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Law and Politics
Reference:

Migration flows between Europe and China in the 21st century: main Aspects and Problems in the Materials of Russian and Chinese Historiography

Chzhou Yudi

ORCID: 0009-0004-5098-6776

Postgraduate, Department of European Studies, St. Petersburg State University

199034, Russia, Saint Petersburg, Smolny str., 1/3

udiczou@gmail.com

DOI:

10.7256/2454-0706.2023.8.43983

EDN:

YGHSTY

Received:

07-09-2023


Published:

30-09-2023


Abstract: The study of the political identity of Chinese and European immigrants in the XXI century is relevant and significant. Firstly, migration flows affect the political and socio-economic landscape of States. Secondly, they exacerbate cultural identification problems in host communities. Thirdly, diasporas can be used as an instrument of political influence, both by the host State and the State of exodus. Fourthly, it is Chinese immigrants who raise the largest number of questions from the host European community, since they do not fully integrate, actively maintain ties with their homeland, and their total number is constantly growing. Based on the analysis of materials of Russian and Chinese historiography on migration flows between Europe and China in the XXI century.The article examines the processes associated with the migration of Europeans to China and Chinese to Europe, their impact on the political and cultural landscape of European states and China; analyzes issues related to the legal regulation of migration policy in China; examines the specifics of migration from China to Europe and from Europe to China. On the basis of the conducted research using the comparative method and the induction method, the features and specificity of the Chinese diaspora in Europe in comparison with European migration to China are revealed.


Keywords:

migrant, immigrant, social group, political identity, migration process, civic identity, migration, migratory flows, Chinese immigrants, European immigrants

This article is automatically translated.

Introduction

In modern conditions, migration processes taking place in the world have a huge impact on the politics and economy of countries, on the development of integration processes and interaction of states. Therefore, the topic of migration flows of Europeans to China and Chinese to Europe is relevant and significant.

The research on the topic of European immigrants in China was carried out by Russian researchers Baldanova R.A., Ivanova A.E., Kalinina V.V., Larin A.G., Muratshina K.G., Shurygina O.A. and others, as well as Chinese researchers Lun Chanhai, Xin Chunying, Huang Wei, Yu Xun. The research of Chinese migration in Europe is devoted to the works of Anokhina E.S., Ivanov P.N., Korobkov A.V., Muratshina K.G., Mukhamadiev Ya.I., Sluk N.A., Sunduyeva D.B., Tabarintseva-Romanov K.M., Shchetkina I.A. Among Chinese researchers, Xiang Kaibiao, Jiang Dan, Liu dealt with the migration problem Guofu, Song Quancheng, Chen Yande and others. Chinese researchers are studying migration issues from Europe to China with great interest.

Large-scale migration flows lead to the emergence of separate ethnic communities and have an impact on many processes taking place in countries where there is a large flow of migrants, which in turn leads to a number of problems, ranging from "erosion of the foundations of national culture, ending with a threat to security" [1, p. 81]. The migration process is the movement of people from one country to another for a specific purpose: to get an education, to improve the standard of living by receiving a higher salary than in their own country, to receive social and other benefits.

Currently, China is characterized not only by a high level of economic development, but also by a high degree of movement of citizens. In terms of migration, China ranks 4th in the world, being a country with one of the largest immigrant diasporas [2]. The rapid growth and development of economic potential and becoming one of the most developed countries in the world are one of the features of China's development.

The study of the political identity of Chinese and European immigrants in the XXI century is relevant and significant. The work is supposed to investigate the processes associated with the migration of Europeans to China and Chinese to Europe, their impact on the political and cultural landscape of European states and China, identify the problems existing among Chinese immigrants in Europe, consider the specifics of migration processes from China to Europe and vice versa, the features of the Chinese diaspora in Europe and the political identity of Chinese migrants, as well as European migrants in China.

The main objective of this work is to conduct a comprehensive analysis of migration flows between China and Europe in the 21st century.

