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Politics and Society
Reference:

Transformation of Political Ideas in Modern Europe: An Analysis of Party Programs in the Context of National Identity

Buchnev Evgeny Vladimirovich

ORCID: 0000-0002-5511-9784

Postgraduate, Lecturer in the Department of Political Science and Applied Political Work at the Russian State Social University

Moscow, Wilhelma Pika street, 4, building 2, 304

buchnevev@rgsu.net
Melnikova Nadezhda Anatolievna

Student at the Department of Social and Political Institutions, Processes and Technologies, Russian State Social University

129226, Russia, Moscow oblast', g. Moscow, ul. Vil'gel'ma Pika, 4, kab. vp2 304

kloyzze@gmail.com

DOI:

10.7256/2454-0684.2022.3.39244

EDN:

LKJPMO

Received:

25-11-2022


Published:

30-12-2022


Abstract: The subject of this paper is the programs of political parties in Western Europe. The object of the study is nationalist ideas and their extreme and radical manifestations within European politics. The authors note the interest of the European political elite in nationalist ideas. This process is related to the possibility of using these ideas to solve acute socio-political conflicts within countries. Economic instability, migration crises, and acute political turbulence impose significant restrictions on the activities of political elites in developed countries. Historical unresolved problems of national identity on the one hand, and the desire to form a true multipolar world on the other, form a different attitude towards the ideas of nation and nationalism. This is reflected in a number of political and open military conflicts in the large space of cultural and socio-political contact between Europe and Russia. The authors draw attention to the fact that nationalist ideas are in some cases addressed by politicians in both Europe and Russia. The danger of the contemporary reevaluation of the ideas of nationalism is that it encourages atypical thinking, while belief in authority ceases to play a cognitive and functional role. The authors offer not only an analysis of the programs of political parties in many European countries, but also calculate their specific weight in the context of national parliaments. This makes it possible to determine the conditional acceptance of these ideas as a basis for the political course of the state.


Keywords:

national identity, nationalism, political parties, political ideology, natizm, multiculturalism, euroskepticism, islamophobia, russophobia, soft nationalism

This article is automatically translated.

In the modern world, the concept of “nationalism" has expanded significantly. If earlier it was understood as ideological views, now it is rather a system of socio-political concepts defined by each state in its own way. Pro-European democratic values are no longer an absolute truth and are subject to the influence of transforming international relations [1,2,17]. A number of events taking place in recent decades show the inability of political elites to quickly and efficiently withstand socio-political crises [3]. Such events include the global financial crises of 2008 [4, 5] and 2020 [2], the return of the Republic of Crimea to the Russian Federation [6], which served to develop ultra-right nationalist ideas in Ukraine [7,8].

In order to overcome the voiced problems, European political elites are beginning to turn to the topic of national identity as one of the most accessible ways to minimize socio-political risks [9].The European Community, which for a long time played the role of a cultural and political dominant, a landmark of social well-being, quickly became interested in the opportunity to rethink, and later use some nationalist ideas [10].The ideas of European multiculturalism and pan-European supranational identity were questioned.Britain's withdrawal from the European Union called into question the principle of tolerance of a European person, which initially implied a gradual independent rejection of national identity.This study offers a critical comparison of the programs of political parties in European states to determine their ideological inclination.

The authors consider the political parties represented in the Parliaments of European countries, dividing them geographically into four regions. The analyzed parties are indicated on the Nolan diagram for a visual representation of their ideological guidelines. The result is shown in the figures - Figure 1, Figure 2, Figure 3, Figure 4.Norway, Denmark, Great Britain, and Finland were identified as the Nordic countries (Fig. 1).

As can be seen from the diagram, the majority of parliamentary parties tend to liberal or conservative values, besides, there are several cases of personal authoritarianism (party names).  Moreover, the conservative wing focuses on the problems of European integration and euroscepticism, anti-immigration policy and multiculturalism.Figure 1. Political parties of Northern Europe

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 2. Political parties of Western and Central Europe

The Netherlands, Germany, and Switzerland were identified as the countries of Western and Central Europe. As can be seen from the diagram, the parliamentary parties are evenly distributed according to the main political concepts with a slight bias towards left-wing liberalism.

