but this still led to an increase in the number of civilian casualties. Many other issues, such as the circumstances of Gaddafi's death, the oil deal with France, and the infiltration of extremists from Al Qaeda and other terrorist organizations into many rebel groups, overshadowed the original causes and results of the Libyan campaign. It would not be an exaggeration to assume that democracy and human rights, despite the fact that they occupy a central place in France's stated foreign policy goals, were rather instrumental and played a secondary role in the decision-making process in France [22].

References
1. Ben Jelloun, T. (2016). Par le feu : écrits sur le printemps arabe. Yabiladi. Retrieved from https://www.yabiladi.com/articles/details/5622/tahar-benjelloun-printemps-arabe-declenche.html
2. Bank, A., Richter, T., & Sunik, A. (2014). Durable, Yet Different: Monarchies in the Arab Spring. Journal of Arab Studies, 4(2), 163-179.
3. Sultan, N. (2013). Al Jazeera. Al Jazeera: Reflections on the Arab Spring. Journal of Arab Studies, 3(2), 249-264.
4. Suponina, E. (2012). "Arab Spring": the season of victory of the Islamists. Forbes. Retrieved from http://www.forbes.ru/sobytiya-column/231253-arabskaya-vesna-sezon-pobedy-islamistov
5. Ivanciu, C. (2016). The Status of Armed Conflict. Case study: the Conflict in Syria. Scientific Research and Education in the Air Force-AFASES, 2, 583-593.
6. إسطنبول / إحسان الفقيه / الأناضول: [Electronic resource]. Retrieved from https://www.aa.com.tr/ar/
7. Shokr, A. (2011). The 18 days of Tahrir. Middle East Research and Information Project. [Electronic resource]. Retrieved from https://merip.org/2011/04/the-18-days-of-tahrir/
8. Bouchard, D. (2013). Tunisie: An III de la révolution. Note de l’Ifri.
9. Kamrava, M. (2015). Qatar: Small State, Big Politics. Cornell University Press.
10. Bouchard, D. (2021). The Middle East and the challenge of chaos: half a century of failures and hopes. Note de l’Ifri.
11. Hof, F. (2013). Sectarian Violence in Syria’s Civil War: Causes, Consequences and Recommendations for Mitigation. United States Holocaust Memorial Museum.
12. Alshehabi, O.H. (2014). Radical transformations and radical controversies. Bahrain's spatial and demographic revolution. Middle East Critical, 23(1).
13. Kamrava, M. (2012). The Arab Spring and the Saudi counter-revolution. Orbis, 56(1), 96-104.
14. Ikeda, R. (2015). The Imperialism of French Decolonisaton: French Policy and the Anglo-American Response in Tunisia and Morocco. Palgrave Macmillan.
15. Longley, A. (2013). Tracking the “Arab Spring”: Yemen Changes Everything… And Nothing. Journal of Democracy, 24(4), 74-85.
16. Lacroix, S. (2014). No Spring in Riyadh: Saudi Arabia’s Seemingly Impossible Revolution, in E. Lust-Okar and L. Khatib (eds.), Taking to the Streets: The Transformation of Arab Activism, pp. 298-321. Johns Hopkins University Press.
17. Laurent, S. (2015). Al-Qaïda en France. Points.
18. Sultan, N. (2013). Al Jazeera. Reflections on the Arab Spring. Journal of Arabian Studies, 3(2).
19. Ryzhov, I.V., & Borodina, M.Y. (2012). Arab Spring as a quintessence of inter-Arab contradictions. Bulletin of Nizhny Novgorod University named after N.I. Lobachevsky, 6(1).
20. Surkov, N.Y. (2023). "Sisi Doctrine": Egypt and the Great Powers after the "Arab Spring". A Comparative Analysis of Cairo's Relations with Washington, Beijing and Moscow. Vestnik. Udm. un. Sociology. Political science. International Relations, 7(1), 76-87.
21. Dolgov, B.V. (2017). "Arab Spring": A Scattering of Opinions. Reflections on the margins of one book. Obozrevatel, 7(330), 101-112.
22. Kosach, G.G. (2021). In the name of national interests: Saudi Arabia's foreign policy after the "Arab Spring". Vestnik of Moscow University. Series XXV. International Relations and World Politics, 13(4), 131-161.

First Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

France's foreign policy, which has been expansionist and colonial in nature for several centuries (especially in the twentieth century), is currently undergoing a number of changes related to the revolutionary events in countries from its zone of influence that have occurred over the past 15 years. This article is devoted to the phenomenon of the "Arab Spring" in the structure of France's long-term foreign policy planning and in the context of a changed geopolitical balance in the world, it seems relevant both for modern researchers of international relations and for potential readers interested in the problems of the East. The introduction identifies the object and subject of the study, articulates the key research setting. At the same time, it seems somewhat unreasonable to make an assessment of the events of the "Arab Spring" as an object of research. It seems that the author confuses the concepts of object and subject, and the subject area itself needs to be somewhat narrowed by selecting methods appropriate to the set goal and objectives of the study. The methodological block in the introductory part appeals to social constructivism, which at the same time is not based on any of the paradigms existing for its application (meaning anthropological, cultural, institutional, etc.).The author does not single out such analytical tools as discourse analysis, content analysis, the method of expert assessments, etc. as specific methods of studying the perception of the phenomenon of the Arab Spring, but only designates general scientific methods: comparison, deduction, induction, classification and analysis - for publications in Nota Bene publications such an approach is not acceptable, and he it immediately gives away that the article lacks any signs of scientific novelty. At the same time, the degree of scientific development of the studied problem is described in sufficient detail. The author is recommended to use elements of event analysis to describe the chronology of the events of the Arab Spring in Tunisia, Egypt and other countries, perhaps for clarity it would be necessary to place information in the form of a table: what, where, when exactly happened, the number of participants - this information would allow structuring the history of political conflicts in the Middle East in the aspect of the democratic revolutions that took place and to emphasize their results for the current political systems in these states. France's position on these events can be effectively extracted not only from public speeches by top officials of the French government, but also from publications and periodicals of that time, expert opinions and assessments, etc. - the author should pay attention to these data sources. The analysis of official documents should also involve working with the foreign policy doctrine and strategy of France, as well as some documents on the foreign policy of the European Union and the NATO bloc. In general, the article is done at a fairly good scientific level, since it is based on a large amount of research literature and factual information on the events of the Arab Spring, but it needs to be structured more methodologically. The article should be finalized and sent for review again.

Second Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

The subject of the peer-reviewed study is the evolution of French public opinion regarding the events of the "Arab Spring" of 2010-2012, expressed in the media and expert assessments. Given the continuing influence of the events of the "Arab Spring" on modern world politics, the relevance of the topic chosen by the author for research can be considered quite high. It should be mentioned separately that the author treated the "qualification part" of the scientific article quite responsibly, paying attention to the description of the scientific problem, its relevance, object and subject, goals and objectives of the research, as well as the theoretical and methodological base. And although the author treated the presentation of research methods quite formally, indicating among them "analysis and synthesis", "comparison and analogy", "the principle of historicism" and so on. "student descriptions of methods that no one ever mentions in scientific articles. In addition, the author indicates a systematic approach as the basic one, but it was not possible to find any actual traces of its application in the work. The only method that the author indicated correctly and actually applied was event analysis. Despite the fact that he completely forgot to mention the method of discourse analysis that he used when studying the assessments of the "Arab Spring" in the French media. Nevertheless, the quite correct application of these methods allowed the author to obtain results with signs of scientific novelty. The author himself associates the scientific novelty of his work with the fact that it supposedly "for the first time" examines the reaction of the French media and experts to the events of the "Arab Spring". Of course, there is nothing new in this, even a superficial search allows you to find dozens of scientific articles on this topic. There is nothing new in "characterizing the policy [regarding the 'Arab Spring'] not only for the world community as a whole, but also for a particular state..." In science there is a huge amount of work devoted to the reaction to the "Arab Spring" both the "world community" as a whole and individual states. Nevertheless, some of the conclusions made by the author have signs of scientific novelty and deserve discussion in the scientific community. First of all, we are talking about the interpretation of the events of the "Arab Spring" as a turning point for French foreign policy in the Middle East. The author's description of the contradictions in France's foreign policy in the region under study is also of particular interest. Structurally, the work does not cause significant complaints: its logic is quite consistent and reflects the main aspects of the research. The style of the article is generally scientific and analytical, although there are value judgments that are not entirely acceptable in scientific works, such as "The initial French response was clearly inadequate." Why this "answer" was "inadequate", to whom it was "obvious", and also which "answer" to consider "adequate" remained a mystery. But in general, the text does not cause significant complaints in terms of style. There is a certain amount of stylistic in it (for example, the word "support" hung in the air in the sentence "The appointment of Alain Juppe to the Quai d'orsay in March 2011, of course, should have led to more active support for [whom/what? And by whom? – Rec.]..."; or semantic errors: the "approach" that "Paris" for some reason "occupies" (and how is it even possible to occupy an approach?), "Bahrain", in which someone "interferes" (not in its affairs, politics, etc., but in itself the country!), "spring", which "had an impact" on the "arena" (even if it was global!), "the foundation", which is "based", etc.) and grammatical (for example, inconsistent sentences: "... A series of protests against regime change in many Arab states gave rise to new CHALLENGES LED to revision of French foreign policy in the region"; etc.) errors, but in general it is written more or less competently, in acceptable Russian, with correct (with some exceptions) use of scientific terminology. Among the annoying exceptions, for example, is the term "retrospective", which the author for some reason opposes to "foreign policy in action", although before that it was not about contemplating European elites, but about the actions they take (in particular, sanctions against Syria). Apparently, the author wanted to use the term "reaction", but confused it with the term "retrospective". There are also vague, vague statements that are not accepted in scientific discourse, for example: "Existing political systems have shown that they are unable to adapt to modern trends in international development based on the expansion of democracy." Everything is fine here: both the "trends" based on the "expansion of democracy" (where and how is it "expanding"?), and the verdict on ALL "existing political systems" at once, which, as it turned out, are unable to adapt. That is, the author does not distinguish between the ability to adapt political systems in China, for example, in Saudi Arabia or in Canada? They are very different, these systems. And they treat democracy and its "expansion" differently. Unfortunately, this is a poorly worded and by and large empty sentence in terms of meaning, not the only one in the reviewed text. Here is another example: "... France's role in the region has been inconsistent since 2010, since attention is paid [passive form – paid by someone] mainly to Libya, Tunisia, Egypt and Syria, largely ignoring [active form – ignored by someone, but who does not tell the reader] other episodes of political violence..."Another example: "... The infiltration of Al-Qaeda and other Islamist extremists into many rebel groups..." In the first case, we are talking about an organization, but in the expression "Islamist extremists" this aspect is lost and finally it is lost in the expression "rebel groups". As a result, the reader generally ceases to understand "who stood on whom." Why not formulate the idea more clearly and precisely, as is customary in scientific texts, for example: "... The infiltration of extremists from Al-Qaeda and other terrorist organizations into many rebel groups"? It is immediately clear who "penetrated" and where. Similar examples could be multiplied, but we should make a reservation once again: they somewhat reduce the overall impression of the reviewed text, but they are not cardinal and categorically prohibitive when deciding on the publication of this text. Just for the future, the author should think more carefully about the expressions in which he formulates his thoughts. The bibliography includes 22 titles, including sources in foreign languages, and adequately reflects the state of research on the subject of the article. An appeal to opponents takes place in the "Introduction" when discussing the main approaches to solving the scientific problem posed. GENERAL CONCLUSION: despite some shortcomings, the article proposed for review can be qualified as a scientific work that meets the basic requirements for works of this kind. The results obtained by the author will be interesting for political scientists, sociologists, conflict scientists, specialists in the field of world politics and international relations, as well as for students of the listed specialties. The presented material corresponds to the subject of the journal "Conflictology / nota bene". According to the results of the review, the article is recommended for publication.