In accordance with the target installation, the following tasks must be performed:

- consider the concept of national, cultural identity;

- analyze the migration policy of China and European states;

- to determine the main directions, spheres of activity of representatives of diasporas in immigration;

- to study quantitative indicators of Chinese and European diasporas.

The object of research of this work is the Chinese diasporas in European countries, as well as the diasporas of representatives of European states in China.

The hypothesis of the study boils down to the fact that the Chinese diaspora in many European countries is more widespread and cohesive than the diasporas of representatives of European countries in China.

The theoretical part

In modern realities, the concept of the national state is being replaced by the concept of a multinational state, since in the modern world, the political and cultural landscape of states is greatly influenced by migrants who influence the identity of the host community. Europe remains the most significant area of attraction for migrants, therefore, it largely faces the problem of migrant identification and self-identification [3]. Scientists have suggested that by 2030, a clear "national identity" will manifest itself only in 104 million people of the adult population of the European Union, and "226 million people in Europe will have multiple identities" [4, p. 275]. The main part of the representatives of the "multiple identity" will be migrants. To date, there is no general criterion for the concept of European identity.

At the same time, R. Brubaker notes that national identity is different in Western and Eastern Europe. In Western Europe, the ethnic heterogeneity generated by immigration is often seen as one of the many expressions of the fundamental movement "beyond the nation-state" or, alternatively, as a catalyst for reciprocal exclusionary nationalism. In Eastern Europe, ethnicity, migration and statehood are linked by a more "sinister" attitude, through violent conflict and ethnic cleansing [31].

At the same time, it is important to understand that Europe and China are representatives of two different "worlds". These differences are so significant that even the trends of globalization and universal integration do not affect them fundamentally. Such a situation cannot but affect issues related to cultural and ethnic identity. As S. Huntington notes, the Western world and China are not part of a broader cultural community. They represent civilizations [32].

Within the framework of this study, based on the study of different positions of Russian and Chinese scientists, we will try to determine the features of the political (civil) identity of Chinese immigrants in Europe.

Under the European identity, N.O. Shuplenkov and O.V. Shuplenkov understand the aspect of their own social identity [5, p. 47].  In turn, E.S.Anokhina believes that "identity is determined by nationality and origin" [6, pp.235-236].  But identity can change as a result of migration, because when immigrants enter a country with a different state structure and political system, they are influenced by a number of political and economic factors. Their perception of the political values of the host country will be closely related to the level of satisfaction of their needs for wages, housing, social guarantees, etc., which directly depend on the level of economic development of the country to which they immigrated.

Chinese researchers, for example, Jing Xiaoqiang, in his research, writes about collective and role—playing Chinese identity, and Li Mingming adds that collective identity should evoke a "sense of similarity" — "zhentungan" and a "sense of belonging" - "guishugan", which are the "unity force" ("ningjuli") of any community [7].

Researchers often share the concept of cultural and civic identity, based on the fact that the civic component identifies a person with the political system, and the cultural component determines a person's belonging to a particular community with which he shares his spiritual and moral values. Political identity is closely related to the "social status of an individual or group, social self-determination" [8, p. 107], and may be related to territorial or political education.

The question arises to what extent do Chinese migrants in Europe identify themselves with the political institutions of the EU or do they continue to identify themselves with their social group based on ethnicity and religious beliefs? In this regard, it will be relevant to identify in the course of this study the relationship between European and national identity among Chinese-European immigrants.

The author of the article does not agree with the statement made by the authors Shchetkina I.A., Jiang Dan, Sunduyeva D.B. that the main task set by the Chinese government for migrants is to form the so-called Chinese stratum in European countries, with which it is possible to influence the policies of European countries and lobby Chinese interests in the economic sphere.

The influence of the Chinese diaspora on political processes is still limited, and local authorities remain the leading forces in making political decisions. In addition, many Chinese migrants prefer not to interfere in politics and limit their activity to the business and cultural sphere. A certain influence of Chinese migrants on political processes is carried out through ethnic business. So, over the past few years, Chinese investment in the EU economy has increased 10 times. In 2016 alone, according to the consulting company EY, they almost tripled — from $ 30.1 billion to $85.8 billion. During this year, the Chinese acquired 309 European companies or shares in them, this trend continues [30].