 
 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 3. Political parties of Eastern Europe

 

Belarus, Moldova, Poland, Latvia, Lithuania, and Estonia were identified as Eastern European countries. In the countries of this region, there are also a small number of parties, the Party of Communists of the Republic of Moldova, the Communist Party of Belarus, gravitating towards authoritarian governance, which may be related to the political legacy of the Soviet Union. The other parties quite noticeably tend to the right-wing conservatives and the liberal center.

 
 

Figure 4. Political parties in Southern Europe 

 

Cyprus, Croatia, and Serbia were identified as the countries of Southern Europe. As can be seen from the diagram, the majority of parliamentary parties strive for left-wing liberal values. There is an isolated case of economic authoritarianism by the Cypriot Progressive Party of the Working People, and the main nationalist ideas belong to conservative parties. A country

Party name

Features

Number of seats in the National Parliament

Specific weight of the batch, %

Norway

Progress Party

Anti-immigration policy

Euroscepticism

Opponents of multiculturalism

21

12,43

Denmark

The New Right

Anti-immigration policy

Euroscepticism

Islamophobia

4

11,17

Danish People 's Party

Euroscepticism

16

Finland

True Finns

Euroscepticism

Anti-immigration policy

39

19,5

Great Britain

Scottish National Party

Advocates independence from the center

47

7,85

Party of Wales

Advocates independence from the center

Language protection

4

Switzerland

Swiss People's Party

Anti-immigration policy

Euroscepticism

Islamophobia

65

32,5

Germany

Alternative for Germany

Language protection

Anti-immigration policy

Euroscepticism

Islamophobia

Opponents of multiculturalism

83

11,28

Niederands

Freedom Party

Anti-immigration policy

Euroscepticism

Islamophobia

17

11,33

Republic of Cyprus

National Popular Front

Euroscepticism

Islamophobia

4

23,21

Democratic Party

Soft nationalism - striving for the Greeks

9

Serbia

Serbian Radical Party

Euroscepticism

22

8,8

Croatia

Croatian Democratic Commonwealth

 

5

11,90

Estonia

Conservative People's Party of Estonia

Euroscepticism

Anti-immigration policy

Traditional values

19

18,81

Latvia

Social Democratic Party “Consent”

Russophilia

Euroscepticism

18

18

Lithuania

Fatherland Union - Lithuanian Christian Democrats

Russophilia

50

35,46

Table 1. The specific weight of some European political parties, indicating the ideological components.

As can be seen in Table 1, where 18 political parties with the most radical political trends are represented, the issue of the formation of national identity and the preservation of national uniqueness is relevant.For more than half a century, nationalist ideas, as well as Nazi and fascist ones, have undergone serious changes: in the first half of the XX century.

they were a response to the national policy of states, an attempt to integrate ethnic groups into the titular nation. Modern nationalism in Europe is caused by other reasons. The migration crisis, during which European countries have experienced and continue to experience a huge influx of refugees, has caused many conflicts with citizens of these states, the police and increased the risk of terrorist acts. So in March 2020, illegal migrants on the border of Turkey and Greece threw Molotov cocktails at border guards' posts. In the same year, a number of terrorist attacks occurred in Austria, Germany and France[1]. Earlier, in 2015, the explosions in Paris near the Stade de France stadium in the Saint-Denis district, the shooting of visitors to several restaurants, as well as spectators in the Bataclan concert hall, where about 100 people were taken hostage, became resonant[2]  [11,12].

Humanitarian aid provided to refugees and migrants naturally made citizens feel injustice and resentment, which also increased the ranks of those supporting nationalism. Therefore, in the countries most severely affected by the migration crisis, nationalist parties in their programs tend to tighten migration policy, oppose multiculturalism, and Islamophobia often manifests itself in ideas: the Progress Party (Norway), the New Right (Denmark), True Finns (Finland), Alternative for Germany and others."The AdG considers the ideology of multiculturalism as a serious threat to social peace and the continued existence of the nation as a cultural unit. The state and civil society must confidently protect the German cultural identity" – Alternative for Germany [13,14].

"Denmark is a country of Danes, and citizens should be able to live in a safe, legal society that develops in accordance with Danish culture. Foreigners should be able to be admitted into Danish society, but only on condition that this does not endanger security and democracy" – Danish People's Party [15].