Third Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

An article submitted for review on the topic: "The place of the Arab Spring in French foreign policy" has a certain degree of relevance and is capable of arousing a fairly wide readership interest. The analysis of the article, its methodological and substantive components allows us to draw the following conclusions. In general, the article makes a fairly good impression in terms of its perception, the absence of various types of grammatical and spelling errors. There is a certain logic in building a meaningful design in it and it is easily perceived when reading. The article is designed mainly in accordance with scientific "canons" and requirements for its design. In particular, the author/s of the article clearly defines the object, subject, purpose of the study and its tasks. The scientific novelty of the conducted research, the methodological basis and the approaches used are substantiated. Among the main research methods are presented such as: event analysis, content analysis, discourse analysis in the study of assessments of the "Arab Spring" in the French media, as well as historical and comparative research methods. In preparing the article, a fairly large number of different sources were used – books and scientific articles, which studied, as the author notes, the emergence of revolutions in states, their origin, the role of information technology, the problem of having a scenario for Arab uprisings and political prospects for the countries of the Arab world. Meanwhile, as the author rightly emphasizes, there is a shortage of scientific and analytical works on the problem of the impact of the events of the "Arab Spring" on French foreign policy. The article is a rather detailed study of the political phenomenon of the so-called "Arab Spring" and its impact on French foreign policy during the period of political events in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Syria and other Arab countries. The authors note not only the country-specific features of the political transformations of 2010 -2011 of these states (change of power, attempts to interfere from the outside in order to overthrow the current political regime, power imbalance between tribes, etc.), but also the peculiarities of French foreign policy in relation to each of them. The most important conclusion based on the results of the study is the exclusion of French interference in political events in the countries studied. The article contains tabular material, the results of sociological surveys, which, we believe, strengthens its substantive side. Meanwhile, we believe that the number of footnotes in the text should be increased, since the article uses a number of quotations, links to which are missing. Thus, based on the above, we believe that the article "The place of the Arab Spring in French foreign policy", in general, meets the basic requirements for this type of work and it can be published in the desired journal.