Naturally, such an economic force cannot be completely outside the political field, but the integration of Chinese migrants into the political life of European society is just beginning and it has great potential. Some representatives of the Chinese diaspora are beginning to show interest in political activities and participate in local and national elections. They can influence issues related to migration and minority rights.

Thus, although the Chinese diaspora in the EU has significant economic influence and potential for political integration, its active participation in politics is just beginning, and it continues to focus on its commercial and economic interests. In the future, Chinese migrants may play a more active role in European politics.

Speaking about the Chinese diaspora, it should be noted its specificity, which is often referred to in the scientific community as the "mosaic" of the Chinese diaspora. At the same time, compared with other regions of the world, Europe stands out for the special mosaic of the Chinese diaspora. Firstly, its number in the countries of the region varies very widely - from 650 thousand people in the UK to less than 1 thousand in a number of small countries. Secondly, there is a wide range of proportions between Huazhen and Huaqiao, which partly determines the preferential loyalty to local or Chinese authorities. It is natural that the former prevail in most EU countries, with the exception of, for example, Italy, Spain, Finland, etc. Thirdly, the differentiation of the countries of the region in terms of the share in the structure of the diaspora of first-generation immigrants with an increased weight of young people, highly educated people, qualified personnel seeking to assimilate into European society, find work in prestigious areas of the labor market (science, medicine, business, finance, education, management, art).

China is attractive to immigrants with high salaries, a wide opportunity to study at universities, a centuries-old culture and a promising developing economy, low prices for consumer goods and housing, well-developed infrastructure and high-tech medicine. The "soft visa policy" also contributes to the flow of immigrants to China [11, p. 21].

According to Yuan Xun, there are three problems in China's migration policy. The first is connected with the absence of the term "migrant" in Chinese legislation, the second – with the absence of a special body dealing with migration, and the third - with the absence of a single law [12, p. 116] regulating all migration issues and determining the vector of development of the migration policy of the People's Republic of China.

The legal regulation of migration processes in China is carried out by the 2012 Law "On the Management of Entry and Exit", which established standards for foreigners, including a list of possible occupations for them, the type of education and the expected salary level, issues related to the issuance of visas and residence permits to foreigners, fixed the rights and obligations of migrants. It should be noted that some of the standards for this law were formulated following the example of European countries, which indicates the implementation of legislation [13]. By this Law, the conditions of stay in the country have improved for highly qualified specialists, the period allowed for temporary stay has been extended. The introduction of the new law became part of the ongoing reforms aimed at the rule of law in the "socialist legal system with Chinese specifics" [14].  

The main purpose of the 2012 Law is to solve problems related to "three illegal aspects: entry, residence and work" [15, p. 33], which is achieved through fines for late visas and for false documents. A migrant arriving in China is obliged to register rented housing within a day, otherwise he will be fined. One of the goals of this law was the desire of the Chinese government to return Chinese living abroad, so they are guaranteed "the expansion of rights to purchase real estate and the opportunity to use social, medical and educational services" [11, p. 24].

The practical part

The foreign Chinese diaspora is the largest in the world, according to 2019 data, the Chinese diaspora has 10.7 million people [9, p.81]. China not only supplies migrants to other countries of the world, but also accepts them to itself. In 2018, the number of immigrants in China reached 1 million people [10, p. 32]. Apparently, this information is not entirely accurate, since along with official statistics there are also illegal migrants, so this figure may be underestimated.

The flow of migrants to China from Europe, according to the National Population Census conducted in 2020, looked as follows: 18 thousand people immigrated from France to China, 16.3 thousand people from Germany, 11.2 thousand people from Austria. Mostly migrants find jobs in joint ventures, representative offices of foreign companies, are engaged in teaching and trade [16]. The largest French diaspora is in Shanghai [17], and the English one is in Hong Kong [18].  

