Abstract: The article contains the results of research held within the project “Monitoring of integration processes in EEU”. Based on the analysis of a wide range of sources, the authors compare the key characteristics of the target model of the Eurasian Economic Union, and the current state of things, and the summarized results are represented in the table.  To solve the research tasks, the authors use general scientific research methods: analysis, synthesis, hypothesizing, and various comparative approaches. The authors note the reasonability of assessing the processes of Eurasian integration as compared to the models of the EU, since the elements of institutional similarity allow fixing the essential differences more precisely, and taking into account the positive and negative experience of the EU helps improve the Eurasian project management. The comparison of the target and actual characteristics allows concluding about the differences between the strategic concept and the current state of the model of Eurasian integration. When considering the factors influencing the slowdown in moving towards the target model of the EEU, the authors give special attention to the situation causing the risks of achieving the political limits of economic integration and the disruption of the cost-benefits trade-off. The authors conclude that integration, based only on economic mechanisms, causes the risks reducing its stability in a crisis situation, therefore it is necessary to further develop the confidence mechanisms, strengthen the role of legal integration, and extend cooperation based on the package agreements mechanism. The effective use of a package agreements mechanism helps to unite the isolated national strategies for the mutual benefits of participation to outweigh the expenses of each participant.  

Keywords: International law, Economic integration, Regional integration, EU, European Union, EAEU, Eurasian Economic Union, International organizations, Supranational law, Sovereignty

Abstract: The author of the article uses the newest French scientific literature, Mass Media materials and analytical research of social organizations to study the evolution of the process of polarization of political life in France and radicalization of the rightwing, in which moderate ideas give way to the rightist ones. The failure of the European constitution referendum in 2005, the legalization of same-sex marriage by the French Parliament in 2013, François Fillon’s victory in the primaries of the rightists and the centrists in 2016 - are the crucial steps in the process of radicalization of the rightwing in France. The author gives special attention to Éric Zemmour’s ideas and his role in the modern political system of the Fifth Republic. Zemmour intentionally puts the question of preservation of national and religious identity of France and the problem of the spread of Islam in the country to the centre of political discussion, adding the islamophobia issue to the Marine Le Pen’s arabophobia and trying to make a new core of France’s political life out of the confrontation of the moderate and the radical ideas, as it was with the struggle of the rightwing and the leftwing before 2017. Zemmour has no chances to win the 2022 election, and his participation is questionable, however the popularity of his ideas can lead to the formation of a new pole of France’s politics as a result of the 2022 election - Identitarian, conservative and Catholic.   

Keywords: Conservatism, Fifth Republic, Republicans, Identity, Marine Le Pen, Zemmour, Radicalization, France, Presidential elections, Macron

Abstract: The reform of the Bunderwehr has been in the focus of attention of Russian and foreign research since the unification of the country^ when Germany started speaking about its responsibility for peace and political stability. Germany’s army had to not only rearm and optimize military personnel, but also to conceptualize its new role in the world and extend its global representation for the purpose of conflict settlement. However, over the last years, the consideration of problems of the Bundeswehr reforming and development has become especially important due to the fact that the Bundeswehr faces new challenges and threats, including those of a non-military nature. The reforms of Germany’s army, which have been covered in the recent documents aimed at the substantiation of the increased use of the Bundeswehr abroad, reflect the political leaders’ aspiration to make it a more effective instrument of protection against hybrid threats and prevention of conflicts affecting Germany’s security. The purpose of the article is to analyze the reform of the Bundeswehr and their influence on Germany’s peacekeeping activities. The study is based on discourse-analysis and the analysis of the main documents, determining the directions of modernization of Germany’s army, and the documents, regulating peacekeeping activities, official reports of the Ministry of Defense, official reports of the Ministry of Defense, and mass media materials about the state and the problems of the armed forces. The scientific novelty of the research consists in the fact that it considers the reform of the Bundeswehr in its close correlation with its peacekeeping profile as the main sphere of using Germany’s army. Based on the analysis of the recent documents, regulating its activities, the author comes to the conclusion that its reforming is aimed at the expansion of peacekeeping activities, while peace-enforcement operations are considered as a last-ditch measure.   