It should be noted that in some countries, the interest in nationalist concepts is provoked by issues of territorial integrity. The nationalism of Great Britain is primarily connected with its territorial structure. Separatist sentiments of its parts have existed throughout the history of the state and have been preserved to this day in the person of the Scottish National Party and the Party of Wales. These two parties are only seeking a referendum on secession from the United Kingdom. The Welsh Party also sees the need for a revival of the Welsh language. However, none of these structures poses the issues of multiculturalism and migration.The activity of nationalist parties in Cyprus is also caused by historical reasons and territorial disputes [16,19].

The National Popular Front and the Democratic Party demand recognition of Turkey as an invader and reunification with the "occupied" territory. In addition, the NSF, like most European countries, is concerned about the influx of refugees and illegal migrants who receive benefits and take jobs that could be given to citizens of the Republic of Cyprus. In many ways, the National Popular Front takes a relatively radical position.

The parties of the Baltic states are characterized by similar ideological views that focus on the influence of Russia and the Kremlin as a common enemy of the historical and national identity of the countries (link). Some parties, for example, the Reform Party of Estonia, the National Association "Everything for Latvia!" — "Fatherland and Freedom/DNNL" and the Union of the Fatherland - Lithuanian Christian Democrats directly say that Russia and the existing Russian political elite threaten the national security of the Baltic states, and that a hybrid war is already underway.

However, an attempt to assess the impact of nationalist ideas will be incomplete without assessing the proportion of party supporters in regional parliaments. The specific gravity will be calculated by the formula:

.

After making the necessary calculations, you can make a map of the specific gravity for these countries in graphical form.

Points scored

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Figure 5. The share of the studied political parties in national parliaments.

Figure 5 shows that European nationalist values have three semantic maxima. For the Baltic states, which have a Russophobic character, their apparent specific gravity is from 18 to 35.46 points. The Nordic countries focus on migration policy and euroscepticism. However, the specific weight of these ideas is from 11 to 19 points. The countries of Western Europe, which are more often characterized by euroscepticism, have a specific weight equal to about 10 points. Switzerland deserves special attention with a large share of 34 points.

While agreeing with the various semantic directions of nationalist ideas, it should be noted that the most economically developed countries of Europe are interested in them.

The interest in the ideas of national identity in European states can be interpreted in different ways, but it is necessary to take into account the historical aspect. Throughout the XX century, national ideas for the whole world were formed in two directions.  On the one hand, the manifestation of extreme Nazism in the Axis countries, preaching the supremacy of one nation over others and leading to an open confrontation with the international community. On the other hand, national identity in the Soviet state: an attempt to form a supranational nation focused on the dominant political ideology. European states opposed both manifestations, which formed an extremely skeptical attitude to the ideas and did not allow them to be critically comprehended.

Rethinking of these ideas in the modern world is a phenomenon associated with the possibility of using them to counter extreme manifestations of nationalism, at the same time partially forms national identity.  Modern states turn to these concepts to solve a number of acute social and economic problems [18,20].Russia cannot be excluded from this problem either. The formation of Russia as a sovereign state is firmly linked to the formation of Russian national identity. At the same time, for Russian society, “national” is firmly connected with “patriotic”. The very model of identity formation refers to Russian history, Russian science and Russian art. The Russian national identity is based on patriotism, which allows both to determine the spirituality of development and to accept the experience of a powerful national and cultural past.

ConclusionToday's world is on the verge of the rise of nationalist ideas and movements that are used by parties and political elites to solve state problems.

However, such a trend can only lead to an even greater contradiction. Both Russia and the countries of Western Europe are turning to the ideas of national identity.

The danger of the modern overestimation of the ideas of nationalism is that it encourages atypical thinking, while faith in authority ceases to play a cognitive-functional role.

Nationalist ideas have spread widely today and have penetrated even into the structures of political governance; parties supporting them occupy up to 40% of seats in the parliaments of some states. Nevertheless, it is worth taking into account the possibility of nationalist ideas to have a real impact on the legislative bodies of countries. In some parliaments, nationalist ideas are addressed by parties with a small representation, which indicates their populist nature, focused on the radical part of the population.