The policy of the Chinese government is aimed at attracting highly professional specialists in various fields of activity in accordance with the "Plan 1000", Beijing is even ready to hire foreigners for public service.  For example, the Beijing Tourism Administration announced an international competition for the position of director, hoping to attract experienced foreign specialists [16, p. 177]. In 2014, 26.5 thousand Europeans were engaged in research activities in the People's Republic of China. To attract them, China gives them permission to buy real estate and the right to use social services. Upon receiving a green card, they receive an indefinite right of residence [16, pp. 178-179].

Attracted to China by high salaries, highly professional specialists experience certain difficulties in integrating into Chinese society, especially for migrants coming here from the UK and Germany. This is primarily due to the fact that Chinese and Western values do not coincide, and it is extremely important and important for the Chinese to pass on their moral and cultural values from generation to generation.

Many foreign migrants, including Europeans, prefer to live and work in large Chinese cities such as Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou and Shenzhen. These cities offer more opportunities for work and social activity. European migrants hold positions in international companies operating in China and, for the most part, work in business, marketing, finance, technology and other fields. Also, some Europeans work at universities and educational institutions in China, teach English and French. Another important area for European migrants in China is the tourism sector [19].

Speaking about the cohesion of European migrants in China, it should be noted that to some extent such cohesion is simply necessary for them. This is due to the fact that European and Chinese society are representatives of almost diametrically opposite mentalities. And if it is easier for the same migrants from Southeast Asia to integrate into Chinese society, then immigrants from Europe, even studying or working in China, have a hard time getting used to Chinese society. The high level of internal consolidation of the Chinese people with the predominant Han ethnic group hinders the construction of a multicultural society regardless of the number of migrants, which makes it impossible for a "non-Chinese" to become a "Chinese".

In this regard, European migrants, especially if they come for long-term work in China, actively build their own social networks among their compatriots. They can participate in events organized by their national community and create communities where they can share experiences and support each other [9].

An example of the cohesion of European migrants, in this case French, in China is the French Charles de Gaulle School in Beijing. This school is not only an educational institution, but also a center of cultural and social exchange for the French community and other European migrants in China.

In 2014, the school had 950 students, which indicates a significant number of students from the French community and other nationalities. The school at one point attracted even more students – 1,050 people, which may indicate a growing interest in French-language education in China. 

As of 2017, the students of the French Charles de Gaulle School came from more than 50 countries, which emphasizes the diversity of nationalities and cultures in this school. It is important to note that 75% of the students were from Europe, which contributes to the formation of a European community and cohesion among students [20].

This school can serve as an example of how educational institutions can contribute to the integration and creation of a community of European migrants in China.

One of the problems in the development of modern China is that, having received education in Europe, the inhabitants of the country do not always return to their homeland. The policy of the Chinese government is aimed at returning, because there is a shortage of highly qualified specialists in China.  However, according to the data cited by Chinese researcher Long Chanhai, 70% of Chinese educated in Europe and the USA remain there [21].

Western Europe today is one of the centers of attraction for migrants. However, the choice of Europe is the third direction in Chinese immigration, their first preference is Southeast Asia, the second is the USA. Migration affects the economic, social and demographic systems, both in the countries of origin of migrants and in the country of their immigration [16, p.175]. Powerful waves of migrants are testing Europe's strength; in order to put a barrier to this, a number of European states are orienting the migration policy of their countries to receive highly qualified migrants, creating certain benefits and privileges for them compared to low-skilled ones.

 According to the leading Russian sinologist A.G.Larin, in 2013, 50 million people who immigrated from China lived in other countries of the world [22, p. 195].  According to E.S. Anokhina's research, the foreign Chinese diaspora is the most numerous in the world [23, p. 235].

An important point in the choice of Chinese immigration to Europe is not only the level of well-being of the country, the ratio of income of citizens and immigrants, the unemployment rate, but also an important factor is the presence of a Chinese diaspora in the country. The largest destinations in Europe for migration flows from China are the following countries: Italy, Great Britain, Spain, France, Germany and the Netherlands [24, p. 80].

