The Islamic Question in the Confessional Policy of the Russian State (the Second Half of the 18th – the First Half of the 19th Centuries)

Bleikh Nadezhda Oskarovna Professor, Department of Social Work, North Ossetian State University named after K. L. Khetagurov  362025, Russia, respublika Severnaya osetiya-Alaniya, g. Vladikavkaz, ul. Vatutina, 46 nadezhda-blejjkh@mail.ru Other publications by this author

Introduction

One of the main political goals of modern Russia is the strategy of interfaith cooperation. Within the framework of this direction, much attention is paid to the issues of the Islamic religion, discussions are held about its importance in society, judgments are made about the legacy of Islamic spirituality and the role of the latter in the socialization and education of young people. However, it should be noted that participants in such polemicizations often try to avoid and not draw special attention to the issue of the correlation of the Islamic worldview and state policy. Such a cautious approach, in our opinion, is more related to the problems of the development of Muslim radical movements, mass emigration from Muslim territories, creating a collapse of the policy of European multiculturalism, which most European states have faced.

As for our country, unlike Western civilizations, when it came into contact with the religious characteristics of Islam, it tried, along with other beliefs, to energetically include it in the political and legal system and harmoniously introduce it into socio-spiritual relations. In this regard, Russia is a unique example when, having once annexed a large array of Muslims from the Volga region, the Urals, Siberia, Crimea, Turkestan, and the Caucasus, it did not violate their religious identity and continued to maintain relations with the Islamic world. And today, the successor of the Russian state, the Russian Federation, understands that a properly structured interfaith strategy is the key and a positive factor in uniting the nation, which seems especially important in the context of the ongoing economic and military confrontation between Russia and NATO countries.

The Government believes that the success of the ongoing political and social events depends on the establishment of verified interfaith communications within the state, in particular in its multi-ethnic areas, one of which is the North Caucasus. Here, the most important goal of social policy is the transition from a national renaissance to a civic renewal. However, in the current situation, we are still not close enough to fulfilling the set course due to the "civilizational split" that is taking place. Therefore, we have to admit that it is necessary to find ways to solve this situation. And history will help us in this, when we turn to it, we will see that the North Caucasus Region, which is a densely populated Muslim territory, has already been in the same circumstances. In the 19th century, the Russian government also faced the task of developing and implementing an effective confessional policy towards non-Christian nationalities, on the success of which depended further interethnic existence, unity and support of the highlanders of the Russian state. In this regard, the issue of the interrelationship of confessional policy towards the Muslims of the North Caucasus during the formation of Russian statehood is relevant and practically significant.

The beginning of building interfaith harmony

with Muslims (background of the issue)

The North Caucasus has long been a multinational and multi-confessional region in which representatives of various religious beliefs happily coexisted ^{[13, pp. 16-21]}. If in Russia at the beginning of the XIX century the absolute majority of the population professed Orthodoxy, and Islam occupied the second position, then in the North Caucasus (especially in its national regions) the Muslim faith dominated. And therefore, the Russian authorities, preparing to annex the mountainous region and take its numerous peoples into citizenship, could not ignore the local peculiarities of religion and accordingly learned to build their policy of peaceful coexistence, considering the confessional factor as the basic one in relations with the Caucasian autochthons for whom the concepts of national and religious affiliation were synonymous. In this regard, Russian officials had to take into account both the national identity of the highlanders and their religious sentiments.

The most difficult task for the empire was to reconcile the Islamic religion with the Orthodox statehood. At the beginning of the 19th century, two ideologies collided here – Russian (European-Christian) and Islamic (Eastern-Mohammedan), inculcated by Imam Shamil. Despite their opposite, these two doctrinal concepts had a single vector, which consisted in breaking the traditional foundations of mountain isolationism, introducing the rules of life in the state system. However, unlike Shamil, Russia had the experience of confessional construction, which began in the XVIII century.