Modern man has yet to assess how to perceive this phenomenon. On the one hand, this is a real threat of a clash of ideologies and national values at the state level, on the other - a crisis of human rights and freedoms. Of course, these two views are not opposite and fears of radicalization of the ideology of these parties are not groundless, especially with regard to the countries of Northern and Western Europe, which put forward the most stringent requirements regarding the migration issue and the EU. However, the second vision of the problem presents the situation on a larger scale, speaking in general about the impasse in the development of the European model of democracy, from which they are trying to find a way out in nationalist ideas.

 

[1] Ksenia Loginova. Low-cost terrorist attacks: Europe is being shaken by radical Islamist attacks // Izvestia. 2020. November 4. [Electronic resource] URL: https://iz.ru/1081930/kseniia-loginova/terakty-low-cost-evropa-sotriasaiutataki-radikalnykh-islamistov

[2] Dolgov Boris Vasilyevich Terrorism in Europe: Causes, practice and global aspect // APE. 2017. No. 4. [Electronic resource] URL: https://cyberleninka.ru/article/n/terrorizm-v-evrope-prichinyvozniknoveniya-praktika-i-globalnyy-aspekt

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7. Bogdashkin A. A., Teplukhin V. V. Political scientists about right-wing radical nationalism in modern Ukraine // Vlast. 2014. , ¹10. Ñ. 214-220.
8. Babenko V. N. Right-wing radicalism in the state policy of modern Ukraine // Right-wing radicalism in Eastern Europe. 2018. Ñ. 134-151.
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10. Shagivalieva R.M.. European integration in the conditions of the new model of the world economy // Innovations and investments. 2022. ¹ 3.Ñ. 34-39.
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Peer Review

Peer reviewers' evaluations remain confidential and are not disclosed to the public. Only external reviews, authorized for publication by the article's author(s), are made public. Typically, these final reviews are conducted after the manuscript's revision. Adhering to our double-blind review policy, the reviewer's identity is kept confidential.
The list of publisher reviewers can be found here.