In Europe, the Chinese clearly tend to live in large cities, so 30% of the Chinese diaspora of Great Britain lives in London, in France their favorite cities are Lyon and Marseille, in Italy – Milan and Florence, in Spain – Madrid and Barcelona, in Germany – Berlin and Hamburg [21, p. 89].

In Italy in 2016 there were 271.3 thousand Chinese migrants, in Milan the Chinese diaspora is over 13 thousand people. In Italy, migrants from China work mainly in trade, industry and catering [21, p.94]. Chinese companies are successfully engaged in small wholesale activities in Lombardy, Tuscany and Veneto [25].

In Spain in 2019, there were 164.6 thousand migrants from China, in France – 121.1 thousand, in Germany – 119 thousand [26, p. 81]. In Spain, France and Germany, Chinese immigrants are mainly engaged in small and restaurant businesses, own small retail chains that sell light industry products: textiles, clothing, bags, leather goods [25]. Having settled in European cities, the Chinese tend to move their relatives, and this also shows the peculiarities of the Chinese mentality.

Speaking about migration flows between Europe and China, it is impossible to ignore the issue concerning the interaction of Chinese immigrants and representatives of European states that are not members of the European Union. For example, it can be noted that over 30 years of diplomatic relations between Belarus and China, the total volume of investments received into the Belarusian economy from China amounted to more than 2.6 billion US dollars, including about 1.1 billion direct dollars. At the same time, a quarter of Belarus' GDP growth over the past 10 years has been achieved through the investment component of China [33]. Of course, such close investment cooperation cannot but have an impact on the migration component. The increase in investments from China to Belarus creates broad economic opportunities, attracting Chinese workers and entrepreneurs. This contributes to an increase in migration flows from China to Belarus, where Chinese citizens can find new jobs and business projects.

The question of the number of Chinese migrants in the candidate countries for EU membership is very interesting from the point of view of future integration and the formation of collective identity. It should be noted that in general, there are not so many Chinese in such countries, compared with the UK, Spain, France. Most of the Chinese are registered in Turkey and Serbia. Thus, as of 2020, there were 18,740 registered Chinese living in Turkey [34]. In Serbia, as of 2020, there were approximately 15,000 Chinese [35]. Thus, it can be said that the Chinese emigrate not only to the major countries of the European Union, but also to the countries of Eastern Europe, although in smaller numbers.

The issue of Chinese immigration and the coronavirus pandemic should also be considered. In 2019, the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs published a report on the global volume of international migration. According to the report, mainland China has become the third largest exporter of immigrants in the world with approximately 10.7323 million immigrants. At the same time, it is expected that by the end of 2023, the number of Chinese immigrants will exceed 30%, reaching 13,500 [36].

These indicators show that despite the coronavirus pandemic and all the negative consequences caused by it, they have not stopped migration flows from China, many of which lead to European countries. In fact, the main constraint was international restrictions and bans on migration. As soon as they were fully lifted (2022-2023), migration flows from China increased.

The Chinese diaspora can be characterized as a social group with such properties as cohesion and stability, which lives outside of China, and "having ethnic identity and creating social, political and economic institutions to maintain its identity" [21]. In the course of their life, diaspora participants interact on the basis of traditional and new values, norms and rules of behavior. The Chinese, adapting to the new conditions of existence for them, skillfully preserve their identity. They make "a significant contribution to the socio-economic development of European countries, promote intercultural exchange and are a link of international cooperation" [27, p.52].

Constantly facing the challenges of a new country, culture and life values for them, the Chinese provide each other with adaptation and language support. In a civilization alien to them, they try to preserve their traditions, social and political identity. This was especially evident during the pandemic. In the UK, the Chinese diaspora has organized a distribution point for medical supplies and medicines to its fellow students. In Italy, the Chinese diaspora proposed banning parties and wearing masks, which helped reduce the spread of coronavirus infection among representatives of the Chinese diaspora.