The first person to pay attention to the Muslim Gentiles was Peter the Great (1672-1725), who instructed the Russian scientist, Doctor of medicine and philosophy Peter Postnikov (1666-1703) in 1716 to translate the Koran. The choice was not accidental. The son of diplomat Vasily Timofeevich Postnikov, he graduated from the Slavic-Greek-Latin Academy, studied medicine at the University of Padua, served at the Petrovsky court as a translator and diplomat, and was fluent in English and French. It was the latter who was involved in the translation of the Koran, made in 1697 by the Frenchman Andre du Rieux.

6 years later (1722), the first scientific analysis of the Koran "The Book of the System or state of the Muhammadan Religion" was published in the Russian state, conducted by the famous statesman and scientist Dmitry Kantemir (1673-1723) ^{[5, p. 24]}. The fate of this man, who was born in the village of Silishten in the family of the Moldovan sovereign Konstantin, who is the heir of the Crimean Tatar Kantemirov family, is interesting. Noble origin helped Dmitry get a good education (he was fluent in Turkish, Persian and Arabic, was fond of music, literature, philosophy). He held the posts of Prince of the Moldavian Principality (1693, 1710-1711), His Serene Highness Prince of Russia (1711), Russian senator (1721) and Privy Councilor (1722). Peter's choice of his candidacy was not accidental. Dmitry was a friend of the Russian emperor, and during the Persian campaign (1722) he was in charge of the office and developed manifestos and appeals to the inhabitants of Persia. Therefore, Peter I entrusted him with an analysis of the Holy Book, which was used not only by Russian scientists, but also by scientists from Western countries.

However, it did not go beyond the translations of the Koran. Neither Peter himself nor his followers (wife Catherine I (1725-1727), grandson Peter II (1727-1730), Anna Ioannovna (1730-1740), Elizabeth Petrovna (1741-1761), Peter III Fedorovich (1761-1762)), ruling the country, did not particularly care about fate Muslims, considering them "unreliable", oppressing them with taxes and forcing them to forcibly convert to Christianity. This policy was changed only under Catherine II (1729-1796), who officially proclaimed religious tolerance for "foreigners", documenting this in her "Mandate" (1773), which spoke about the position of the state in relation to religions that "cannot be prohibited and must be treated with care" ^{[12, l. 4-5]}. This verdict concerned all Muslims, including those living in the North Caucasus region.

The specifics of building the confessional strategy of the Russian state in the North Caucasus (the second half of the XVIII century. – the first half of the XIX century.)

After the defeat and annexation of the Crimean Khanate (1783), which for many years held the southern extremities of the state in fear and tried to control the North Caucasus with the help of Turkey, Catherine's hands were "untied" and she began to show more active interest in its territories, which were important trade routes, and where, according to the stories of travelers and the highlanders themselves, before In total, the Kabardians (who accepted Russian citizenship back in 1557 under Ivan the Terrible), there were "countless deposits of ore minerals and many tribes speaking different languages." In addition, the gray-haired Caucasus was located in an advantageous strategic position: it was located between the North and the South, stood as a constant guardian between Europe and Asia. And the Empress had a desire to expand the borders of the state, that is, to grow lands, especially since Peter I had already made an effort to do this - he conquered the Azov – the underbelly of the Caucasus.

To begin with, in order to protect the Russian borders from the Ottomans, the Azov-Mozdok line was built (1777). Following the example of the construction of the fortress of Terki, once located at the mouth of the Terek (1588), the fortresses of Kizlyar (1735), Mozdok (1763), Georgievsk (1777) began to be built on it Stavropol (1777), Vladikavkaz (1784), Grozny (1818) eventually turned into large settlements. Mountaineers settled in them next to the Russians, who needed military protection from both external (Turkey, Iran) and internal (raids by neighboring tribes) encroachments. Hoping for Russian strength, they repeatedly sent their ambassadors to St. Petersburg with assurances of loyalty. The Empire believed them and took Ossetians (1774), Ingush (1767), Chechens (1779) under its hand. From that moment, the Caucasians created conditions for socio-economic development, and the power had access to Transcaucasia and Asia, subordination of a large number of territories with a warm climate, human potential and natural resources. In addition, the favorable geographical and geostrategic location of the Caucasus also brought political benefits – the more land the country had, the more significant the world community considered it.