The subject of the peer-reviewed study is the ideological shift observed in recent decades in European politics towards the right-wing conservative party spectrum. Considering the fact that the "narrowing" of the European ideological spectrum means not only the value dynamics of the population of European countries towards the so-called "traditional values", but also the arrival in European parliaments of openly right-wing radical parties like Jobbik in Hungary, AfD in Germany, Brothers of Italy in Italy, Flemish Interest" in Belgium or the National Front in France, the relevance of the topic chosen by the authors of the article cannot be overestimated. The theoretical and methodological choice also seems to be quite adequate: the basis of the reviewed study was a conceptual analysis of the program documents of political parties in order to represent their ideological attitudes in the party-political spectrum on the basis of "Nolan diagrams". The correct application of this method allowed the authors to obtain results with signs of scientific novelty. First of all, we are talking about the revealed trend towards an increase in the popularity of right-wing radical ideas in the politics of modern Europe and the corresponding reaction of European parties to this trend. One cannot agree with the authors in their unequivocally negative assessment of the ideology of nationalism and nationalist movements, but the trend they have recorded does not raise questions. The authors' attempt to identify the value conflict between the ideological attitudes of nationalism and "European" (in fact, liberal) values is also interesting. Finally, the interest (albeit debatable!) It presents the conclusion that the European model of democracy has reached an impasse, and party ideologists are trying to find a way out of this impasse in nationalist ideas. Structurally, the logic of the work is also clear and reflects the main aspects of the research: the introductory part describes the relevance of the chosen topic, sets the scientific problem, the purpose and objectives of the study, briefly justifies the methodological choice; in the main part, a critical conceptual analysis of the programs of political parties and their presentation on Nolan diagrams is carried out; in conclusion, the results of the research are summarized. The presence of a single heading ("Conclusion") in the absence of other headings looks somewhat strange. The authors should either not categorize the text at all, or highlight more than two headings. From the point of view of style, the reviewed article can also be qualified as a scientific work written quite competently. Although there are some stylistic and grammatical errors in the text: - inconsistent proposals ("…In some countries, interest in nationalist concepts..."; "Rethinking of these ideas in the modern world is a phenomenon associated with the possibility of using them for ...", etc.); - incorrect spelling of the preposition "during": "The European Community, which for a long time ..." - not fully developed reference apparatus (in one from the sentences, instead of the corresponding link, there is the word "link": "... Focused on the influence of Russia and the Kremlin as a common enemy of the historical and national identity of the countries (link)"); - and others . The bibliography includes 20 titles, including sources in several foreign languages, and sufficiently represents the state of research on the subject of the article. Although it reflects the authors' preference for second sources in the analysis of the program documents of the European parties (there are no references to these documents in the bibliography). An appeal to opponents takes place when discussing the actualization of right-wing conservative politics in European countries. The absolute advantages of the article include the relevant topic chosen for the study, the correct use of methodological tools, the availability of material illustrating the conclusions of the authors (five figures and one table). However, not all the conclusions of the authors can be agreed. So, it is not entirely clear what is meant when talking about "a significant expansion of the concept of "nationalism" in the modern world." The authors argue that nationalism used to be considered an ideology, but now ... "it is a certain system of socio-political concepts defined by each state in its own way." But isn't the "system of socio-political concepts" an ideology? What has changed? And the fact that a certain ideology is interpreted differently in each country does not change anything. Ideology is not a frozen system, it is alive and very dynamic. Liberalism, conservatism, and other ideological systems ALWAYS have their own country specifics. For example, there are radical differences between the conservatism of the United States and Great Britain, and continental conservatism, but nothing prevents us from calling these ideologies conservatism. The same is true of nationalism: He is now (as before!) It is considered an ideology, as well as a practice based on the values of this ideology. Nothing has changed in the understanding of nationalism in this regard. Perhaps the authors were referring to the phenomenon of the nation-state, and not nationalism? Given the rather chaotic presentation in the introduction of the current problems of the modern world (here is an imaginary expansion of the concept of "nationalism"; and "democratic values" that suddenly became "pro-European" and for some reason are subject to "transforming international relations"; and the inability of elites to withstand socio-political crises; and a very dubious causal relationship between the accession Crimea to Russia, and the development of far-right ideas in Ukraine; and much more), as well as the authors' emphasis on the phenomenon of national identity, we should not talk about nationalism as a political ideology, but about national identity as a form of belonging to the national state.
There are some problems with other terms as well. Thus, political parties, as it turned out, do not have an ideology (as one of the key features), but "ideological inclinations", the identification of which ("inclinations") has become a research task. Judging by the context, the authors do not understand the meaning of the term "tolerance" very well, strangely linking this ideological concept with the "gradual independent rejection of national identity." Although initially this term had a religious meaning (from Thomas Aquinas to John Locke) and arose when there was no national identity yet due to the absence of nations. And even today, the connection of tolerance with the rejection of national identity needs special proof. Have Europeans become less tolerant of sexual, religious, or ethnic minorities after Brexit? Not at all! It seems that the authors do not fully understand the entire multi-layered meaning of the term "tolerance". The above-mentioned confusion of nationalism with national identity also illustrates the problems with terminology among the authors of the article. This confusion was especially pronounced in the maxim: "The formation of Russia as a sovereign state is firmly linked to the formation of Russian national identity." If we accept the connection between the sovereignty of the Russian state and national identity postulated by the authors (and even Russian!), it turns out that the Russian state still does not possess such sovereignty! Since the national identity of Russian society is still in the formative stage, which is recognized by many researchers. Apparently, the authors themselves feel some kind of problem in this regard, since they have to make a reservation: "At the same time, for Russian society, the 'national' is firmly linked to the 'patriotic'." But this is not true either! Sovereignty is one term describing some processes; nationalism is another term describing other processes; national identity is a third term describing third processes. The fact that all three terms in Modern times turned out to be associated with the phenomenon of the nation-state does not make these terms unhistorical, once and for all tied to one, non-universal phenomenon of the nation-state! The term "personal authoritarianism" also raises puzzling questions (perhaps "personalistic authoritarianism" was meant?), and some others. However, despite these annoying exceptions, in general, the study was carried out at an acceptable level from the point of view of terminology. In the future, the authors may wish to carry out more thorough work with the terminology apparatus. GENERAL CONCLUSION: the article submitted for review can be qualified as a scientific work that meets the basic requirements for works of this kind. Despite some errors in the presentation of the results of the conducted research, these results themselves will be of interest to political scientists, political sociologists, specialists in the field of state and party management, as well as for students of the listed specialties. The presented material corresponds to the topic of the journal "Politics and Society". The article is recommended for publication after the elimination of the comments made.