By the end of 2021, 2.45 million Chinese lived in Europe [28]. Europe is characterized by a kind of "mosaic of the Chinese diaspora", which consists in the fact that some countries are quite densely populated by Chinese, while others are to a lesser extent. According to researcher N.A.Sluk, the largest number of Chinese lives in the United Kingdom and amounts to 650 thousand people [25, p. 86].

In general, Chinese immigrants in Europe work in various fields and industries, and their occupations may vary depending on education, professional experience and personal interests. Here are some of the most common areas in which Chinese immigrants can work:

  1. Retail trade. Many Chinese immigrants in Europe work in the retail sector. They can own shops, supermarkets, restaurants, cafes and other businesses, serving both Chinese and other local populations.
  2. Production and industry. Some Chinese immigrants are engaged in manufacturing and manufacturing. They have their own manufacturing plants or work at enterprises in various industries, including textiles, electronics and metalworking.
  3. Information technology. Chinese immigrants with information technology and programming skills work in the IT field. This includes software development, web development, and other technical specialties.
  4. Medical sphere and healthcare. Chinese immigrants also work in medical institutions, as doctors, nurses, pharmacists, etc. Also, services for alternative traditional Chinese medicine are enjoying a certain popularity.
  5. Education. Some Chinese immigrants may work in education as teachers, professors, or administrative workers in educational institutions.
  6. Art and entertainment. Some Chinese immigrants are active in the fields of art and entertainment, including music, cinema, theater and fine arts.
  7. Scientific and research fields. Chinese immigrants also work in the academic and research fields, in universities and scientific laboratories [29].

At the same time, it is worth noting that if earlier, a few years ago there were more migrants with a low level of education, today there is a tendency to increase Chinese migrants-highly specialized specialists who get the opportunity to realize their ambitions, knowledge and skills in Europe [23].

Conclusion

As a result of the analysis of the materials of Russian and Chinese historiography on migration flows between Europe and China in the XXI century , the following conclusions can be drawn:

  1. In the XXI century, there is an increase in migration flows between Europe and China. This is due to the development of globalization, the improvement of transport infrastructure and the convergence of economic interests of both regions.
  2. Migration between Europe and China is often associated with the search for better economic opportunities. Chinese people are most often looking for jobs and business opportunities in Europe, while Europeans can find jobs and investment opportunities in China. For the most part, it is the economic aspect that becomes the main engine of migration processes between China and Europe.
  3. Migration also contributes to cultural and social changes in both regions. The clash of different cultural norms and values can cause some socio-cultural problems. Both in China and in various European countries, stable social groups are being formed, united by national and cultural unity and also affecting the local cultural environment.
  4. Regulation of migration flows and protection of migrants' rights are becoming important issues for both sides. There is a tendency to modernize migration legislation both in China and in European countries. A selective approach is increasingly found in migration legislation: both China and European states strive to create the most favorable conditions for relocation for the most highly professional specialists. The legal status of immigrants is differentiated depending on the purposes of their relocation, education, etc.

In many ways, migration flows between China and Europe are subject to the general trends of globalization and universal digitalization. However, it is also worth noting that fundamental differences in mentalities lead to certain difficulties of integration. In this regard, the issues of the formation of diasporas do not lose their significance. Speaking about the differences, it is worth noting that in European countries, Chinese diasporas and communities are well-established, rooted in the distant past. At the same time, in China itself, the communities of European peoples are just being formed and do not have deep historical roots.

Thus, migration flows between Europe and China in the XXI century represent a complex and multifaceted problem that requires the attention and cooperation of both sides for successful management and solving social, economic and political challenges.