Despite the fact that Catherine understood the importance of reforms, there were no laws regulating the life and activities of Muslims in the North Caucasus until the third quarter of the XVIII century. Specifically, the Islamic issue was raised during the approval of the Caucasian viceroyalty in 1786, where the "Autocrat Raseiskaya" drew attention to the need to build good relations "with the inhabitants of the region."

16 years later, in 1802, in relation to the Adygs and Ossetians, who were "rioting" dissatisfied with the policy of Russian officials, Catherine the Great's grandson Alexander I (1801-1825) personally determined the causes of the troubles and, guided by the narratives of his famous grandmother, pointed out ways to pacify the Caucasians: "... It is not by the single force of arms that the peoples must be defeated, those who live in inaccessible mountains and have safe shelters from our troops, but more so by justice and justice, it is necessary to acquire their power of attorney, meekness to soften morals, win hearts and teach them to treat Russians more..." ^{[4, p. 292]}.

This document testifies to the recognition of the Kabardians' right to the Islamic religion, but considering them "a people with wild morals, without their own morality." In this connection, the imperial permission for the Islamic religion was rather a forced measure than a personal conviction of the ruler, who begins to use faith as an instrument of influence of the imperial government on Caucasian ethnic societies in order to socialize them.

Archival materials of the described time also confirm information about the loyalty of the Russian authorities to the Muslim faith. Russian Russian travelers who visited the Caucasus, describing the "benevolence" of the Russian authorities towards the highlanders and their faith, claimed that "Russians in the Caucasus were engaged in the construction of mosques and helped supply mullahs, etc." ^{[12, l. 5-16]}.

Despite the fact that the liberal attitude officially proclaimed the principle of religious tolerance and declared its indisputable implementation, the Russian government did not fully trust the Gentiles, therefore it sought to totally control all Islamic institutions. As an example, let's consider the history of the creation of the Main Directorate of Spiritual Affairs of Foreign Confessions (GUDDIA).

The idea of the need for supervision of non-Christian religions was first expressed by the president of the Imperial Academy of Sciences, Count N.N. Novosiltsev (1761-1838) ^{[8, l. 1 vol.]}. However, his project to create a "ministry of all faiths and religions, excluding the Orthodox Greek Catholic confession" was rejected, but the topic raised by him, has not been forgotten. The next one who raised it again was M.M. Speransky (1772-1839), a prominent statesman who was state secretary at that time. In his draft "Introduction to the Code of State Laws", he presented the concept of "a special department under the leadership of the chief prosecutor of the Synod, which should consider spiritual matters of various confessions" (1809) ^{[10, p. 706]}. But this initiative was not implemented, nevertheless, when the Guild was established in 1810, its main essence was still preserved.

The leadership of the new body was entrusted to Prince A.N. Golitsyn, the former chief prosecutor of the Synod ^{[9, pp. 278-280]}. Initially, the Guild had 5 branches, one of which developed decrees for Muslims. It is known that well-known Islamic experts worked there, one of whom was the Dagestani educator Kazem-Bek ^{[1, pp. 19-26]}. The Department was responsible for the management of confessional districts (the establishment of new spiritual posts, the establishment of educational institutions and churches pleasing to God, control over them, etc.).

After 7 years, in 1817, the GUDDII was reorganized into the Ministry of Spiritual Affairs and Public Education (MDDNP). The reasons for the unification of the two departments were not only simplification of management and cost reduction, but also ideological arguments based on the close connection of religion, which embodies morality, with education. However, in its combined form, this body did not last for a relatively long time. In 1824, the ministry was disbanded. Muslim affairs were again reverted to the office of the chief prosecutor of the Synod, who became the Minister of Public Education A.S. Shishkov (1754-1841). With his assistance, the active eradication of secret sedition began by tightening censorship, especially in Muslim areas ^{[14, l. 23]}.