Keywords: White Paper, right-wing extremism, hybrid conflicts, peacebuilding, generations of peace operations, peacekeeping, citizen in uniform, bundeswehr, Bundeswehr Concept, new responsibility

Abstract: The article considers the Caucasian and Central-Asian policy of the new administration of Ebrahim Raisi in Iran. It’s already clear that the Eurasian region has become a priority of Iran’s diplomacy, and President Raisi has been demonstrating these changes during the first year at the helm. The author uses comparative methodology to outline the differences from the previous administration’s policy. The research methodology is based on the theory of the constructivist school of international relations which focuses on the ideological level and analysis of actors during the decision-making process. The purpose of the research is to study the changes in international politics which have already made the new administration follow the new approach focusing on the Eurasian policy.  The author believes that the reasons for such a transformation are: 1) Tehran’s will to reconsider the central role of nuclear treatments as a core of its foreign policy; 2) the economic crisis in the country which makes Iran’s politicians search for alternative markets and partners; 3) an aspiration to escape the international isolation, and the importance of Eurasian bilateral and intergovernmental relations; 4) the change of threats perception by Tehran caused by the recent events in the Caucasus and Afghanistan. The author supposes that the combined impact of these factors has made Raisi’s administration consider Eurasia as Iran’s foreign policy priority, and if this trend continues, we’ll see a more balanced approach in the future, unlike the previous periods, when relations with the West and events in the Middle East defined the central line of Iran’s policy.   

Keywords: Central Asian Politics, Caucasian Politics, Eurasian Politics, Ebrahim Raisi Administration, Iranian Diplomacy, JCPOA, Iranian Foreign Policy, Turn to East, Hassan Rouhani, Islamic Republic of Iran

Abstract: The COVID-19 pandemic and the coronacrisis have clearly exposed the strong dependence of modern companies on data governance, the stability of information networks and digitalisation and significantly strengthened the Europeans' belief in the need to achieve strategic autonomy in the development of their own digital solutions. The article aims to define the place of the European Union in the international information and communication space in the context of global data governance policy. The methodology is based on the principles of the multi-paradigm method used for extrapolating some provisions of Robert Gilpin’s hegemonic stability theory on the modern technological competition among the countries on the international arena through a regional approach. The article considers the term “information sovereignty” based on the principles of international law within a constantly changing international environment. The research addresses such documents as “A New Industrial Strategy for Europe”, “A European Strategy for Data”, and the decision of the European Court of Justice concerning the transatlantic Privacy Shield agreement. As an example of the European digital policy, it examines the ambitious GAIA-X project designed to create an open digital ecosystem and common requirements for a European data infrastructure. The article formulates the recommendations in order to ensure effective governance in the digital sector and proposes a multi-stakeholder model, which would help achieve information sovereignty based on European values and ideals.

Keywords: digital transformation, digitalization, global governance, digital geopolitics, information security, European Union, data sovereignty, digital sovereignty, information sovereignty, personal data

Abstract: The last two decades have seen the rise of right-wing parties in Europe, spurred among other things by a series of crises, the latest of which being the ongoing COVID-19 global pandemic. Finland, Sweden, Norway and Denmark did not find themselves isolated from the political and socio-economic shocks and aftershocks of such events, and right-wing populist parties and movements belonging to the Nordic region have also gained strength, sometimes even being a part of governments. However, these parties have certain characteristics that distinguish them from their counterparts in the rest of the Europe, given the specific social, political, economic and historical context of the region. Such traits can be listed as welfare chauvinism, right-wing egalitarianism, authoritarian positions on sociocultural issues, and populist, anti-establishment drive. At the same time, these parties have demonstrated their high pragmatism and ability for adaptation to the current political situation in their countries. In this work a quick overview is presented of the principles of four major right-wing parties in the Nordic region (The Finns Party, Sweden Democrats, Norwegian Progress Party, and Danish People’s Party), and the differences and similarities in their motivations are discussed.

Keywords: Cultural Nordism, welfare chauvinism, political parties, Nordic region, Danish People's Party, Progress Party, Sweden Democrats, The Finns Party, right-wing populism, Scandinavia