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First Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

This article is devoted to the study of one of the most popular topics in political scientific discourse - the problem of migration and related aspects of the formation of social identity and integration into the cultural community. The subject of the article is the role of migration processes in European society in the context of Chinese diasporas forming in the European Union. The author analyzes the contribution to the development of the economies of individual national states of the EU and the formation of a "multinational" state corresponding to the multiple identity emerging among the migrant community. In the introduction, the author describes the elaboration of the presented problems in scientific domestic and foreign discourses, key trends and definitions of migration processes, as well as the relevance of the study in the context of the development of modern China. At the same time, I would like to emphasize right away that the author does not fully describe the research apparatus of the article in accordance with the requirements for publications in Nota Bene publications – namely, the main objective, tasks, object and hypotheses of the study. Thematic subheadings would also be very appropriate, which would divide the article into logically interrelated parts, theoretical with basic definitions of the concept and concepts of identity, as well as applied and practical ones containing analytics and statistics. It should be noted that despite the rather rich bibliography of the study, including Chinese sources, the author does not refer much to fundamental works on identity and the problem of migration, for example, the works of R. Brubaker, S. Huntington, D. Poston and J. Wong, V. Piche, R. King and others. Meaningful remarks can also include that the author cites data from 2010, which, against the background of the past several waves of pandemics and lockdown in China, look, to put it mildly, out of date. The author does not even compare migration processes "before" and "after" the COVID-19 pandemic. Other information relates, respectively, to 2013, 2016, 2019 with respect to Europe as a whole, Italy and Spain, France, Germany. There is a lack of data on countries that are candidates for EU membership and may be of the most significant interest in terms of future integration and the formation of collective identity. The author also outlines Europe within the borders of the European Union, which in our opinion also looks methodologically incorrect. For example, China's contribution to the development of the Belarusian economy is well known, investments in which have made up a significant part of the state budget over the past 10 years. The very problem of the "mosaic Chinese diaspora" identified by the author in the final part of the article is not disclosed, namely, it could represent the most significant scientific contribution and practical significance of the publication. Based on the above reasoned comments, given the good scientific style of the article, I recommend sending the article for revision, strengthening its empirical part.

Second Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

The scientific article "Migration flows between Europe and China in the XXI century: the main aspects and problems in the materials of Russian and Chinese historiography" submitted for review is traditionally framed and meets, in general, the requirements for the structure and content of scientific articles. The reviewed scientific article is clearly structured and includes the following sections: introduction, theoretical part, practical part and conclusion. The text of the article is logical, written in understandable language. The style is rather scientific, however, in some places there is a bias towards the use of a journalistic style. Nevertheless, this does not affect the level of scientific content of the article as a whole, which contains a lot of relevant data and factual material. The analysis of the sources and literature used indicates a well-thought-out selection of scientific works by Russian and Chinese scientists on the subject under study. The article is of substantial scientific and reader interest and, we believe, will most likely be quite useful for the target readership. The author rightly defines the relevance of the studied problem of migration flows in the modern world on the example of the emigration of Chinese citizens to European countries and citizens of European countries to the People's Republic of China. The article presents the positions of different researchers, a scientific discussion is launched and the author's attitude towards them is formulated. In particular, the author relies in his discussion on the positions of Russian and Chinese researchers: R. A. Baldanova, A. E. Ivanova, V. V. Kalinina, A. G. Larina, K. G. Muratshina. Long Changhai. Xin Chunying. Huang Wei, Yuan Xunya, and others. Thus, it should be positively noted that the author not only analyzes the positions of various scientists, but also expresses his point of view, discusses with opponents regarding the dominance of the activity of Chinese diasporas in European countries in the business and cultural sphere, and not the interference of Chinese migrants in the politics of the host countries. We believe that the reviewed scientific article has a certain scientific novelty, which is expressed in the author's formulation of the research problem - the peculiarities of migrant flows to and from China in the XXI century. The study of the role of legislative support for migration in the PRC should be positively noted. In particular, the underdevelopment of migration law in modern China is shown. The article presents an important conclusion that migration flows between Europe and China in the 21st century represent a complex and multifaceted problem that requires the attention and cooperation of both sides to successfully manage and solve social, economic and political challenges. The article is recommended for publication.