After 1832, the affairs of foreign confessions were delegated to the Ministry of Internal Affairs, which, continuing the course of religious tolerance, further tightened supervision over non-believers, at the same time recommending Russian officials in the North Caucasus to find an approach to Muslim peoples. The most obvious example of such a dual policy is the activity of the Russian Gen. A.P. Ermolov (1777-1861). In his project to pacify the mountain peoples in 1833, he proposed:

"1. To provide the Government with means of control and supervision over the activities of persons whose religious beliefs often put them in confrontational relations with it.

2. To resist the strengthening of cohesion among the mountain classes.

3. To prevent the penetration of various spiritual emissaries from Iran and Turkey with missionary missions.

4. To limit, on occasion, the circle of influence of the spiritual nobility among the Mohammedan population, without encroaching on its religious ideology.

5. To place the most influential part of the clergy under direct subordination from the government.

6. Establish, as far as possible, supervision of theological schools and colleges.

7. To find out the presence of spiritual property used to maintain the foreign priesthood" ^{[11, l. 4-5]}.

However, despite the "strictures" prescribed in the document, Alexey Petrovich himself followed the precepts of loyalty. He allocated money for the construction of mosques and mektebe. So, in the village of Hermenchuk, a large mosque, built with Ermolov's money, is still functioning.

As we can see, in government circles and officials, the methods of confessional interaction became "carrot and stick", but freedom of religion was not violated. This was mentioned more than once by the head of the Caucasian line, an associate of A.P. Ermolov, Gen.-leit. A.A. Velyaminov (1785-1838): "... submissive mountaineers are given perfect freedom to follow the Mohammedan or any other faith. No one should force them to change their faith or do any harassment for their faith under the full control of the Russian military authorities" ^{[3, p. 17]}. At the same time, Alexey Alexandrovich called on officials "to keep all the clergy in severity, so that they do not plot sins against the Russian authorities" ^{[3, p. 18]}.

Together with the whip, it was recommended to appease the spiritual elites with various handouts, such as: awarding gifts, giving villages and lands. And at the state level, Tsar Alexander I instructed "to give the mentioned clergy such a device that could, on the one hand, inspire local residents with the belief that the government does not mean to encroach on their religious beliefs, and on the other hand, provide the authorities with the opportunity to supervise the clergy, as well as make the latter dependent on the government" ^{[7, p. 242]}.

Along with this, the monarch instructed the Senate to draft a bill on legitimizing the legal modality of Muslim elites. After a long debate between statesmen, one was created and included the following:

"- the right of the honorary estates of Muslims of the North Caucasus to send their children to cadet corps. This was stated in the Decree of 1834;

- the right of the priest of the Anapa military fortress to a state passport. In addition to the Amanat school operating in the fortress, the authorities allowed the construction of a mosque on its territory, in which the mullah was supposed to serve;

- the right of the Caucasian highlanders to the Muslim faith when taking a course of study in Russian military educational institutions. For this purpose, the "Rules for the training of mountaineers" were published. According to them, the Muslim pupils were presented with a mullah to perform the sacraments and rituals;

- permission for Muslim military personnel to receive a doctor and a mullah for the Dagestan Cavalry irregular regiment by decree of 1850. These people were defined by "persons of the Avar tribe, known for their efforts and devotion to the Throne" ^{[6, pp. 111, 132, 150-151, 262]}

As a positive fact, we note the introduction of a law on judicial activity, according to which all inheritance and divorce cases were carried out in the Mountain People's Courts according to Sharia norms, but only with amendments aimed at mitigating punishments. Instead of blood feud for murder or grievous bodily harm, imprisonment began to be used. This law marked the organic coexistence of state and local structures and was intended to minimize the rigid installation of state practice in the region aimed at centralization.

Thus, the Russian Empire tried to build friendly relations with the "otherworldly" inhabitants of the North Caucasus with its loyal laws. It should also be noted that during the Caucasian war, the main slogan of which was "the struggle for faith", the Empire did not change its respectful attitude towards Islam. Moreover, Western researchers of the Caucasus also drew attention to this fact. Thus, the famous American Russophobe M. Hammer in his work "Muslim Resistance to the Tsar: Shamil and the Conquest of Chechnya and Daghestan", had to admit: "... even during fierce battles, mosques were guarded by Russian troops" ^{[16, p. 112]}.

The American David Sorkin also reflected on the Russian-Caucasian interaction. In his monograph "The Religious Enlightenment: Protestants, Jews and Catholics from London to Vienna" ^[15], he linked it with religious enlightenment and noted the positive role of Russia in this direction. We will also say a few words about the educational activities of the State, which considered education to be a powerful factor of interethnic communication, pursuing a policy of loyalty to the existing system of Islamic education, represented by the mekteb and madrasah.

As you know, mektebs have long functioned at mosques, then with the advent of Russia they began to build separate buildings for them. The procedure for opening them was simple. This required the desire of the local parish, the presence of a teacher and students. No official permission was required from the authorities. Therefore, mektebe existed in every village. The administration usually did not interfere in their activities and they were funded by the national budget.

Madrasahs were educational institutions of a higher level than mektebe, therefore they existed only in large cities or among the most revered mudarris (teachers) who specialized in one area (for example, theology, Islamic law, Sharia, etc.). Madrasahs were also not subject to state "supervision". The disadvantage of many such schools was the staffing, since some teachers were emissaries from eastern countries and therefore, defending the interests of Turkey and other unfriendly countries, sought to use the Islamic factor to promote ideas that did not meet the interests of Russia. And although Russian officials did not interfere in the affairs of madrassas, they did not close them, by the second half of the XIX century these educational institutions ceased to enjoy the support of the population, which increasingly began to trust state-owned (state) Russian schools.

In contrast to the vicious attacks of some representatives of the Muslim clergy, who frighten their parishioners with "heavenly punishments" for supporting Russian education, the latter saw that the educational process in public schools was really aimed at the development of children. They focused on teaching the basics of spiritual doctrine, at the same time they provided basic knowledge of arithmetic, Russian, and reading. The native language was also studied.

Textbooks and teaching aids began to be printed to ensure the educational process. The authorities allowed the translation of theological literature into Russian and other mountain languages. At the initial stage of its existence, there were not enough teachers in schools, so the training was conducted by local mullahs. Government schools were monitored. The most detailed information about the specifics of Muslim education is presented in our article with the same name ^{[2, 67-74]}.

Thus, the Russian power, spreading its influence on the Caucasian population in national districts, used various means of communication – from the "whip" (infringement of the property rights of the spiritual aristocracy, temporary prohibition of Hajj to Mecca, suppression of popular protests) to the "carrot" (unhindered administration of liturgical sacraments, flirting with the local spiritual elite, free religious education) This was reflected in her policy, in which such incompatible concepts as freedom of faith and control over it got along so "successfully". This is evidence of how the confessional strategy carried out during this period in the Muslim regions of the North Caucasus correlated with the existing historical situation.

Conclusion

It should be noted that since the adoption of the North Caucasian Territory under its "hand", the Russian state has taken care of establishing interethnic communications with the aboriginal population. Why the Muslim issue was put in the spotlight. With the assistance of Russian laws, the Empire began to strengthen its position in the North Caucasus region, crystallizing the creative potential for the Russian state, unlike the Islamic version of the modernization project embodied in the imamate of Shamil. Despite the fact that the latter arose from the depths of the mountain society, the Russian confessional scenario turned out to be preferable for the autochthons. While Muslim traditionalists harshly suppressed dissent among their tribesmen, strictly regulating all aspects of their lives, the Empire tried to respect Islamic institutions. The strengthening of the Islamic faith was undertaken with the aim of awakening citizenship and morality among the "inhabitants of the region." As a result, the authority of the religion itself gradually increased, contributing to the consolidation of the mountain national societies.

Thus, thanks to balanced interfaith communication, the Russian state gradually consolidated its positions in the North Caucasus region, turning not only into a Christian, but also into an Islamic country, which it remains to this day.